FinTech Companies in Kenya: Are now evading the personal space of costumers to provide them services!

Today, I will write about how international businesses are using their power and their markets strategy, while people are giving up their private communications and other vital information for simple transactions between family and friends, also when borrowing micro-credit or buying solar-cells through credit. This is all based on the Privacy International recently released report and the quotes are taken from there. It shows vital information taken from citizens who uses apps and financial services in their daily lives. Clearly, they have accessed certain freedoms for the trade with these Kenyans. The business transactions and the trade is not only making direct profits for the corporations allowing direct transactions, but also delivering services like payday loans and buying equipment. Still, it has a special price and they have to sign-up to give away certain aspects of their lives to gain this. That is what is interesting because it says something of how much of the personal space these corporations are getting from the persons they are profiting from!

“The term ‘fintech’ has been defined by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) as: “a dynamic segment at the intersection of the financial services and technology sectors where technology-focused start-ups and new market entrants innovate the products and services currently provided by the traditional financial services industry.” (Privacy International, P: 10, 2017).

“Yet a change that has not been much explored is that M-Pesa also produces a vast amount of data for the telco Safaricom. Each of the millions of transactions that take place a year tell a story. They tell the story of how the small business is operating: the money they’re sending to their suppliers, the transactions that are taking place. But it tells other stories as well: the money that comes in and then is sent to the hospital. The school fees paid by the biological father, unknown to anyone except the mother, father and Safaricom. But there is also a way in which this data is known by third parties. The transmission of the content of the money transfers over M-Pesa is encrypted. However, the details of any transactions are sent, unencrypted, by plain SMS. Even if M-Pesa transactions themselves are sent via secure and encrypted means, the account information is not. The messages that someone sends for receiving or sending money include the name of the recipient (from the registration of the SIM), the amount sent, and their current balance. This facilitates the gathering of personal data by apps. The fact that the transactions can be tracked becomes a large part of the power of the lenders, as in the Kenyan example, leaves a trail via the M-Pesa SMS messages for both customer and retailer. As shall be illustrated, this is an aspect of M-Pesa of which fintechs are able to take advantage” (Privacy International, P: 29, 2017).

Tala App:

“From the data provided by the app, decisions are made about whether and how people repay their loans. One of the key pieces of data is to analyse the content of SMS messages for the records of M-Pesa payments. These are very valuable records to analyse; for example, if the person seeking a loan has a small business, it is a good measure of the health of the business and the money entering and leaving the business. But, according to Tala, it can also be used to analyse how people are actually using their loans, as frequently the money they receive from Tala will leave someone’s M-Pesa account immediately (for example, to pay school fees or a hospital loan, or an individual). But the analysis of the data by Tala extends beyond this, to make analyses based on data and information that are, at best, unexpected to be used for credit scoring. For example, Tala analyses call logs: their analysis has found that people who make regular calls to family are 4% more likely to repay their loan. To do this analysis, they need to know who your family is: from the content of text messages that call someone “mama”, and the pattern of calls” (Privacy International, P: 30, 2017).

Branch:

“One difference from Tala is that Branch also makes use of Facebook for authentication; as discussed below, this is allowed under Facebook’s terms and conditions. Another factor that Branch uses for its decision-making is the behaviour of your friends, and their repayment patterns for Branch loans. How does Branch know who your friends are? They have a refer-a-friend feature (as does Tala), which is one source of this data. But they can also see your Facebook friends, and your call log to know who is contacted regularly” (Privacy International, P: 31, 2017).

M-Kopa:

“The data that M-Kopa gathers from the device via the SIM is information like location (using cell data, not GPS), the charge level in the battery, and what devices are plugged in. They will also soon be gathering data on the television programmes watched. This specific data on programming is not data that it is planning on selling, but rather to use to develop its own services in the future. M-Kopa’s website states that, “After completing payments, customers own the product outright.” However, the customer does not own their data. The terms and conditions of a M-Kopa loan make the company’s position on data clear: “M-KOPA shall have absolute and sole ownership of … the data which is obtained by the Customer’s use of the Device.” Customers have no right to even see their own

data, apart from the provisions under Credit Reference Bureau rules. For M-Kopa, it ultimately comes down to a business decision: “If data privacy was important for the Kenyan consumer, we would do it,” states Chad Larson, the Chief Credit Officer at M-Kopa. At the same time, both M-Kopa and its investors have a viewpoint that their use of data is ethical” (Privacy International, P: 32, 2017).

Control over the data:

“A significant issue with the fintech companies in Kenya, is that they keep access to the data. They keep the data—and, in some cases analyse it, even if the user has stopped being a customer of theirs, and has deleted their app. Branch is explicit that it keeps the data even after a user uninstalls the app, and admits it is possibly doing further analysis on it, “we have that right.” Tala encourages people, even if they have been rejected for a loan, to keep the app; if they do delete it, Tala retains their data. This is so that, if the customer returns later, they can reinstall the app, go through some simple KYC checks, and be able to borrow again. M-Kopa, on the other hand, continues to collect data from the device even after the loan has been repaid” (Privacy International, P: 33, 2017).

Just as this reveals that Safaricom, the partly owned Vodacom Telecom Business have no trouble through the M-Pesa, the Cellphone Mobile-Money Transactions, that they can hold onto all information between all parts of the transactions. Like how a person send the messages of giving money to friend/family and at what point they picking up the mobile-money. This personal data is all incorporated into their apps, as they provide the services and keeps this fintech data on each of their clients.

As we see with the Tala App, which is also used to get loans. Tala analyses the personal SMS’s from the client to either give or not accept proposals for loans from their services. Tala are looking into the M-Pesa messages given to the client and are scanned by the app. To see if the client can actually be able to repay the debt possible sign-off from Tala. This proves that the Tala App is checking the credit history done with the services of M-Pesa, which is Safaricom/Vodacom. Branch another Fintech app is taking it further, they are also analyzing your behavior and who is your refer-friend on Facebook. They are clearly entitled to the private information of your networks before you get a loan. So they know exactly, who and when you contact friends and family on social media before giving you a loan. It shows how personal and how much information on app can get before you get the services needed from them.

M-Kopa are another one, who is directly saying that all information collected from their costumers are their to own and to use for later costumers. It can also be used after the usage. More of these Apps seems to do so. They are keeping this personal data even after the transactions, the loans and the purchase. This can be used to further get clients and knowledge of when the costumers need it more. So they can get them “addicted” to the services. We have no idea how they store this personal data or who they trade it with after gathering it all.

This should all be scrutinized and questioned, as it breaches with personal space collected with marketing and simple ploy to generate enough information to be able to gain the services from the companies. These companies are vultures of the costumers private space and uses it as leverage for their trade.

It is worrying how far they are taking it and how much personal information they are gathering to give them these services. Peace.

Reference:

Privacy International – ‘Fintech: Privacy and Identity in the New Data-intensive Financial Sector’ (November 2017)

UHRC: Quotes for a thought; a must read on Human Rights breaches in Uganda!

“I had a case of my brother who was arrested by police and was asked to pay UGX 100,000. But after the community meeting by UHRC, I learnt that police bond is free.” A participant in a community meeting in Luweero District (UHRC, P: 64, 2016).

As there been a hectic year for Uganda, with the preparation for the General Election of 2016, the report from Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC), should have lots of instances where the breaches of violations towards political opponents and dissidents from the NRM-Regime. As the system is to uphold the status-quo and respect Mzee. I will today look through the Report and find the most staggering numbers and tales. To show what kind of actions the government does against their own citizens, in the name of the Executive and his reign to keep rule all for himself!

Alone alleged violations in Uganda that we’re registered in 2015 we’re “Torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment” total of 345, “Deprivation of personal liberty/detention beyond 48 hours” total of 247, “ and kind of violation in 2015 we’re 909 to all the offices of UHRC. As seen the registered complaints to the UHRC; the respondents are the once claimed to be responsible for the violations. Here is the one usually behind it:

“The top five respondents over the past six years (2010-2015) have remained the UPF, private individuals, UPDF, local governments and the UPS. In the six years, the UPF had a total of 2,646 (the highest number of complaints registered against a respondent), while private individuals had 1,271. The UPDF had 622; UPS, 205; and local governments, 200” (UHRC, P: 15, 2016). This here proves the level of violations from the Army and Police; the once that are surprised by that haven’t followed how the Modus Operandi of the security organizations in Uganda.

One testimony to the UHRC:

“I was told by the investigations team they would follow up my complaint of being detained for eight days at Kakira Police Station. Indeed the Uganda Human Rights [Commission] team did so. I was never at any one point in time asked for facilitation to conduct the investigation until it ended. I now await the outcome of the investigation. By the way, it is upon the Commission’s intervention that I was released immediately. Investigations were conducted objectively and thoroughly to the extent that the perpetrators asked for my forgiveness.” (UHRC, P: 15, 2016).

Second testimony to the UHRC:

“I was arrested by the police from Adjumani Central Police Station on allegations of theft. During detention, my money [amounting to] UGX 200,000 was taken and kept by the police. After conviction and serving my sentence in prison, I went to claim my money, but police told me it was an exhibit in court. When I reported the matter to UHRC, it was registered and investigated and all my money was paid back.” (UHRC, P: 16, 2016).

Complaints completed in 2015:

“In 2015, UHRC closed 382 complaints after investigations. Of these, 287 were backlog files and 95 were fresh complaints registered during the year. 382 complaints were closed for various reasons, including successful mediations, insufficient evidence, receipt of remedy by the complainant, requests from the complainants, referral to other institutions, cautioning of respondent and not revealing any human rights violation. Other reasons included merging of files, failure to trace respondents and death of complainant” (UHRC, P: 17, 2016).

Outstanding compensation from Attorney General to the Tribunal:

“Therefore, the UGX 758,552,86813 that MoJCA paid as compensation to victims of human rights violations in 2015 did not cover any beneficiary of the complaints decided by the Commission during the period 2013 to 2015 (refer to Annex A). As of 31st December 2015, the outstanding awards against the Attorney General was UGX 5,047,671,968 (Uganda shillings five billion, forty seven million, six hundred seventy one thousand, nine hundred sixty eight)” (UHCR, P:31, 2016). Here is the reason for the delayed compensation of the awarded through the tribunal: “Delayed payment of Tribunal awards. Respondents, especially the Attorney General, take long to pay tribunal awards. Although the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs has argued that this is mainly due to limited budgetary allocations, UHRC has realised that the delay is sometimes caused by the bureaucratic processes that require the respective state attorney to form the first opinion on whether to appeal or clear payment of the award. This has caused untold delays, especially in cases where the state attorney may not be willing to recommend payment of the award, particularly where the Attorney General was not represented during the hearings” (UNHCR, P: 32, 2016).

Prisoners awaiting Ministerial Orders:

“K.S Awaiting ministerial order for 24 years. It was reported that he does not get visitors” (…) “B.E Awaiting ministerial order for the last 15 years” (UNHCR, P: 37, 2016).

Third Testimony:

“The human rights training we attended were very helpful. I learnt that when I torture a suspect it is entirely on me and me personally…”said an officer from Kasangati Police” (UNHCR, P: 37, 2016)

A little on how the detainees and Prison conditions are:

Many places don’t have transport for suspects of crime, they are taken random by public transport in places like Kole, Erute, Lira, Anyeke, Otuke, Pece and Kinene. With this result on place as well: “At Kamwenge and Bigere police posts, suspects were transported to court and back on bodaboda at a cost of UGX 60,000” (UNHCR, P: 44, 2016). Also inaccurate salaries and compensation of Police officers: “At Buganikere police post, an officer had not received salary since December 2013 and at Hima police station, five staff members had missed their salary of September 2015. At Rwangara police post, staff could not easily access salary because the bank was far away and they would have to incur transport costs” (UNHCR, P: 44, 2016). Even lacking basic structures is a problem at Police Post, Police Stations and Prison cells: “Detention facilities that did not have adequate water for sanitation and personal hygiene included Kiboga, Kasangati and Rubanda prisons, as well as Buseruka Police Post and Nakaloke and Bunkhongo police stations” (UNHCR, P: 51, 2016). When it comes to sleeping facility for detainees: “UHRC found that 234 out of the 896 detention facilities inspected did not have adequate beddings; so, detainees used either tattered blankets, mats or pieces of papers. This was observed in 41 prisons, 192 police detention facilities and one military detention place inspected. These facilities included: Mutufu and Ngora prisons; Ngai, Iceme, Aber, Kwera and Kangai police posts; as well as Dokolo, Otuke (adult cells), Agawata, Adwari and Olilim police stations” (UNHCR, P: 52, 2016).

The Senior Citizens Grants for Empowerment roll-out plan:

“UHRC noted with concern that although 1.2 million people in Uganda were aged 65 years and qualify for the SAGE programme, only 123,260 were benefiting. However, in August 2015, the government announced the roll-out plan of the SAGE programme to 40 more districts across the country over the next five years, beginning with 20 in the FY 2015/16 and subsequently adding five districts every year for the next four years until FY 2019/20” (UNHCR, P: 103, 2016).

Digital Privacy:

“There were allegations of infection by malicious software of communication devices belonging to various individuals, including journalists, believed to be instigated by state agents.156 It is alleged that once infected with this software, a person’s computer or phone could instantly be remotely monitored; passwords, files, microphones and cameras could be viewed and manipulated without the owner’s knowledge” (UNHRC, P: 141, 2016).

On the General Election:

“UHRC noted reports of the overzealousness and selective application of EC guidelines by the UPF, leading to their alleged interference in and denial of some campaign rallies, prevention of opposition accident victims from accessing a health centre for treatment, prevention of people from attending opposition rallies, violently dispersing opposition rallies and injuring supporters; and the arrest of opposition officials and confiscation of opposition materials such as manifestos. It is worth noting that the UPF took action on some of its errant officers and instituted investigations into the incidents” (…) “There were concerns about the alleged discriminatory nature in the way political players enjoyed rights and freedoms of assembly, movement and personal liberty, which did not, in many cases, favour opposition leaders during the electoral period” (…) “Although UHRC noted positive developments, such as strengthened internal mechanisms in political parties, the successful nomination of presidential, parliamentary and various candidates at the local government, and introduction of new technology, such as SMS and the online system, there were challenges that still hindered the realisation of the right to vote. UHRC also noted that some of the challenges identified during the previous elections, such as the timely review of electoral laws, had not been addressed in the run-up to the 2016 elections. In addition, UHRC notes that there is need to address evolving challenges, such as lack of internal democratic party processes, the emergence of crime preventers and militia during the electoral period, and the varied interpretation of laws, in order to ensure that the right to vote is realized” (UNHRC, P: 169- 172, 2016).

Proposed amendment of the 48 hour rule:

“There have been proposals to amend Article 23 (4), which prescribes for the production of a detained person to court within 48 hours from the time of his or her arrest, on grounds that the prescribed 48 hours is insufficient to bring a person to court” (… ) ” UHRC, therefore, recommends that:

• Article 23 (4) should be retained and priority placed on enhancing the investigative capacity of the Uganda Police Force” (UHRC, P: 203-204).

Uganda Police Force should urgently address the issue of detention of suspects without files. If there are no files or charges against them, they should be released:

“UHRC made this recommendation to the UPF in 2013. In 2015, the UPF informed UHRC that police commanders and officers in the Criminal Intelligence and Investigative Directorate (CIID) were tasked to ensure that whenever suspects are arrested, files should be compiled, proper and timely investigations carried out, and the necessary procedure followed to take the suspects to court immediately. With the establishment of the Directorate of Human Rights and Legal Services at police headquarters and the deployment of regional human rights officers in 16 regions, this problem was partially addressed” (UNHRC, P: 223, 2016).

Aftermath: 

Here you saw the definition of Human Rights issues, there we’re even more labor questions and education on Human Rights. The certainty is the levels of force from the Uganda Police Force (UPF) and Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) that are extending themselves into the citizens sphere and not being there to create security; instead breaching the levels of trust from the security organization and the citizens.

If you feel I left something behind, please put it in the commentary. This is for me the most important details; I couldn’t pick it all; as there we’re many breaches and many questionable actions towards the citizens that could be posted today. Because this is close to 2000 words, but the report are 296 pages. So the amount of details in the report could fill many pages more and a bigger article. This here is just a hunch of the breaches that the government and their institutions are doing, also the missing pieces to the laws and the institutions that’s securing the rights of the citizens. Peace.

Reference:

Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) – ‘The 18th Annual Report of the Uganda Human Rights Commission To the Parliament of the Republic of Uganda’ (July, 2016)

Uganda – President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: Campaign of Fear for 2016 Presidential Election

When you have been in charge for a long time and no strategies to secure your position, it might be natural start campaigning as a politician with the results and the achievements that been made. A good politician would address the public with the progress and build on what has already been built. But this long term politician and president Yoweri Kaguta Museveni doesn’t do that in the run-up to the presidential election in 2016. Instead, He uses a whole other tool to bring the masses and secure his position in the country. His words are fearmongering and sectarianism, and that only he can keep order of the army. Which can’t be true and doesn’t look wise of a supposed statesman of his caliber, instead he speaks to his fellow countrymen like they need his guns and rigging to be sure of security. These quotes will show from July to August this year of how he speaks of his own regime and the necessary firepower for his reign.

President Museveni said in the 16^th of May through the statehouse channel that “I have been involved in the politics of Uganda for 51 years and I have experienced the cost of the politics of lies. So please I advise you to avoid them and stop misleading the population. I have heard some people use bad words like National Resistance Movement is bad for West Nile. Such a statement is poisonous and dangerous for national unity and development” (…) “When we overthrew Idi Amin ourselves, the Uganda People’s Congress with the support from Tanzania, we pleaded with the UPC leaders not to punish the people of West Nile because of the mistakes of Amin as an individual. The UPC leaders did not listen to us and instead imported criminality in West Nile because it was Amin’s home area leading to many deaths and forcing almost all West Nile people into exile in Sudan and DRC” (…) “I drove to Kaya myself near Oraba in Sudan when we had come into leadership and met two families. I asked them if they were Ugandans and they said yes and I asked them what they were doing in Sudan and the message went on. The others followed and today West Nile which was abandoned is one of the most populated areas of Uganda. So politicians please stop meddling in lies, just like the Bible puts it; say the truth it will set you free” (Uganda Statehouse, 2015).

According to him on the 21th July 2015: “We have built a strong army but it’s not a dictatorship and needs a well founded and clear headed leadership to be sure that the country’s future is safe. Even if you have a strong army without clear political leadership you can’t guarantee national peace and transformation therefore value your vote because it counts” (…) “We took a leadership decision to strengthen the army against the wishes of many other players because we had realized that insecurity was bred out of the weaknesses in the army and by 2003 we had defeated Kony and you can see the development taking place in Northern Uganda. We have totally defeated Allied democratic forces and arrested their leader Jamil Mukulu who should tell us why they have been killing Ugandans and they can never attack Uganda because they will pay a heavy price” (Waswa, 2015).

On 24^th of June he said: “There is peace in Uganda. No one has the capacity to destabilize Uganda” (Uganda Media Centre, 2015).

The President said on 31th July 2015: “We have built a strong army but it’s not a dictatorship and needs a well founded and clear headed leadership to be sure that the country’s future is safe. Even if you have a strong army without clear political leadership you can’t guarantee national peace and transformation therefore value your vote because it counts” (Lutaaya, 2015).

On the 5^th of August he said: “he historical agreed that as a way forward, I come and pick these nomination forms and I offer myself for the position of party chairman and NRM presidential candidates for the period 2015-2021” (Omara, 2015).

The President even said on 6^th August: “No one should poison your minds with wrong ideology based on tribe” (…) “If evidence is adduced, your victory will be annulled.” (…) “Leaders should be chosen based ability on to uplift the standard of living of the people not on ethnicity” (…) “We defeated ADF and ensured peace. Leadership premised on tribes will destabilize the area” (Ayiswa, 2015).

On his own web page, he quoted on 6^th of August: “Let leaders tell you what they want to do for you and their usefulness and leave your tribes because all tribes and people were created by God and none of us created any person. Not even the children that I have and all of you. We are not our own creation. We are all gifts from God; so don’t divide God’s people” (…) “I am not campaigning but when time comes, I will come here and tell you that NRM defeated rebels and brought peace to this region and I will ask you to vote NRM on those grounds not on tribal or religious basis because sectarian politics is evil. Uganda is peaceful, united and developing and nobody should divide Ugandans and spoil all the gains the country has realized” (Museveni, 2015).

Other part of his campaign:

He even sent messages to the people; the President had to send his message to the people literally. Even sent SMS to all the people owning phones in the country, and it wasn’t just to NRM members, but all the telecoms users of their service like the once using Airtel (Kaaya, 2015).

(Kaaya, 2015).

Now, here is a gist!

How the Police keeps the posters of the President on the walls everywhere: 

Fred Enaga said: “The president is the fountain of honour and he enjoys absolute immunity for whatever actions and enjoys structural advantages. You cannot just pull down his pictures under whatever circumstances” (…) “But even then, he has not come out to make such pronouncement (that he will run in the 2016 presidential elections),” (Tumwine, 2015).

How his army men fears him or misunderstood love:

Army Chief Brig Elly Kayanja says: “I am fully aware of the regulation that stops us (soldiers) from engaging in partisan politics but personally, I cannot hide my love and loyality to NRM and to President Museveni”. Vincent Bamulangaki Ssempijja says this: “We fear Museveni so much because he was our bush war leader, so we cannot just easily talk to him” (…) “When he (Museveni) comes to a cabinet meeting, we discuss issues of government and, after that, none of us get the chance to talk to him. Its very few amongst us who can call him, and likewise, he also calls a few of us” (TheInsider.ug, 2015).

All of this sectarianism treats isn’t strong enough to put a kettle on and see if the water is boiling. Because that`s what he is said that if you vote for something else then his, then your diffusing and voting actual ethnic reasons then NRM. Which we all know by now is a bit foolish, even though a party has their strongholds in the country. That is normal anywhere in the world. Certain parties have a stronger vibe in one area than the next because of the leadership of the party in that area and the public will recognize that they have. So that isn’t sectarianism, more given credit to the locals that are credit due.

The security issue that he continues to ponder on that, isn’t un-suspected. In other part of the country it’s all that he has to show for while being in power. So that he also uses the strong-man and big-man has to control the UPDF and the army to keep things secure isn’t something that should come as lightning on a clear sky, instead should be as visible as rainwater in the streets after a rain-shower. It is true that the current president is the reason why the UPDF and UPF are so strong and also as massive as it is. But he can’t believe his own words that he is the ONLY leader who got the power to command this brigades, right? If so, then he has lost his plot. That he is the sole reason for the peace in the Northern Uganda and also that the ADF has lost it strength over time, also their main leader which is now having court-time for his actions. I am sure that their more than one person who should get credit, also the support from SPLA and FARDC to push LRA into C.A.R. where the UPDF is still continuing the hunt. That the generals in the UPDF admire and fear their commander in chief isn’t unexpected though they are kind of over the line when even the president himself has said earlier that UPDF generals should not join into politics and they obviously do!

And that he drops gig songs isn’t new. I will not discuss the second song from the President (since I, myself is not a big fan). That is utter nonsense. But what is worthy of the campaign is the SMS sent to all the ones with SIM-cards for certain companies and not only for NRM members. That means that the President has bought the airtime and lists of numbers that the company has and maybe even violated its nation privacy laws. No matter what laws you have it’s a shady way of spreading your own vision to world. Isn’t it enough that they print your own views day in and day out in the New Vision?          

A Timeline for how the Police and other institutions have gone after the opposition in the recent months before the 2016 elections: 

The Amama Mbabazi planned to start his campaign and have demonstrations on the 15^th of June as a “Presidential Aspiration” in the NRM party in Kampala. The day before the Press Secretary of Uganda Police Fred Enanga that if Amama Mbabazi did so it would be: “Therefore, whoever is involved in organizing the demonstrations, or intends to participate in them will be in violation of the law, and will face criminal sanctions in accordance with the law”. IGP Kale Kayihura sent a letter preceding that the Amama Mbabazi campaigning that he needed to be careful about holding public meetings as a presidential aspiration on the 23^rd of June. On the 24^th of June a letter from the Mbabazi lawyers addressing the IGP Kale Kayihura wasn’t correct according to the law. Because a person in the NRM party should be allowed to ‘run’ for the “Presidential Aspiration” and hold public meetings to gain more popularity for his elections.

Even on the 8^th of July the Uganda Communication Commission and their Executive Director Godfrey Mutabazi who wrote to all Medias in Uganda that they have to be careful with the messages and what kind of voices they spread to the press either if it is radio, tv, newspapers and other formats. On the 9^th of July Dr. Kizza Besigye was arrested by the UPF when going from Kasangati in Wakiso Disctrict when he was supposed to start his political campaign for his presidential front runner for the FDC. He was admitted on a “preventative arrest” from the Police. Even the Insepctor General of Police Mr. Okot-Ochola on 13^th of July wrote a warning letter the FDC on their public meetings and explaining to them how the “Public Order Management Bill” works.

“Team Amama Mbabazi for President 2016-2021” had one NRM Youth Leader named Vincent Kaggwa that lost his ranks and was missing from 18^th of July until 20^th of June because he wore a T-Shirt with Amama Mbabazi.

After rallies in Jinja and Iganga on the 21^st of July, Dr. Kizza Besigye was supposed to have an interview on Radio Baba/87.7 Basogo Baino FM. Only minutes into it the transmitter for the radio station was turned off by the government. On the 8^th of August Dr. Kizza Besigye was not allowed to travel from his home and into a meeting at the American embassy in Kampala.

Even in Lira when FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye had a rally in town. The police was all over town held the town under Siege the whole of 10^th of August. In Padre the day after the FDC wasn’t able to hold a decent rally in the 11^th of August the local police took the microphone from one of the FDC leaders holding it and Dr. Kizza Besigye wasn’t able to hold at the venue, instead the police went mad and trough tear-gas and beat the people attending. On the 14^th of August the Lord Mayor of Kampala DP Erias Lukwago was blocked to attending as a speaker on a seminar on the Makerere University.

Afterthoughts:

I have no plan of going into too deep waters with this time line. Since this is a picturesque and historical how the progression of the police and other institutions are going after the opposition parties and those who are going against him as the flag-bearer and presidential candidate in the NRM party. It’s obvious that it’s nearly daily for months now that the regime has tracked and gone against those who isn’t following the president and NRM regime, even if the comply to the rules and laws of the Public Order Mangement Bill/Act, still they will be incriminated or threaten and violate common sense with sending troops with tear-gas and beating people up for showing up to FDC rallies. Then also to top it all off they have without being judged in court taken people to custody for wearing a Team Amama Mbabazi shirt in Kampala. This should be seen as something foolish and not as actions of rule of law. The fear the president is spreading with his words and actions is astonishing.    

With being in this day and age we should expect of something else of our presidents and prime ministers. This is a leader he has been educated back in the day, though seem to forget the lessons he had learned there. In his thesis written about Frantz Fanon he wrote: “The process of creating the subjective conditions is as hard as the organising of revolution itself. However, it can be accelerated by various devices. The most important thing is to win confidence of the masses. It is necessary for all the local cadres or ‘terrainers’ as they sometimes called, indeed for all the activists that seek to enlist support of the masses, to lead a pure, exemplary and, most preferably, ascetic life. The person seduce peasents’ wives or daughters, will never win the confidence of the masses. Though personal example, political propaganda – in the simplest language about the simple and, to begin with, parochial problems – and through demonstrating the power of the people vis-à-vis the enemy, the cadres are able to create the subjective conditions, a fully and politically conscious people, that are indispensable for the revolution” (Museveni, 1971).

When he could write this and stand behind this words while being a student and seeing how he comes with force and fear now. His mind can’t be the same as it was. We should expect something else from somebody that makes the population either eat the fear or he actually never won “the confidence of the masses”. The president has surely forgotten these words while he stated in his speeches and outlets during start of his campaign for Uganda Presidential Election in 2016. That the Police Spokesman is saying that people don’t have the right to take down posters from the walls. He should already know that it’s not right how he speaks and acts. Generals are even afraid of him. Even quoted some members of the MPs who feels the same when he is around! So he is not the example he supposed to be anymore. So if the people are politically conscious they should by his own-old-selves be able to brush his fears off, right?          

And also the speeches and daily acts against opposition should be addressed by bigger multilateral institutions and nations so that this “so called” and “multiparty democracy” isn’t really an actual state of affairs the country and republic of Uganda should be proud of. The way that the NRM regime is hurting its radios and newspapers, how it goes against the FDC leaders and certain DP leaders. Even though who’s has become independent and not dependent on the “Mzee” or the President of Museveni. It’s the same natural and calm level of fear that the president Museveni are both speaking in his speeches and acting out with the UPF and the UPDF. If this is his way to regain his popular stance somebody or even a presidential advisor! The Presidential Advisor should ask him behind closed doors “have you lost the plot?”

Peace.

Reference:

Ayiswa, Issa – ‘Museveni warns those pedaling sectarian talk risk losing seats (06.08.2015) link: http://www.ofuganda.co.ug/articles/20150806/museveni-warns-those-pedaling-sectarian-talk-risk-losing-seats#sthash.TgvP4A2E.dpuf

Kaaya, Sadab Kitatta – ‘Uproar over unsolicited Museveni campaign SMS’ (10.08.2015) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/39174-uproar-over-unsolicited-museveni-campaign-sms

Lutaaya, Henry – ‘Museveni exploits incumbency ahead of 2016’ (31.07.2015) link: http://www.sunrise.ug/news/201507/museveni-exploits-incumbency-ahead-of-2016.html

Museveni, Yoweri – ’Sectarian politicians to be arrested, prosecuted” – Museveni’ (06.08.2015) link: www.yowerikmuseveni.com/news/%E2%80%9Csectarian-politicians-be-arrested-prosecuted%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-museveni#sthash.aJNiX7oP.dpuf

Museveni, Yoweri – ‘FANON’S THEORY ON VIOLENCE: ITS VERIFICATION IN LIBERATED MOZAMBIQUE’: which was an essay/thesis in “Essays on the Liberation of Southern Africa”, Tanzania Publication House (Released in 1971).

TheInsider.ug – ‘Army Chief, minister confess love, fear for Museveni’ (05.08.2015) link:

http://www.theinsider.ug/army-chief-minister-confess-love-fear-for-museveni/

Tumwine, Albert – ‘We cannot pull down Museveni posters- Police’ (16.07.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/We-cannot-pull-down-Museveni-posters–Police/-/688334/2753854/-/lr6i1x/-/index.html

Omara, Chris – ‘The journey to 2016 and beyond under Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (YKM)’ (05.08.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/671825-the-journey-to-2016-and-beyond-under-gen-yoweri-kaguta-museveni-ykm.html

Uganda Media Centre – ‘“No one has capacity to Destabilize Uganda” (24.07.2015)  link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/news/%E2%80%9Cno-one-has-capacity-destabilize-uganda%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-president-museveni#sthash.9ovML4Po.dpuf

Uganda Statehouse – ‘President Museveni warns politicians on lies and sectarianism’ (15.06.2015) link: http://www.statehouse.go.ug/media/news/2015/05/15/president-museveni-warns-politicians-lies-and-sectarianism

Waswa, Sam – ‘Museveni: UPDF Needs Clear-headed Political Leadership’ (21.07.2015) link: http://chimpreports.com/museveni-updf-needs-clear-headed-political-leadership/