August 29, 2014
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the East African Community (EAC) this week launched a collaborative program to improve the compilation and dissemination of Government Finance Statistics (GFS) for Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. The inaugural workshop was held in Arusha, Tanzania, from August 25-29, 2014.
The workshop provided an opportunity for statisticians and economists from the EAC region to identify the needs for technical assistance (TA) to strengthen GFS to be provided by the IMF. The program will assist the EAC Partner States to meet the fiscal data requirements associated with the East African Community Monetary Union (EAMU) protocol, signed by EAC Heads of State in November 2013.
Dr. Enos Bukuku, EAC Deputy Secretary in charge of Planning and Infrastructure, welcomed the opportunity to host the workshop and launch the GFS program. “The intervention is timely in facilitating production of robust statistical data required for the establishment of EAMU and transition to EAC single currency by 2024,” noted Dr. Bukuku. He added that GFS compiled in accordance with internationally agreed methodological standards would not only provide the EAC region with an important framework for comparing, analyzing and evaluating fiscal policy, but also an opportunity to improve government and public sector performance.
Mr.Barredo Capelot, Director of the Government Finance Statistics and Quality Directorate in Eurostat, said “solid and comprehensive fiscal statistics are essential for regional integration and preserving macroeconomic stability.”
Mr. Sukhwinder Singh, Coordinator at the IMF’s East Africa Regional Technical Assistance Center (East AFRITAC), noted that “as part of the collaboration program, the IMF will provide TA through hands-on sessions during visits by experts to participating countries, as well as regular workshops to provide practical training and allow countries to share experiences.”
During this inaugural workshop, country representatives from the EAC discussed their national fiscal data development plans that will guide the work of improving compilation and dissemination of regionally comparable GFS data in accordance with international standards. This is to be done by 2018, which is within the timeline of the EAMU protocol.
IMF staff shared their expertise in developing systems for compiling GFS and government debt statistics. TA needs were drawn up based on national priorities and work plans are also already underway. This work reflects the initiative and migration to the use of the Government Finance Statistics Manual 2014(GFSM 2014) methodology in reporting fiscal data related to the EAMU macroeconomic convergence criteria, which would be compatible with international standards and best practices and consistent with other macroeconomic statistical systems.
East AFRITAC, located in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, is one of nine regional IMF technical assistance centers around the world, serving Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. It provides capacity-building assistance in core areas of expertise of the IMF such as: revenue administration; public financial management; macro-fiscal analysis; financial sector regulation; monetary policy and operations; and economic and financial statistics. Its Steering Committee, composed of the member countries, the IMF and representatives of the donors, oversees and provides guidance on the Center’s operations.
Here is my discussion on the document that is about the new Public Finance Bill of 2014.
Professor Ezra Suruma wrote a paper called ‘Will Parliament lose influence to the Executive in the budgeting process under the new Public Finance Bill?’ in August of 2014 (Suruma, 2014). Ezra Suruma is a Ugandan economist he works at the Brookings Institute in Washington D.C. where he is a part of the African Growth Initiative of in the institute. Second occupation is senior advisor to Ugandan President on finance and economic planning (Wikipedia, 2014).
Ezra Suruma says about the part of macroeconomic and fiscal policies where he is quoted to say: “The development of fiscal policy and the charter of fiscal responsibility lie solely with the minister. However, in the first session of Parliament, the minister is required to prepare and submit to Parliament the Charter of Fiscal responsibility for approval” (Suruma, 2014, P: 2).
New Zealand government has a splendid way of looking at what Fiscal responsibility:
“Fiscal policy comprises decisions about government spending and taxation. These decisions are made with a view to goals such as the optimal allocation of resources, economic stabilisation and the longer term sustainability of public finances” (New Zealand Government, 2005).
So if there is only transparency for the Minister and not the responsibility for the Parliament to oversee an approval. Then we know that there will be instances where the Ministers doesn’t have to show their progress or work to a broader public. This isn’t what you would call a transparent fiscal policy from the government of Uganda.
“The Minister shall within one month of the commencement of the first session of Parliament, submit to Parliament the Charter of Fiscal Responsibility for approval.”(Suruma, P: 2 2014). Suruma comments that it will only take from 31. December to the 1st of February until reading the budget, something which seems like a little time to prepare and give the opposition time to answer and make switches and tweak the budget of that year to come.
There is given specific powers to the Parliament which is part of ‘Clause 10’ in the new Public Finance bill of 2014 says:
“(1) The Parliament shall analyze the policies and programs that affect the economy and the annual budget and where necessary, make recommendations to the Ministry on alternative approaches to a policy or program. (2) The Parliament shall ensure that public resources are held and utilized in a transparent, accountable, efficient, effective and sustainable manner and in accordance with the Charter of Fiscal Responsibility and the Budget Framework Paper.” (Suruma, P: 2, 2014).
All of this should be in a bill, if you expect the parliament to shine lights on the budget and are main objective for the Fiscal Responsibility. The Parliament should make recommendation to the Ministry to a certain policy and give insights to other visions of what the government need to use sufficient funds and budget enough for the expenses of running the state and its obligations to its people.
This was on the Part II Budget preparation, approval and management on page 3 (Suruma, 2014). Directly from the new law text:
“12. Approval of annual budget by Parliament (Suruma, P:3, 2014).
(1) The Parliament shall, by the 31st of May of each year, consider and approve the annual budget and work plan of Government of the next financial year and the Appropriation Bill and
any other Bills that may be necessary to implement the annual budget (Suruma, P:3, 2014).
(2) Where the President is satisfied that the Appropriation Act in respect of any financial year, will not or has not come into operation by the beginning of any financial year, the President may, in accordance with Article 154 Constitution, by warrant under his or her hand, addressed to the Minister, authorise the issue of monies from the Consolidated Fund for purposes of meeting the expenditure necessary to carry on the services of the Government, until the expiration of four months from the beginning of that financial year, or from the coming into operation of the Appropriation Act, whichever is the earlier” (Suruma, P3-4, 2014).
As Suruma himself commented on page 3.Read directly part 12:2. Do you see what it is really is saying. That it has to be “one third of the budget would be approved by the executive without the approval of Parliament”. The Executive approve one third of the budget without the Parliament. That is lots of money that doesn’t need any transparency, or votes to the public unit, or in the view of more than the executive. Suruma continues on Page 4: “If this is approved it will reduce the power of Parliament from 100% power over appropriation to 67%. The appropriations for 33% or the first 4 months of the year will now shift to the President” (Suruma, P: 4, 2014). As you see that the approved power will be 33% will be delivered directly to the president. They have only 67 %. The Parliament is supposed to have a full discloser and 100 % power of the budget, not a little over 50 %.
Another main change that is being discussed by Suruma on page 4:
“Although the minister may increase the appropriation of a vote by 10%, the amount so increased must come from the Contingency Fund. The Contingency fund has been raised slightly to 3.5% of the budget” (Suruma, P: 4, 2014). So the minister of finance has also gotten more power than before. Just see the percentage of the vote that he has for the Contingency Fund and also the piece of the whole budget.
“28. Investment of balances on the Consolidated Fund.
Any sums standing to the credit of the Consolidated Fund may be
(a) with an approved financial institution at call; (Suruma, P: 4, 2014)
(b) subject to notice not exceeding twelve months; or
(c) in an investment authorized by the law for the investment
of trustee funds and approved by the Minister.
(Suruma, P: 5, 2014).
- Who approves the financial institution to be invested in? There is room for considerable corruption here.
- What is meant by “an investment authorized by the law? Which law?
- The “trustee funds” are not defined in this law’s definitions (interpretations).
- Does authorization by the minister place her at risk?
(Suruma, P: 5, 2014).
This here has already Suruma pointed on big important points and questions that should be visible and addressed. Like which law question is just so cold and still so clear what he means when Suruma ask it. The minister has authorization and also right to choose investment even though it doesn’t say what kind of law that is authorization to the funds he needs to provide investments or what powers he need to give rights to authorize the actions of the ministry.
Suruma is continuing on Part VI accounting and audit:
(5) An Accounting Officer shall be responsible and personally accountable to Parliament for the activities of a vote (clause 43 (5) (Saruma, P: 5, 2014). As Suruma says and is understood that there is technocrats, there is only Parliament is mention in the law from the page 5 is on a previous audits. As it seems there is technocrats who gets the overview over the budget and not the parliament. This has become very natural process in many nations from the USA, Zimbabwe and even Greece. So this is not a problem only for Uganda, but a modern day issue which shouldn’t be left under a rug.
Under Amendments on page 6 (Suruma, P: 6, 2014). The Committee on National Economy Suruma himself even he comments that the power over the Committee is the Executive branch of the Government. This means that the President can control the Committee on National Economy.
“On Parliament Budget Office:
“(1) There shall be a Parliamentary Budget Office within the Parliamentary Services with the Clerk of the Parliament being the Accounting Officer, consisting of full time and part time budget and economic experts as may be required from time to time” (Suruma, P: 8, 2014).
(2) The function of the Parliamentary Budget Office shall be to provide Parliament and its committees with objective and timely analysis to assess economic and budget proposals including analysis of the economic and fiscal planning and reporting documents and annual budget documents, and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing shall-
(a) Provide budget related information to all committees in relation to their jurisdiction;
(b) Prepare reports on budgetary projections and economic forecasts and make proposals to Committees of Parliament responsible for budgetary matters;
(c) Prepare analyses of specific issues, including financial risks posed by Government policies and activities to guide Parliament;
(d) Consider budget proposals and economic trends and make recommendations to the relevant committee of Parliament with respect to those proposals and trends;
(e) Prepare analytical studies of specific subjects such as fiscal risks posed by government owned or partially owned enterprises and other sources of risk;
(f) Evaluate the government’s explanations of deviations from the fiscal responsibility principles or fiscal objectives and the plans to address such deviations;
(g) Report to the relevant committees of Parliament on any Bill that is submitted to Parliament that has an economic and financial impact, making reference to the Charter of Fiscal Responsibility and its principles and to the financial objectives set out in the relevant Budget Framework Paper;
(h) Generally give advice to Parliament and its committees on the Budget and economy;
(i) Report on any other subjects relating to fiscal policy and performance requested by a committee or initiated by the Parliamentary Budget Office in the interests of assisting Parliament.
(3) The Parliamentary Budget Office shal1 ensure that all reports, studies, evaluations, findings, recommendations and other outputs are presented in a user-friendly form and that all outputs are published in a timely manner unless publication is not in the public interest”
(Suruma, P: 8-9, 2014)
Minister’s Report on Performance:
(1) The Minister shall report at least twice per financial year on Government’s performance against the fiscal objectives in the Charter for Fiscal Responsibility and Annual Budget.
(2) In reporting performance against its fiscal performance, the government shall provide-
(a) Updated macroeconomic and fiscal forecasts with sufficient information to show changes from the forecasts in the last Budget Framework Paper or Annual Budget;
(b) Budget execution compared to the appropriations and other lawful spending authorities.”
(Suruma, P: 9, 2014)
The continuation is of the problem that we’re on page 6. The technocrats have the powers over the budget and not the parliament who will execute the budget on these matters. It is not something new in this matter, it’s kind of normal in our day and age. NPM – New Public Management and those technocrats get their wisdom across instead of the people we elect.
PART VII: PETROLEUM REVENUE MANAGEMENT
The major players in petroleum revenue management are the following:
- The Bank of Uganda plays a leading role as the account holder of the Petroleum Fund and the operational manager of oil revenue investments.
- The Uganda Revenue Authority is the institution empowered to collect and receive the oil revenues and then pass them on to the Bank of Uganda.
- The Minister, the Secretary to the Treasury, the Accountant General and the Auditor General are all central figures with numerous powers in the management of oil revenues.
- Parliament is also a key player in so far as it has the ultimate power to decide how much should be taken from the Petroleum Fund and placed on the Consolidated Fund and how it should be spent (appropriation).
- The Investment Advisory Committee is appointed by the minister of finance and is supposed to advise her (him) on the policies to follow in investing the oil revenues.
- External Investment Managers are the investment banks, brokers, financial advisers etc who will be selected to manage the petroleum investments overseas.
(Suruma, P: 10, 2014)
ISSUES IN OIL REVENUE MANAGEMENT
There ia an old saying that “too many cooks spoil the broth”. There are so many power centres that it is difficult to know how they will interact and not conflict and cause paralysis. Specifically, I wish to make the following observations:
- The powers of the Advisory Investment Committee appear to conflict with those of the Bank of Uganda in deciding what to invest in and with whom. It is difficult to see how the minister will negotiate between these two policy advisory bodies.
- The minister has potentially damaging powers of determining “other qualifying instruments” in which the funds can be invested. This power will make her the subject of “vultures” seeking to woo her to invest with them. The phrase should be removed.
- The Bill allows investment in “derivitives” which I consider unduly risky. I do not think it should be a qualifying instrument. The idea that anyone can determine the relative risk of the underlying instrument vis a vis the derivitive and then determine that they have equal risk is in my opinion not realistic.
- Although the amendments purport to create only one Petroleum Fund and to abolish the “Investment Reserves Account” yet the Bill reverts to the term “Funds” in place of “reserves” and sometimes speaks of investments. At the end of the day it seems certain that there is more than one “Fund”.There may be one “mother fund” but the context of the law suggests that there will be many funds and investments. So the amendment creates more confusion than clarity.
- The idea of an “agreement” between the Minister and the Governor to manage the investments properly seems to add to the confusion. On top of that the minister is to give “directions” to the Bank of Uganda on how to invest. Do not forget that there is also an investment policy arising from the Investment Advisory Committee.
- The number of reports which Bank of Uganda has to give and the frequency, while reassuring, is mind boggling. There are requirements for monthly reports, forecasts, semi-annual reports, annual reports, annual plans, audits, 10 year plans, schedule of investment managers, risk assessment reports, compliance reports etc. Similarly, the minister has to make corresponding reports to Parliament.
I have two concerns:
(a) Can bank of Uganda do all these reports and continue to its other responsibilities such as banks supervision and monetary policy?
(b) Can the Minister or the Parliament possibly absorb all these documents?
- There is confusion in the utilization of oil revenues. On the one hand Parliament is to decide how much to appropriate from the Fund to the Consolidated Account. It is also to decide the appropriations to different votes. Yet the Bill purports to legislate, before hand that the oil money can only go to infrastructure and development projects.So when it comes to access to the government oil funds the direct beneficiaries will be the external investment managers, the external owners of infrastructure companies (the road and power constractors) and the districts of the oil producing areas who will get 7% of the royalties. The rest of us will be indirect beneficiaries – those who drive and those who have access to electricity. The rural populations will wait for a long time.
- Employment is mentioned once in Schedule 2. Pension for the aged or disabled is not mentioned. Health insurance is not mentioned. Credit for businesses and for agriculture is not mentioned. No new banks, no new directions to increase access to more and cheaper credit. Even education does not seem to feature anywhere. Only hardware and external beneficiaries are clearly demarcated.
(Suruma, P: 11, 2014)
As seen on Petroleum Revenue Management you can see that there are many actors in it. For the Bank of Uganda and Uganda Revenue Authority has their part. Then it’s all the different parts of the government which is supposed to follow the industry of the oil revenue. From the Parliament, Treasury Secretary to the Investment Advisory Committee and also the External Investment Managers. With this it proves that it should be transparent with the Oil revenue because it has to go by everything from the National Bank of Uganda, the tax office in URA and all the Governmental institutions and committees. This tells it all.
I think the eight points that Suruma has pointed out I don’t think I need to address since there are so valid on their own. You should think about them yourself! There are just a lot of issues for the government and the parliament together with the other institutions of finance that the government has at its disposals.
The technocrats have a lot of power when it comes to budget and also the financial of fiscal transparency. Public Transparency Bill gives much more power to executive branch or the President. The Parliament will now have around 60 percent of its power instead of a 100 % as it has today. Which is a big step for the government and also with the movement of financial transparency has the same issue as the rest of the world where the technocrats has a lot of power over the planning and executing the budget, and not the Parliament or the Executive branch. Even if the Executive branch is getting more place, even the; “Although the minister may increase the appropriation of a vote by 10%, the amount so increased must come from the Contingency Fund. The Contingency fund has been raised slightly to 3.5% of the budget”. This proves that both the Executive branch, the president and also the Finance Ministry gets more direct power even if the technocrats get a bigger oversight over the budget and the finances of the state.
PS: Want to say thanks to Parliament Watch Uganda! For loading the document online.
New Zealand Government – ‘A Guide to the Public Finance Act’ (August, 2005) Link: http://www.treasury.govt.nz/publications/guidance/publicfinance/pfaguide/guide-pfa.pdf
Suruma, Ezra – ‘Will Parliament lose influence to the Executive in the budgeting process under the new Public Finance Bill?’ (August, 2014) Link: http://www.scribd.com/doc/237400795/Public-Finance-Bill-Paper-14-Aug-2014
Wikipedia – ‘Ezra Suruma’ (02.05.2014) Link: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ezra_Suruma
This is maybe my longest blogpost in history and I am sure I’m not going to compete with this one. There was just so much juicy information about a time in Ethiopian history which is not really discussed or talked about. This documents and briefing’s from the American Embassy and Reftels that was sent to the US is telling a story that is interesting today. I personally have much more knowledge about Meles Zenawi and post him, then the time before. It has been discussed in certain books that I have read on the political history on the Great Empire of Ethiopia. What often portrayed about this time is very blurry. With this stories that I have found on WikiLeaks, they might shine a light and give some of the other ones who read my blog some new insights to special time in Ethiopia. This is at the time of the rule of the Derg and the PMC Chairman Lt. Gen Haile-Mariam Mengistu!
- November 1974:
The DERG executed 62 civilians, military detainees and hostages. Some of this people is the once that are involved in the top officials who are supposed to topple the PMC. One of the men who is supposed to executed are General Aman former Chairman of PMC, Also Prime Minister Endalkachew Makonnen, the Emperor’s grandson Admiral Desta. The one not on the list is the former Emperor Haile Selassie (WikiLeaks, 1974).
This happened because of an inner struggle for power between General Aman and Haile Miriam Mengistu, the last mention is the one that is suspected to inherit the title after General Aman. Amans strategy has been to collect his supporters and especially from his own area in Eritrea. Second part of it Pro-Monarchist has used Aman to stage a comeback. Third is too reduce the 120-man membership to 15 best educated junior officers, this to have a Junta especially made for General Aman. Fourth strategy is the disagreement over Eritrea. Where the PMC has stepped up the military actions and the PMC is not for a separate state as a solution and has sent reinforcement to secure the military situation. Fifth strategy for General Aman struggled because of his close ties to Haile Selassie. Haile Selassie is held at the Menilik Palace. Another press report is rumored that he will be executed (WikiLeaks, 1974).
Who is Haile Miriam Mengistu?
Was the official VC in the Provisional Military Commission (PMC), he is the chairman of the Armed Forces Coordinating Committee (AFCC). This has been in control since June in Ethiopia. HMM is an ordinance officer, a training officer of the 4th division in Addis Abeba (WikiLeaks, 1974).
The thing that is fearful for the American views of what is happening in Ethiopia. Soviet is trying to supplies and arms to the country (WikiLeaks, 1974).
25th November 1974:
This power struggle that happen on the 24th November happen a fight between Aman and the PMC. The foreign policy is still not certain. But first manifestation of this is the follow up on the Soviet offer of military equipment a few months ago (WikiLeaks, 1974).
30th January 1975 – Land Reform:
In a Land Reform seminar that was a two week this was opened at the National University (former Haile Selassie I University). There was 900 civilians, 400 military participants that was briefed by 28 expert lectures and 15 other military and civilian speakers. The experts and speakers spoke on topics of socialist programs and ‘administration of land and land reform’. PMAC Mengistu termed the participants “disciples of change”. Mengistu said that all of them carried the responsibility of building a greater Ethiopia. Minister of Land Reform Ato Zegeye Asfaw said: “Socialist Ethiopia will give land to the tiller and collective farms and communes will take care of the land and its utilization for the common good of the people” (WikiLeaks, 1975).
18th February 1975:
Heavy fighting has occurred in Asmara at the 18th. The attacks we’re concentrated on the Ethiopian Military Installation but also the American-Run Electricity generator in the other side of town (WikiLeaks, 1975).
There we’re two more demonstrations for Pro-Provisional Military Government in Addis Abeba that day. One was made out of war-veterans and the second one is in benefit of OAU, but both demonstrations was for the Ethiopian Unity. PMAC Haile Mariam Mengistu hold a speech in from of the veterans – where the main focus was to keep Eritrea as a region in Ethiopia (WikiLeaks, 1975).
The PMG has announced to confiscate land from 7 former Ethiopian ambassadors this include Zewde Gebre Selassie, this is because of their rejecting to move back to Ethiopia. Zedwe has now been changed with Kifle Wodajo who now is the Ethiopian Ambassador to the US (WikiLeaks, 1975).
22nd July 1975:
On the 18th of July a three day delegation led by Louis Reyes, Cuban Ambassador to Iran and EPMG official has signed a joint communique for diplomatic relations. Reyes said: “the historic victory of the Ethiopian people can serve as an example to Africa and the rest of the World”. Maj Mengistu said: “there is a lot Ethiopia can benefit from your Cuban experience” (WikiLeaks, 1975).
2nd Octorber 1975:
There is friction between Chairman Teferi Bante, First Vice-Chairman Haile Miriam Mengistu and Second Vice-Chairman Lt. Col Atafu Abate. The second echelon Viz. Major Sisay Habate and Lt. Col Asrate Desta (WikiLeaks, 1975).
In the last year there been two major coup plots. The two main people against the government, first student development campaign from E.G. Major Kiros Alemayehu and the one in charge of media – Major Nadew Zekarias (WikiLeaks, 1975).
The Derg has struggled with price-control and minerals exploration (financial restraint).The government has been civilian administrative structure down to Woreda(county level). The civilian cabinet has been stable. Below the ministers is now permanent secretary (department manager) and vice-ministers (the same as assistant secretaries). The government is still not consulting the technical experts before public policy statements. They have even announced without checking with Urban Land Reform. Future policy decisions are for rural land reform, nationalization of banks and insurance agencies etc. Also getting less technicians in government to get consensus (Wikipedia, 1975).
22nd October 1975:
Addis has been tense the last three days after rumors of tension between Mengistu and Atenafu. This has threats to dissolve the military council and either both or one of them are arrested. The view the Derg shows the picture of unity to the public (WikiLeaks, 1975).
21st April 1976:
PMAC First Vice-Chairman Major Haile Miriam Mengistu had his first national speech on both Ethiopian radio and TV.
The main points of the speech was how the feudal system of both Menelik and Haile Selassie.
- The imperialist has used various techniques infiltrating the system with missionaries, teachers, merchants and entrepreneurs, government advisers and experts.
- The Ethiopian Revolution have accomplished the deposition of former emperor, declaration of socialism, nationalization of means of production and distribution like rural land, urban land and extra houses. A new labor law and formation of Peasant association.
- Mengistu announced to the public that their scientifically working on making Ethiopia a People’s Democratic Republic.
- New national democratic revolutionary program to liberate the people from imperialism, neo-colonialism and feudalism – grant democratic freedom to friends of the revolution…
- Addressed the Eritrean problem and called them out as exiled aristocrats and foreign imperialist, only reactionary bandits there.
- Mengistu also addressed people in the country side and progressive workers to form a United Front to work against Anti-Revolutionaries.
22nd April 1976: Ethiopian revolution to continue:
Vice Chairman Mengistu has asked for continuing support for it, that authority from center to the provinces. Also still no recognition of the Eritrea which is a special case.
Important part of the programs:
The program is based on far-left militants and also on a Marxist model, and a Workers party is created, which is supreme and has to govern operation of the government. Also the focus on class struggles.
- Public sector is to becoming bigger and private farms will get more government support.
- Nationalization of both production and distribution with private incentives are enhanced.
- Veterans are now offered financial, educational and health benefits.
- Woman are mobilized for productive work and freed from limited roles that have been available for them.
The Ethiopians problems will be tackled from the devolution from the center of main authority. The Eritrean problem is still not questioned in a special way, it’s seen as a provincial issue. The foreign policy of Ethiopia is remained unchanged (WikiLeaks, 1976).
24th April 1976:
There been unauthorized demonstration that was followed by government warning against “progressive” that takes control over shops and private business. There been attempting of looting stores and shops near Addis Abeba, in Nazareth and Debra Zeit (WikiLeaks, 1976).
Because of this Mengistu has promised free speech and freedom to demonstrate. This led to unreasonable behavior from the public that has threatened the public order. Mengistu himself has said their promoting: “raising revolutionary consciousness of the masses”. The hope is that the Ethiopian Easter weekend which is a family and religious affair which will lead to more calm and less tension – which will last over the weekend (WikiLeaks, 1976).
24th May 1976:
Megistu has had a MediVac to China on the 20th May. What Haile Mariam Mengistu is expected to have it can either be gastritis which can lead to stomach cancer; he could have a brain tumor and also hurt after a gun wound. The unscheduled flight from Bole Airport went at night 22:00 – where it was reported to leave for China. Lt. Col. Atnafu returned to Addis Abeba from Gojjam (WikiLeaks, 1976).
10th September 1976 – Condolences for Mao’s Death:
The Ethiopians sent messages of condolences to Wu The and Hua Kuo Feng. The leaders of the revolution are also being in the Chinese Embassy signing in the condolence book. The message from the leaders is setting Mao on the levels of Marx, Engels and Lenin (WikiLeaks, 1976).
24th September 1976 – Assassination attempt:
Eyewitnesses tell that there were automatic weapons firing that happened near a football Stadium at 2025 from two civilian automobiles. One was moving west from the revolutionary square. They fired both in the air until they turned south past fourth division headquarters. The followed by an explosion and another further down the road a few minutes later. A dozen store windows broken after the shooting. Following the incidence the EPMG put up a road block in the intersection surrounding the area. All vehicles and passengers are being searched. The roadblocks were taken away the day after (WikiLeaks, 1976).
25th September 1976:
Heavy military control in Addis Abeba this morning after yesterday’s incidence. There has been big patrol activity after the attempted on Haile Miriam Mengistu the day before. Rumors have it that Mengistu has been injured in either leg or foot (WikiLeaks, 1976).
26th September 1976 a staged morning Workers-Rally:
Before the staged morning Workers-Rally there been an ambush on Haile Meriam Mengistu the 23th September. Which wounded him and this lead to Peasant Associations and urban dwellers to meet in the Revolution square in solidarity. It was a four hour event, which was hold tight by armed guards where the speakers spoke on the importance of keeping up the efforts of the revolution. Next troubled date for the PMC will be the 28th when schools reopen (WikiLeaks, 1976).
CIA involvement in Anti-Regime activity:
CIA is supposed to be supporting Placards and EPRP. News broadcast is saying: “EPRP is Cia”(…)”Away with CIA agents, disguised as tourist”(…)”paid CIA agents”(…)”Yankees go home”(…)”No more chills and CIA” (WikiLeaks, 1976).
29th September 1976:
Some rumors has been spread that it was a fake assassination attempt on Mengistu. This happening after the rally is to make him a hero. Also put restraints on the EPRP as a CIA front. There is issued more strikes. It will also be occurring more executions even though none of the would-be assassins. PMAC has gotten more support from the rallies and media this is from the peasants groups and workers. The reaction to it has put EPRP who has been seen as responsible for the attempt. Students might make trouble without the EPRP assistance. The violence of this last week might end up some calm this week (WikiLeaks, 1976).
29th September 1976:
Izvestiya reports also that there was an assassination attempt on PMAC Haile Mariam Mengistu. Also, there was one important sign in one of the demonstrations in Addis: “bring CIA intrigues to an end” (WikiLeaks, 1976).
3rd November 1976 – Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization (AAPS) Conference:
At the conference it was a total of 7,000 or 8,000 peaceful Ethiopian attendance mid-afternoon rally to support and also show solidarity to Southern Africa. Chairman Ato Tesfaye Tadesse who introduced AAPS Second General Yousef El-Sabat, Iraqi Deputy Secretary-General of AASP Nouri Abdel Razzak, Secretary General of ANC Alfred Nzo, Crypriot Dr. Vasses Lyssarides, Soviet Pressidum member Figret Tabeev, Angolan representative Dr. Olga Lina, Vietnamese representative Tran Hoai-Nam, Cuban delegate Ramos Claudis, Yemen representative Anis Hassen Yahya, West German Committee of Anti-Imperialists solidarity delegate Peter Wal and Delegate of Western European Public Organization Conon Gor (WikiLeaks, 1977).
Main rhetoric from the conference is against racism, imperialism, oppression, praising the Ethiopian socialist revolution and hospitality. We’re they also was supporting complete liberation of Southern Africa. The Vietnamese, Angolan, Cuban and the ANC did not mention the US during the conference. While other made references to the economic ties between Southern Africa and the US. The delegates from abroad are set to establish legitimacy for the PMAC and Mengistu (WikiLeaks, 1976).
2nd May 1977 – TV interview of Haile Meriam Mengistu:
He will be interviewed by French and Swedish journalists and will be aired on French TV. One of the main questions was related to the Expulsion of U.S. Official Personnel last week. Mengstu has answered to that U.S. agencies whose activities has been terminated and were in Ethiopian on the basis of old agreements with Haile Selassie. The revolution is now clearing out the leftovers from the imperial era (WikiLeaks, 1977).
17th May 1977:
Ethiopian-Vietnamese relations are strong, especially considering the wish from the Ethiopians of getting former U.S. Military equipment from the Vietnamese. There been secret visits from Ethiopian officials to Vietnam. There is not sure if the Vietnamese will support EPMG. A support with to the Ethiopians … they can complicate their relations with PRC and the US (WikiLeaks, 1977).
25th May 1977:
Claude Cheysson from the EEC and was a part of a three person delegation to Addis Abeba the 18th -20th of May. PMAC Haile Mariam Mengistu signed a 30 million Birr aid accord during the visit. This aid accord was based for a rural water development project. This aid accord is part of the already with 280 million birr that will be available for the government of Ethiopia. The EEC program mission was completed in the June of 1976. Then there was put aside 100 million birr. The Amibara agriculture development project which has a aid accord accordingly to be set for a 35 million birr. The EEC follows the guidelines of determines which projects that gets funding. Foreign Affairs minister Col. Dr. Felleke Gedle-Ghorghis: “the government gives priority to rural development. Particularly agriculture, which employs vast majority of the Ethiopian people” (…)” Multi-purpose package programs which provides support to small holder farms through extension, livestock and range development projects”. The projects will be mostly into a agricultural sector, either development with infrastructure like rural roads. Also projects that are about industrial development which is focused on the output of agricultural produce. 10 percent of all the development is going to other then national development but for projects for regional projects. This kind of projects is the once that are on the Lake Rudolph and the Omo to develop tourism (WikiLeaks, 1977).
29th May 1977 – Speech to the Naval College and Military academy gradution:
(This was happing at the Jubilee Palace – Former palace of the Emperor Haile Selassie).
Chairman Lt. Col. Haile Mariam Mengistu saying: “there will be no problem with regard to arms”. Further comments from the Soviet Union and that helped and “won high benefits” because of the Ethiopian revolution. Fear from “reactionary of neighboring areas”. Mengistu focused on the responsibilities to the motherland, secure national unity and also territorial integrity. He characterized American imperialism as an arch enemy and is now in league with reactionary Arab regimes. American imperialism he says: “by cutting its arms aid” (…)”now it’s time when we have to crush anti-revolutionary encirclement with unity and determination stronger then steel and hoist a new banner of victory at price of our blood”. On Djibouti want to forge a stronger relationship with: “neighboring reactionary forces” (…)”to withstand any and every step which might be contrary to national interests of Ethiopia in Djibouti” (WikiLeaks, 1977).
30th May 1977: Meeting with the Egyptian ambassador.
The position of Ethiopia is that Mengistu is not strong, but if he can last until September, then he can be in a stronger position. PMAC Mengistu has to be effective with the use of the peasant army which is now in training. The peasant army will not be used in Bale-Ogaden region because of the Somali tribesman and the semi-desert where the army would be a disadvantage towards them. The result of the guerrilla war has hurt Ethiopian army and the Ethiopian situation in Bale-Ogaden has been bad for them. Some even describe it as a “bloodbath”. With this situation the civilian-military relationships in Addis could become tense. The Civilians might even use the peasant military army and Kebele Defense Forces to make a move against PMAC. Mengistu went on a two-day visit Libya after being in Moscow; this was to secure funding of Soviet War Material. This is to secure shipment of heavy weaponry from Libya to Ethiopia. Also a possibility for Cuban forces into Eritrea (WikiLeaks, 1977).
17th June 1977:
The East German Politburo member Werner Lamberz together with a two Foreign Affair deputy minister Willerding, Foreign trade deputy minister Clausnitzer, Deputy Planning Commission Chairman Dieter Albrecht and several other SED-Central Committee members. They are on a visit as a delegation from the 13th to the 17th in Addis Abeba (WikiLeaks, 1977).
This delegation has had lengthy discussion with PMAC Chairman Haile Mariam Mengistu and PMAC Second Gen. Capt. Fikre-Selassie Wogderess at both FONMIN and National Palace. Also the delegation went on a inspection tour of the Siga Meda military training (WikiLeaks, 1977).
The Soviet Union has made a EPMG a priority and until this date, been spending great funds on the banking on it and hoping for solidarity, some free advice and also high levels visits. On the negative side the Ethiopian put up a front to the Somali Ambassador during the 15th July. This hasn’t served the Soviet Block interests, and can only lead to more polarization between the Soviet clients in the Horn (WikiLeaks, 1977).
22nd June 1977:
On the OAU African Refugees day on the 20th June Haile Mariam Mengistu called upon the OAU members to ratify OAU convention on African Refugees. At the same time he urged Ethiopian refugees to return home without fear of retribution. Mengistu noted that there is special cases and need efforts in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa (WikiLeaks, 1977).
UN High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR):
There been movement from Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrean youth, one identified as Kidane Kibrom has stayed in Hargeisa and El Garis Ethiopian Refugee Camps where has for the last 14 months. Kibrom claims 118 Ethiopians has had a hunger-strike in the camps for lack of jobs and training. UNHCR is claiming that the funds they have put for the camp is being used for other purposes then the camp (WikiLeaks, 1977).
6th July 1977 – Mengistu on the Middle East:
Mengistu on the settlement on the Middle East question is that Israel should be recognized, but also a quick withdrawal of forces from the Arab territories since 1967. Also added the Palestinian people have a right to a homeland, but must be a peaceful means in a peaceful settlement (WikiLeaks, 1977).
7th July 1977 – OAU statements:
Lt. Col Haile Mariam Mengistu was not interested in the interference from Somalia and Sudan on Ethiopian affairs. Mengistu was committed to “special committee” on the problems between Sudan and Ethiopia. This will solve the matter in a way Ethiopia sees fit. Like on the Eritrean question: the position they have is that Sudan wants to assure them independence. Mengistu met with 5 of 9 states in the committee to discredit by most OAU. Mengistu did say at the summit that there was a difference between Sudan and Somalia as problem makers. The Somalian view on rule of law is a total disgrace and has a long standing territorial claim. Where the Ethiopian issue with Sudan is more of a Sudanese leaders where they undermine the Ethiopian unity and territorial integrity (WikiLeaks, 1977).
15th July 1977;
On the 14th of July there has been report of movements from the Ethiopian army. The reports are saying that the army has left the base of Tatek Meda Training base going to Eritrea and Ogaden. The number of army personnel is 83 bus loads of militia bound for Assab. EPMG is reported to reverse the actions in Northern Eritrea, but its most likely to be sent to Massawa. A small contingent of regular army has been sent to Asmara from Jimma in the Southwest Ethiopia. There are even reports of more army movements. The numbers of movement is 16 planeloads (some of them was aircrafts including some 720 BS), even militias are planned to be moved to Dire Dawa. Most of the bridges and highways to Dire Dawa are out of order. Therefore the trainload of 25 cars apparently left Addis Abeba but they will not come whole way directly to the destination of Dire Dawa. They have to hike the rest of the way when the rails are done (WikiLeaks, 1977).
19th July 1977:
Mengistu called in the French Ambassador after seeing the ambassadors from east European countries in Addis Abeba. In this meeting with the eastern European ambassadors he told about the bad situation in Eritrea with the fall of cities of Keren and Decamere. He even complained about the aid the Soviets did not give to Ethiopia. Mengistu also claimed that Somalia Army Units has crossed over the border into the Ogaden. The French ambassador considered the war already had begun. The Romanian Ambassador added that Mengistu had said “Opposition-Controlled the territory including the Omo-Valley and the city of Beica 50 kilometers from the Sudanese border”. Mengistu also claimed that the Eritrean “liberation forces” has gained triple strength because of support from Sudan and Saudi Arabia (WikiLeaks, 1977).
23rd July 1977:
The issues that Djibouti has by the border to Ethiopia are making a lot of trouble. From Sudan has given a non-flight and also no overflight rights for any Ethiopian Registered Aircraft (WikiLeaks, 1977).
Further PMC Lt. Col Haile Mariam Mengistu has received at Grand Palace Issa representative who has described the Somalia attacks as “calculated criminal act on the part of Mogadishu regime”. The Patriotic Media is telling victories stories of Ethiopian revolution and the continued call for voluntary contribution to the campaign (WikiLeaks, 1977).
There seems to sabotage on the Addis Abeba to Djibouti railway. After the Somalian Mogadishu based government has sent infiltrators to blow up bridges along the railway. Though the Sudanese doesn’t seem eager to comply to Mengistu accusation of closing the airspace (WikiLeaks, 1977) .
Issa representative comments: “acts of provocation for the consequence, of which Ethiopia should not be held responsible, reactionary regimes of Sudan and Somalia fully responsible for the deterioration of peace and security in Eastern Horn of Africa” (WikiLeaks, 1977).
From the 25 of June 1977: the final stages of military training of the People’s Militia to fight against the Western-Somali Liberation Front. The Ethiopian People’s Militia fights for peace and stability on the African horn. On the 25th of June the military contribution gets a one-month salary over the one year campaign (WikiLeaks, 1977).
25th July 1977:
PMAC Haile-Mariam Mengistu has from the 23th of July coordinated the Armed Forces and People’s Militia. The Headquarters are set in Harar for the fighting in Eastern Ethiopia and in the northern Ethiopia are located in Asmara. Because of this there was appointed 3 new Joint Commands and 4 new division commanders (WikiLeaks, 1977).
5th August 1977: U.S. Arms assistance to Somalia:
PMC Haile Mariam Mengistu is not happy with the arms supply of Somalia which is seen as a foreign threat. Mengistu stated that the U.S. relationship had with previous government – described as a close cooperation in economic and defense. He had no intention of criticizing the US Government. US failure takes seriousness of Ethiopian security. In Emperors time with Sudan Government used Socialist arms from USSR and China to support secessionist movements in the North. Somalia was amassing arms from the USSR, they have 300 tanks. When Ethiopia asked for help from US Government they got empty handed. Ethiopian has reserved and has no actions towards US. What damaged Ethiopian image was the example of Spencer and Levine who helped Anti-Revolutionary feudalists to flee to Sudan and supplying them with American arms. Mengistu said that EPMG can no longer rely on US supplies. This is to protect independence and national integrity and will look elsewhere for arms. Ethiopia sees this to keep territorial integrity and fear of aggression from its neighbors that the US Government now supports (WikiLeaks, 1977).
8th August 1977:
Former Ethiopian Foreign Minister Kifle Wodajo together with ex-minister Gedamu Tesfare thinks that the west is judging Soviets possibilities to settle the differences between Somalia and Ethiopia. What is important for Mengistu is the power and not Ethiopian nationalism, even with the growing pressure from the Soviet. Even the agents within the Revolutionary Council are partly open to give up parts of the Ogaden. Somalia claims to a larger area then only Ogaden. The set up will be to give the most of of the Ogaden. Kifle believes that the Soviet can on the contrary to the western believe that the war between Somalia and Ethiopian can be solved to Soviets advantages. Even the regimes terror tactics is silences the public (WikiLeaks, 1977).
9th August 1977:
Moscow is seeking to save the Pro-Soviet regime of Lt.Col. Haile Meriam Mengistu from being overthrown or collapsing, especially with last military defeats like the ones in the Northern Province of Eritrea and the disputed region of Ogaden along with the Somalian border. There is a claim is that the Soviet has a deal in order for both Somalia and Ethiopia. This deal will give the most of Ogaden to the Somalia but the significant towns of Harrar and Dire Dawa gets to stay Ethiopian. There has been reaction on the issue from the Somalia President Mohamed Siad Barre. Instead it seems more like the Western Somalia Liberation is supported by the Somalian Government. On next Thursday there will be a special mediating committee of 10 African countries in Libreville, Gabon, where delegation from both Somalia and Ethiopia. Spokesman from Western Somalia Liberation Front says: “we do not expect any pressure and even if they do this, we will not accept it” (…)”out lands extends up to the Awash river and we are not going to compromise. We are going to take back all of our land” (…)”under no circumstances can we stop before taking Harrar and Dire Dawa” (…)”today that Somali territorial claims covered all of the Ethiopia’s four southeastern provinces of Bale, Sidamo, Arrusi and Harrarghe and are not limited to Ogaden region itself”. The disputed area of the Somalia and Ethiopia is 1/3 of the land mass Ethiopia and the equivalent of half of Somalia. The issue that Soviet has that they want to continue two have to Marxist states and not lose either. And with the nationalism in both countries it will be a feat to keep Mengistu in power when losing all that land. Ethiopia claims that Somalia has gone in will full-scale invasion from regular Somali Army Units. The Somalian Government denies this but says that the Front’s army is 30,000-man guerrilla. At the same time the goals and claims of territory from Somalia is the same from both government and the guerrillas (WikiLeaks, 1977).
25th August 1977:
Chairman Lt. Col Mengistu said during a patriotic rally on 24th August. That Ethiopian revolution is supposed to bring equality, justice, democracy and a classless society. Mengistu was also addressing certain groups as masquerading as progressive but in reality is “anti-people” the groups is expected to be EPRP and EDU. Also he was direct on the Eritrean secessionist which he called aristocratic and ex-patriotic control over Eritrean production. External enemies are set to be Bare and Somalis (WikiLeaks, 1977).
29th August 1977:
Outtake from the Ethiopian Herald August 28th:
“It sad commentary that even USA which championed Ethiopia’s rights in 1935, has today betrayed its own cardinal principles, and reward aggression by refusing to deliver weapons bought by Ethiopia for it own defence. Such attitudes will only add fuel to the flame and disturb international peace and security. Indeed it is an unwise act from so great a height” (WikiLeaks, 1977).
If the US Government wishes to have a normalized bilateral relationship with the Ethiopian government, then it has to become a link between two. Especially with Ethiopian sending a ambassador they intend to send to Washington (WikiLeaks, 1977).
31th August 1977:
There have recently been small insurgencies from Somalia in Ogaden region. Ogaden region is in flames. Policies been announced on the 10th and 17th from the State Department Spokesman. The ambassador (the U.S.) is refraining from supplying arms to Somalia. Further on thinks the ambassador that the U.S. government should not take sides in this dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia. Berhanu Bayeh says that the immediate concern is that US Weapon and spare parts. The holdings of arms have been occurring during the last ten years. Because of that the people of Ogaden has suffered because of this. The Ethiopian Army has gone after the invaders, but has issues with having equipment. Now lacking the defensive arms that Ethiopian army gotten earlier from the US Government. Mengistu wasn’t in the way of ordering new shipments of arms. This was more honoring older contracts and sending both ammo and spare parts to the Ethiopian Army. Also, that the arms would be delivered and resumed immediately (WikiLeaks, 1977).
There has been official Ethiopian Ambassador in Washington, USA. This is since 10. February 1975 (WikiLeaks, 1977).
19th September 1977:
There been rotations and new appointments in the government there is 32 who are both civilian and military that are changing positions. This is three ministers, an Armed Force Chief, Air Force Commander and 16 Ambassador-designated (WikiLeaks, 1977).
4th October 1977:
The Nigerian Federal Commissioner for Internal Affairs Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi was in Addis Abeba the 3rd October. The Nigerian President Gen Olusegun Obasanjo sent a special message to PMAC Haile Mariam Mengistu. In that message it was details on his mission to establish normal relations between Somalia and Ethiopia. Make sure that they follow the good progress for the meetings in Gabon in August and follow up these. Still with these negotiations happening there is still heavy fighting in the Ogaden. Ethiopia will like the Nigerian efforts both for Inter-African but also on an international perspective (WikiLeaks, 1977).
31st October 1977:
Cuban Foreign Minister Malmierca is reporting that Mengistu will shortly take a trip to Cuba to meet Castro. This will escalate the presence of Cubans in Ethiopia and might make a difference in the friendship between the nations. This visit from Mengistu might not deliver any change to the relationship if the comments from US Policy Advisor Alfredo Ramirez Otero. Even Castro doesn’t have a specialty for Africa in any way politicially. The Cubans has already a tiny presence in 300 “teachers”. There is a big possibility that the Cubans have forces fighting the Somalian for the Ethiopians. The Cubans want to have talks between the Government of Somalia and the Government of Ethiopia. It is accepted that the Soviet and Cubans have told Mengistu has to show moderation towards the US. The Cubans are opposing the struggle against the Ogaden and the Eritrean. Malmierca has said “that the Ethiopian and Somalian should get into some talks” (WikiLeaks, 1977).
25th November 1977:
The Ethiopian Foreign Minister Felleke Gedle-Ghiogis will be in Sierra Leone for a OAU Ethio-Sudan Committee meeting (WikiLeaks, 1977).
28th November 1977 – Italian Communist Party visit Addis:
The Italian Communist Party has favored the Ethiopia over Somalia. Italian Communist leader Giancarlo Pajetta a MP in Italy has visited Ethiopia. The plan was made by Berlinguer and a Derg Representative. It was on the 60th Anniversary celebration in early November in Moscow. The Italian Communist Party has been unsure about the Ogaden war and the Ethiopian Revolution. The Italians have traditionally supported the Somalia’s and the road to Socialism and the alliance with Moscow. Because of the visit they now show their full support of Ethiopians. Pajetta feels the PMC Mengistu devotion to the world communist cause. The Italians has tried to get the Ethiopians to have talks with the Somalis. The Ethiopians will not discuss anything with them until the forces from Somalia are out of the territory. Pajetta had hope that the friendship with Ethiopia would open it up talks. The visit of Pajetta most important effect is that the PMC will have the Moscow support of EPMG and also support the Eritrean liberation force PLF. They want to give them autonomy from Addis. There have also been no words that Pajetta also went to Mogadishu (WikiLeaks, 1977).
14th December 1977:
Haile Mariam Mengistu told two U.S. congressmen: “it is not our objective to cross our borders once we have thrown the Somalis out of Ethiopia. We intend to repeat the same mistake as the Somalis”. Mengistu stated further: “Policy of non-aligment” (…)”Peace, equality and social justice” (…)”A struggle is going on at every level between those who would like to see the old reinstituted and those who are determined to protect the revolution” (…)”intent and the objective of the revolution have been remain the restoration of Human Rights to the greatest majority of the Ethiopian people”. Representative Bonk from the congress is hoping for a peaceful solution in the Ogaden region, the Chairman of the PMC Mengistu said it wasn’t necessary to involve the OAU in the conflict (WikiLeaks, 1977).
24th December 1977:
Said Barre went on a visit to Madagascar where he hold a speech at the international airport in Antananarivo where the message was “Other party (Ethiopia)” should also come to Madagascar. Barre said the talks with the Madagascar government officials where he said: “the great questions of today notably concerning eastern Africa, the Somali-Ethiopian conflict, Somali-Malagasy relation” (WikiLeaks, 1977).
Hope this have given you some insights and been inspiring!
WikiLeaks – ‘ETHIOPIA AND CUBA ESTABLISH DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS’ (22.07.1975) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975ADDIS08717_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘SHAKE-UP IN TOP MILITARY COMMAND STRUCTURE’ (25.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS04505_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘NEW HIGH-LEVEL CIVILIAN AND MILITARY APPOINTMENTS’ (19.09.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS05529_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘LAND REFORM SEMINAR OPENS IN ADDIS ABABA’ (30.01.1975) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975ADDIS01173_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘REPORTS OF MILITIA MOVEMENTS TO COMBAT AREAS’ (15.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS04332_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘NIGERIAN EFFORT TO MEDIATE HORN CONFLICT’ (04.10.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS05786_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘PROPOSED ITINERARY FOR VISIT TO THE HORN: ETHIOPIA’ (25.11.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS06574_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘VISIT OF SOMALI PRESIDENT TO MADAGASCAR;’ (24.12.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ANTANA02363_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ETHIOPIAN REACTION TO MAO DEATH’ (10.09.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS10196_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘SOVIET PRESS SUMMARY – SEPT 29’ (29.09.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976MOSCOW15363_b.html
WikiLeaks –‘SITUATION IN ETHIOPIA AS OF 1500 HOURS (EST) FEB. 19, 1975’ (19.02.1975) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975STATE036564_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘VIETNAM MESSAGE OF SUPPORT FOR ETHIOPIA’ (17.05.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03091_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘CONVERSATION WITH EGYPTIAN AMBASSADOR’ (30.05.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03366_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘EAST GERMAN PARTY-GOVERNMENT DELEGATION VISIT TO ETHIOPIA’ (17.06.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03805_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ETHIOPIAN MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS DENIES’ (09.08.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977STATE187303_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘VISIT OF EEC REPRESENTATIVE – CLAUDE CHEYSSON’ (26.05.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03305_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ENCIRCLEMENT CONSPIRACY CONDEMNED AS DEFENSE CAMPAIGN PREPARATIONS CONTINUE’ (23.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03917_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘FRENCH AMBASSADOR IN ADDIS ON MENGITSU BRIEFING’ (19.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977MOSCOW10403_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘THE HORN AS SEEN BY FORMER ETHIOPIAN OFFICIAL’ (08.08.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977PARIS22990_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘VISIT OF HIGH-LEVEL ETHIOPIAN DELEGATION’ (31.10.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977HAVANA00485_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘TENSIONS AGAIN PEAKING IN THE DIRG?’ (22.04.1975) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975ADDIS12499_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘SITUATION IN ADDIS’ (24.04.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS04909_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘AFTERMATH OF SEPT 26 RALLY’ (29.09.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS10614_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY DELEGATION AFFIRMS SUPPORT OF ETHIOPIAN SOCIALIST REVOLUTION’ (28.11.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS06603_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘INR/AF ASSESSMENT OF ETHIOPIAN SITUATION’ (25.11.1974) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1974STATE259383_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ETHIOPIAN POSITION ON MIDDLE EAST SETTLEMENT’ (06.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS04154_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘WOUNDED VICE CHAIRMAN GIVES PRESS CONERENCE’ (25.09.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS10518_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ETHIOPIAN VIEWS ON REFUGEES’ (22.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03887_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘PMAC FIRST VICE CHAIRMAN ADDRESSES THE NATION/ SUMMARY’ (21.04.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS04821_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘MEETING WITH MENGISTU’ (29.08.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS05172_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘PMAC CHAIRMAN MENGISTU SPEAKS MIND’ (25.08.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS05132_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘AAPSO MASS RALLY AND DELEGATE MEETINGS WITH PMAC FIRST VICE-CHAIRMAN , MAJOR MENGISTU’ (03.11.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS11444_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘IS FIRST VICE-CHAIRMAN MENGISTU ILL?’ (24.05.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS06257_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘MEETING WITH MENGISTU’ (31.08.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS05227_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘REPORTED ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT ON MENGISTU’ (24.09.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS10506_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘MENGISTU SPEECH AND PROPOSALS AT OAU SUMMIT’ (07.07.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS04183_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘CHAIRMAN’S SPEECH AT NAVAL COLLEGE AND MILITARY ACADEMY GRADUATION’ (01.06.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS03435_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘PMAC CHAIRMAN PROTESTS US ARMS ASSISTANCE TO SOMALIA’ (05.08.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS04752_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘PRESS RELEASE OF CODEL TSONGAS/BONKER FOLLOWING’ (14.12.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS06851_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘MENGISTU’S TV INTERVIEW’ (02.05.1977) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1977ADDIS02738_c.html
WikiLeaks – ‘ANTI-CIA PLACARDS AGAIN EVIDENT DURING EPMG-STAGED SOLIDARITY RALLY’ (27.09.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS10527_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘PMAC’S NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTIONARY PROGRAM: EMBASSY’S INITIAL COMMENTS’ (22.04.1976) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1976ADDIS04881_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘CONG. TESTIMONY: AF CONTRIBUTION TO Q AND A’S’ (28.11.1974) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1974STATE262329_b.html
WikiLeaks – ‘THE DIRG AND THE GOVERNMENT’ (02.10.1975) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975ADDIS11773_b.html
August 14th 2014
On 1st May 2013, three rivers of Mubuku, Nyamwamba and Nyamugasani in Kasese district burst their banks causing massive flooding and devastation of Kilembe Mines estates, Kasese town and the surrounding villages. The disaster had far reaching effects resulting into the death of eight persons, destruction of property and displacement of more than 3000 persons, many of whom were forced to live in emergency camps. Cabinet therefore, noted the magnitude of destruction that had occurred as a result of heavy rains which caused floods in Kasese district on May 1st 2013 and directed the Ministry of Finance Planning and Economic Development to avail funds amounting to Shs 39 billion to facilitate the relocation and resettlement of people in all areas that were highly prone to landslides and floods.
This was because Cabinet realized that emergency operations and responses to the medium term development initiative aimed at restoring basic services, the recovery needs of the affected populace are still immense and require a more comprehensive approach for full recovery.
Therefore, the Kasese District Disaster Recovery plan 2014/2015 is a comprehensive response to the recovery needs of the affected areas and surrounding communities by reducing their vulnerability and enhancing their resilience to possible disasters of a similar nature.
The floods affected several sectors including Agriculture where food security of the people remains threatened. It will take approximately two planting seasons for the affected people to recover their livelihoods. Indeed more than 100 livestock perished, about twenty nine fish ponds were destroyed and 731 acres of agricultural land with crops were washed away by the flooding rivers.
The transport sector was not exceptional. The disaster resulted into the destruction of 20 bridges in the area including, mubuku, bridge along Kasese-Fortportal Road. Both murrum and tarmac roads were damaged cutting off communities and rendering access to different points difficult. This immensely affected the local economy and delivery of social services especially health, water and sanitation and education.
The floods washed away most of the inhabited houses with people’s belongings rendering the communities helpless particularly in Kyarumba, Maliba, Bulembia and Nyamwamba Divisions. Kilembe Mines Hospital, a 200 bed health facility and a main referral hospital was affected with a number of medical equipment and property including 50 housing units for staff destroyed. A number of classroom blocks and sanitary facilities in various schools including Bulembia, Road barrier, Nyamwamba and Kasese Primary Schools were destroyed.
It’s on the basis of the foregoing concerns, urgency and sensitivity of the issues that cabinet approved the Kasese District Disaster Recovery Plan 2014/2015 that spells out measures aimed at recovery of the area focusing on the key affected sectors as well as addressing some of the root causes of river flooding.
The Recovery plan also aims at reducing vulnerabilities and enhancing the resilience of the district and its populace. The recovery plan takes cognizance of the prioritized needs of the affected communities arising out of the local consultations. It will also promote recovery of Kasese District after floods, rebuild and promote business in Kasese, restore people’s livelohoods and to build their resilience to disasters and enhance early warning systems on natural disasters in the district. Cabinet therefore noted the humanitarian challenges caused by flooding in Kasese District in May 2013 and the colossal damages occasioned to varous sectors in the district.
It also noted the need to redirect recovery and development of Kasese District through implementation actions in the Recovery Plan and approved the Kasese District Disaster Recovery Plan 2014/2015. Cabinet also directed the Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development to frontload the money contained in the budget for FY 2014/15 to various sectors to facilitate the implementation of the critical activities of Kasese District Disaster Recovery Plan 2014/15 to prevent recurrence of floods likely to result from the El-nino rains expected in September 2014.
FOR GODA AND MY COUNTRY
Namayanja Rose Nsereko (MP)
MINISTER OF INFORMATION AND NATIONAL GUIDANCE
The main focus of the Private Sector for FY 2014/2015:
- Reducing the high cost of doing business to enhance Private Sector Competitiveness.
- Stimulate and cause increase in disposable income to help improve local demand so as to stimulate the creation of wealth.
- Monitoring and ensure that services are delivered in time and value with money. More importantly a well-coordinated system within Government itself, which can take advantage of supportive partners and resources of the private sector to spur growth.
(Private Sector, 2014)
Private Sector concerns:
They see issues with Infrastructure development, transport, Energy, ICT. The concerns about improving business regulatory climate, also the increasing access to affordable business finance to the agribusiness. Find a new focus for National Growth strategy on export of niche products. Get a new tax regime that is predictable and encourages growth for both production and development processes. A good management model of public resources to follow planned actions and implementation (Private Sector, 2014).
Proposals according with the new Tax measures:
Income Tax: Initial Allowance on capital expenditure on eligible plant and machinery has been removed. With the termination of exemption on the interests income that is on agricultural loans (Private Sector, 2014).
Value Added Tax (VAT):
The tax is now set on exemptions on certain levels of products. Like feeds for poultry and livestock. It’s also exemption for machinery for agricultural and dairy machinery. There is also lesser tax for packaging materials to both diary and milling industries. Then there is also special tax on specialized vehicles, plant, machinery, services and civil works that is on infrastructure construction, water, education and health (Private Sector, 2014).
They wish a termination of the Zero VAT rate supply:
The products that are not under ordinary VAT is Cereals (grown, milled or produced in Uganda), Processed Milk and Milk products, supply of machinery and tools for agriculture, seeds, fertilizer, pesticides and hoes. This is also for printing services for education materials. They are set VAT of 0 % but the Private Sector wish it to be 18 % (Private Sector, 2014).
After thought to the concerns from the Private Sector on the FY 2014/2015:
To cook this all down, it’s basic Chicago-School of economics. It’s the liberalistic dreamland where everything is free and liberal. That’s where the government stops all subsidies of education and agriculture. It’s the place where the government is a little player on the market – the strong beat the little guy in every instance. It’s fearful that the Private Sector wish to get VAT on Fertilizer, Seeds, Processed Milk and Machinery to the agriculture, pesticides and hoes. This will lead to issues for the struggling farmers of the hinterland and far far away from the streets of the rich Kampala. So therefore when the issues from the Private sector is just to earn simple money and earn on the poor farmer in the districts who can’t pick or choose his tools, fertilizer and seeds. They also mark the difference in between Kenya and Uganda. Even though there similarities between the nations. Still Agricultural business is different. The export from Kenya is in another league. The export of Kenyan coffee is famous compared to the Ugandan beans. The same with the Tea, I say that and I still wished to Garden Tea.
So for me the suggestions from the Private Sector are too silent and will kill the agriculture driven business. The Tourism tax is wise, because that will be used for promotion and marketing. They have good ideas even if they fear for the exemption for the lodging outside of Kampala. When it comes to Education is the removable of exemption of income tax from private schools. Government believes that the exemption will help investments in schools in the greater Kampala areas and also the improvement of education upcountry. This means that the private sector wants to blow this off. It tells that the private sector cares more for profit then the education system. This is also making the state or governments smaller, which usually are the tools of the Chicago-School of economics.
The Government of Uganda should not follow this advice. It will weaken the state and marginalize the structure of it. The ideas from the Public Sector won’t benefit either the public or the state. Both parties might earn a coin of silver dollar in the beginning, but in the long run the crippling of the education and agricultural business will not drive it. The reason why I still publish the document and pieces of it is to show the Public Sector who must be driven the USAID and their powerful basket of money. Views of state and business: Where nothing is to collide between the state and public sector. The dreams of freedom and big business with no power to big government, except a strong police and military. The rest, that can the public can pay for or handle themselves on their own. That’s why they want taxation and VAT on all this items and cut the whole idea of Zero VAT exemptions. That’s totally against their belief system. It’s true I been beating on the government for their lack of payment of their civil servants and teachers. Still, it’s necessary to tax and get sufficient cover for the supposed running of the state and the civil service. Not only monies to the mighty UPDF and UPF. Also not forgetting NSFF.
There is always a struggle to be family of a big man. The big man has options he can use his power to benefit others, follow procedure or give a hand to those in need. Jacob Zuma the President of South Africa has already been under fire for many different reasons. This time it’s for getting his daughter Thuthukile a great position in the Department of Telecommunication and Postal Services.
Nepotism is patronage delivered to people of kin or family. The Nepotism is an action where the kin or the family member gets a better business deal or job because of the relation and not the skills or education (Dictonary.com).
Thuthukile Zuma got appointed to the position of chief of staff in the Department of Telecommunication and Postal Services. Spokesman Siya Quza says: “Thuthukile Zuma’s appointment … is consistent with the rules and regulations governing the appointment of people in government ministries” (…)”The minister only considered her capacity to do the job and her qualifications. Her genealogy was never a consideration”. The most compelling part of the story for the hiring of Thuthukile Zuma is that it wasn’t any adverts or official release of the position (BDLive.co.za, 2014). A Government employee commented on the action: “There is an HR procedure for an upgrade of posts, but minister’s requests are rarely turned down” (Timeslive.co.za, 2014). Thuthukile Zuma went from being a low public liason officer to become a chief of staff. This appointment happened just months after Zuma was sworn in again (News24.com, 2014).
Gwede Mantashe defends the hiring of Thuthukile Zuma and says this: “grow and develop and take opportunities” (…)”I am cautioning against this thing of punishing our children for our sins. Please punish us for our sins, leave our kids” (…)”The daughter of the president took time to go to university, did a degree, an honours degree. I can tell you I would be surprised if she is not doing her master’s degree and I can tell you that child must be given space to grow and develop as herself and take opportunities” (…)”Once your principal goes, many of them actually spin on their tails because it’s not a permanent job, it’s contractual work that is going with the principal. Therefore the attitude is that we are politicians, we don’t want our kids to be described as only that in life, they must be able to survive and develop professionally as individuals, and we must give them space to do so, that’s my argument” (Marrian, 2014).
The Spokesman for the Department of Telecommunication and Postal Services Kgalalelo Masibi said: “Once the assessment team has done its assessment of the complaint, it will be sent to her for a decision” (…)”The complainant is asking the protector to find out whether the post was advertised, how many people applied for the position, and which qualified candidates were rejected” (…)”The complainant wants to know about the processes followed in the appointment, and whether she has the required qualification for the position” (Iol.co.za, 2014).
BDLive.co.za – ‘Ministry defends appointment of Zuma’s daughter’ (25.07.2014) Link: http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/politics/2014/07/25/ministry-defends-appointment-of-zumas-daughter
Dictonary.com – ‘Nepotism’ Link: http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/nepotism
Marrian, Natasha – ‘Mantashe defends Zuma daughter’s appointment’ (29.07.2014) Link: http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/politics/2014/07/29/mantashe-defends-zuma-daughters-appointment
News24.com – ‘Zuma’s daughter gets top govt job’ (25.07.2014) Link: http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/Politics/Zumas-daughter-gets-top-govt-job-20140725
IOL.co.za –‘Protector assessing Zuma daughter complaint’ (01.08.2014) Link: http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/protector-assessing-zuma-daughter-complaint-1.1729107#.U-uA9fl_uSo
Timeslive.co.za – ‘Zuma’s daughter promoted to chief of staff in two months’ (25.07.2014) Link: http://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2014/07/25/zuma-s-daughter-promoted-to-chief-of-staff-in-two-months
Following the press conference by the Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan held in Juba, on 24 July 2014, during which its Chairperson, H.E. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria informed that the Commission has commenced its the third field mission from 20 July 2014, beginning in Juba, the mission has since being undertaking states visits within the Republic of South Sudan which will last till 14 August 2014.
The Commission will be visiting or has visited the following States from 31 July to 14 September 2014:
• Lake State – Wau and Rumbek
• Unity State – Bentiu, Rubkona and Leer
• Upper Nile State – Malakal and Nasir
• Jonglei State – Bor
• Western Equatorial – Yambio
• Central Equatorial – Yei and Juba
• Warrap , Lake States and North Behr el Ghazal – Kwajok and Aweil
• Eastern Equatorial – Torrit
The African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan will continue to meet with all stakeholders including the South Sudan government representatives, SPLA (in opposition), South Sudanese citizens, International and Humanitarian actors as well as local Civil Society organizations (CSO) and other actors that will assist the pursuance of its mandate.
Why: This is to fulfill the mandate of the Commission of Inquiry which is provided for in the Communiqué of the PSC of 30 December 2013, and can be distilled as follows –
a. To investigate the human rights violations and other abuses committed during the
armed conflict in South Sudan;
b. To investigate the causes underlying the violations;
c. To make recommendations on the best ways and means to ensure accountability,
reconciliation and healing among all South Sudanese communities with a view to
deterring and preventing the occurrence of the violations in future; and
d. To make recommendations on how to move the country forward in terms of unity,
cooperation and sustainable development;
e. To submit a report within a maximum period of three (3) months.
Now again, I will address the matters of civil servants salaries in Uganda. There are still issues with withholding pay for certain groups of society. Like in Kibale District 85 persons we’re affected by this. Electoral Commission is missing money. The good news is that teachers are promised Ush50.000 hike in pay. Last but not least the loans for civil service are back on after been suspended for a while.
In Kibale district there been issues of non-paid civil servant staff. The state hasn’t paid 85. In June it was up to 200 who were affected by the same matter. Human Resources Officer Vincent Kyaligonza says “only 85 out of a total amount of 3200 servants have not been cleared to seek assistance from the CAO’s Office” (ChimpReports, 2014).
The Electoral Commission where recent comments have been made before the next general election in 2016. That Dr. Badru Kiggundu fears this “Salaries for our technical staff have remained stagnant since 1999. This has continued to erode the morale of staff. Through this committee, I appeal to Government for special consideration regarding this dire disparity because increased adjustments were made for all other public servants” (…)”This has put us in a danger of losing our capable and experienced staff and we may not conduct free and fair elections. The commission may not also be able to attract and maintain competent personnel in order to deliver its mandate because of this. In the recent salary revision, increment was only accorded to specified officers and the technical staff was not considered”. The other issue is the budget for the election. Wage bills is set to be sh16.5b this financial year, there is only been given sh8.2b, this means that there is missing sh8.3b. Kiggundu says: “We project to have 30,000 polling stations during 2016 elections and the costs of each voter verification system to be deployed per polling station is approximately $1,000 (about 2.6m) excluding logistics, training, hire of expertise and other concurrent costs” (Kashaka, 2014).
Director of Operation in the Electoral Commission Leonard Mulekwa says: “This is since these councils and committees form electoral colleges for election of Members of Parliamentary and Councillors representing these special interest groups in parliament and local government councils due between February 12 and March 13, 2016” (…)”This period is crowded in the field to permit election activities of Youth, PWDs and older Persons committee to run concurrently and smoothly. Therefore it is logistically prudent to complete these elections before commencing on the presidential and other polls” (Kashaka, 2014).
Certain teachers in the level of Primary school can expect a pay-raise up to 25 % that will be in effect by this month. The lowest pay of a school teacher will now be at shs279.145. Minister of Education Jessica Alupo says: “The increment for teachers’ salaries was provided as promised. The ministry of Finance and Economic Planning factored the increment into the MTEF (Mid-Term Expenditure Framework) where the wage component for primary increased by Shs202 billion from Shs619.68 billion in 2013/2014 to Shs822.07 billion in 2014/2015,” (Nalugo, 2014).
Good News II:
After describing earlier how the government of Uganda suspended loans to their teachers. There is now opened for trade again. Secretary to the Treasury Keith Muhakanizi says: “The control enforcing a maximum of 50% for payroll deductions per individual will be activated on the integrated personnel and payroll system”. Uganda National Teachers Union (UNTU) Spokesman James Tweheyo says also: “The revision of the policy means a lot to us. Most public officers survive on loans” (New Vision, 2014).
Chimreports – ‘Kibaale Civil Servants Miss July Salary’ (11.08.2014) Link: http://chimpreports.com/?p=2150
Kashaka, Umaru – ‘2016 polls: Kiggundu decries lack of funds’ (06.08.2014) Link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/658450-2016-polls-kiggundu-decries-lack-of-funds.html
Nalugo, Mercy – ‘Primary teachers’ salaries increased by Shs 50,000’ (06.08.2014) Link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Primary-teachers–salaries-increased-by-Shs-50-000/-/688334/2409532/-/36j37vz/-/index.html
New Vision – ‘Government lifts ban on salary loans’ (03.08.2014) Link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/658331-government-lifts-ban-on-salary-loans.html