Uganda: Majambere Kamuntu Semakula Ivan letter to Uganda Human Rights Commission – Request to Facilitate for my Asylum to United States of America (U.S.A) – (17.11.2022)

National Unity Platform: On the Ridiculous Statements by Uganda Police and Uganda Human Rights Commission on the Incidents at late Comrade Jakana Nadduli’s Funeral (27.10.2022)

Dr. Kizza Besigye’s advice for termination of the NRM!

If you ever want the clear advice to bring down the dictatorship of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who now acts and lives like he owns the Republic Uganda. Than if you want to get rid of that and want to use the advice of Forum for Democratic Change founder and former Presidential Candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye. Than his words and inspirational words should be for you. He explains the whole story and the whole theft of the state and how it was built around the President. How Museveni has taken all the institutions and the state is embedded with him. But that we already knows, therefore I have taken the part that people should listen to and use. The true defiance and defy the Museveni state, so that there are possible a peaceful transition from his rule. Where the state doesn’t belong to Museveni or the Movement, but to the people. The Citizens has a government who cares about delivery and not if Museveni get an expensive enough airplane or helicopter. Take a look!

Outtake from the Press Conference of Dr. Kizza Besigye today:

“Regardless of what the regime does, the people of Uganda are definitely closing in to take back their power and embark on a TRANSITION to a new dispensation.

The NRM/Museveni Junta has no legitimacy to amend the Uganda Constitution as it’s planning to do. This will be an activity of the TRANSTION PROCESS.

Immediate task: Termination of the NRM/Museveni Junta:

The following needs to be done to terminate the Junta’s control of our country:

1) Intensify the “awakening campaign”, for most Ugandans to become active in the processes of achieving a transition. Everyone has a role to play in achieving this.

2) Forming activist networks to make it possible to act together and to be coordinated.

3)Everyone seeking a democratic transition should take deliberate actions, individually or in concert with others to disempower and break down the Junta. Each one’s actions, however small, contribute significantly towards the desired change.

4) Public servants, including those in the security and military are called upon to join the struggle for democratic transition.

5) In coordination with other political and civil society formations, we’ll soon start various activities that will disempower and bring the, now fragile, Junta to an end.

The transition:

A transition process will start when the Junta ceases the control of the state- either, through popular actions or a dialogue process.

The key activities of the transition period are:

1) Government of National Unity.

2) A comprehensive review of the Constitution.

3) Rebuilding State institutions to ensure transparency in recruitment and a national character, a high standard of performance and public accountability; non-partisan character; high standard of discipline and professionalism etc.

4) Truth telling, justice and reconciliation.

5) Free and Fair elections” (Dr. Kizza Besigye, 11.07.2017).

The acts of defiance and trying to coordinate the powers to be. Make the state dissolution over the citizens who doesn’t act upon the oppressive measures dropped by the central government. That they does what they can locally to make changes to the state. This done in demonstrations and stop using the state based operations that makes the NRM regime so rich and can rig themselves into power. That they follow a leadership similar to Besigye and other who trying to dismantle the Presidency. For the simplest reason of getting democracy and getting rid of the dictatorship of Museveni. These words of Besigye should be seen as the guidelines for the patriots and the ones who wants the Republic run by elected men, and not selected men by the NRM. This is how it is now.

The NRM acts like they own the nation and the state, the State is controlled from the State House and the orders are from there. There aren’t anything done without the State House involved, that isn’t a healthy state. That is a Banana Republic and an undemocratic state where one-voice control it all. There is time for change, it has been a long time for change. This cannot only be done by the freedom fighter Besigye, but has to happen by the will and acts of the people. The people have to say, enough is enough. The impunity, the theft and the ignorance of needs of the people is enough. Time to stand-up and be together in the struggle for just ice, liberty and accountability. For a regime who wants to deliver government services and also give taxation with representation. Something that isn’t done now by this government and the President. Peace.

The NRM Regime have during the FY2015/2016 fallen behind on paying out UGX 2.7 trillion!

Today I am dropping numbers that are devastating, as the numbers of debt that the National Resistance Movement (NRM) isn’t paying, show’s sufficient motives for malpractice when it comes to budgeting and the structure of payments. There are certainly not enough transparency and clear audit of the state reserves, as the State is misusing seriously amount of funds. The NRM Regime and their President should be ashamed by their record.

Emmanuel Katongole is the Head Information Technology in the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MoFPED) in Uganda on the 12^th April 2017, he dropped a document on their web-page that show’s the domestic arrears of the Republic of Uganda in the last Financial Year.

If you wonder what Domestic Arrears means: “The amount by which a government has fallen behind in its payment of interest and principal on debt to lenders within its own country” (Encyclo.co.uk). So Katongole will literately show how bad the National Resistance Movement is on paying their bills and expenditure. All the sums of this report is in Ugandan Shillings (UGX).

Like under the Office of the President and the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) who itself leaves arrears in the margin of 3.8bn shillings and 8bn shillings in other payable arrears. That one part of the budget and current audit of the Office of the President as the total of verified arrears at June 2016 was 37bn shillings alone. So the Office of the President owes a lot of funds that it hasn’t paid, not only for the ISO!

The State House by the verified arrears at June 2016 was 1bn shillings. What is more unsettling is that the Pensions and Gratitude for Veterans are the sum of 183bn shillings, Survivors 315bn shillings, EXGRATIA 10bn and UNLA 26bn shillings. The Ministry of Defense by June 2016 verified arrears was 718bn shillings! So the MoD are a lax payer of their expenses and expenditure.

Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs owes verified arrears by June 2016 the amount of 684bn. Shillings Court Awards unpaid by the Ministry is 203bn shillings. The Electoral Commission has growing verified arrears by June 2016 because of Unsettled penal insterest for URA in the total sum of 3.2bn shillings. Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) has by June 2016 billed up verified arrears by 283bn shillings.

This is just some of the government that has not paid their dues and their expenses, their salaries or pensions, even their lacking covering of funds to pay debt, either internal or external. So the National Resistance Movement are clearly running an economy and fiscal policy that isn’t healthy for the republic.

Just to drop the total sum that the Government of Uganda has failed to pay or failed payments on their debt are by June 2016 the total of 2.7 Trillions of Uganda Shillings! Which is an insane number and amount of misspent monies by the state. The strategy by the Republic to fail so miserably cannot be sustainable, as the invoices and the target to pay their debt should be the most important. Still, the NRM doesn’t seem to think so. They are surely missing steps to having a sound economy when the verified arrears are hitting 2.7 trillions by June 2016. So the Financial Year of 2015/2016, the Ugandan government failed to serve out over 2 trillion of their needed expenses!

What is troubling that the year before, the total state had not paid on their debt and failing expenses in the Financial Year of 2014/2015 as by June 2015 we’re totally 1.389 or close to 1.4 Trillion shillings. So the miss-match between FY2014/2015 and FY 2015/2016 are 1.3 Trillion shillings. So the clear picture is that the Election Year for the NRM is very, very expensive.

Just think about that… eat the bill and pound on the amount of lost monies in the system. Peace.

 

CSBAG Statement: The Budget We Want 2017/18 (20.01.2017)

Opinion: It’s total silence not defiance anymore

The Campaign of Defiance is dead, because the compliance has sunk the ship of Defiance that we’re ushered in with the Presidential Campaign of 2015/2016 of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and for the Presidential Candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye. The rigged and fraudulent election went down, the President since 1986 President Yoweri Museveni triggered election victory with 100% in dozens of districts and acted vicious in others; that are known opposition strongholds like Kampala, Wakiso and others. Therefore the FDC and Besigye should have and could have grievances on the methods of suppression of the votes.

Besigye’s campaign of defiance was a grand idea in the darkness of an oppressive regime under the National Resistance Movement. The NRM has for decades and during previous elections used public funds, used the state and security organizations to spread fear instead of free and fair election. As well as hiring fellow cronies in the Electoral Commission that we’re working directly on orders for the Movement instead of securing the popular vote, as well as using the Police Force and the Army to show where the loyalty should be, also gifts of soaps, food and small fees to take part of rallies in the districts. This has been NRMs way of spreading loyalty and fear mixed together.

So the Defiance campaign was a good idea, to defy the rigged system and state apparatus that has eaten the whole plate and only follows orders of loyal cronies of Museveni. That in itself was genuine and straight-forward plan from Besigye, only if more of the citizens and the party he was apart of really believed in it. As with time the defying plans has been silenced, the fighting the machine and corrupt behaviour of the state has turned silent.

The FDC and the defiance after the failing Election Petition of the Go-Forward and Amama Mbabazi in Supreme Court, the FDC and Besigye hasn’t had the levels of defiance in them or tried to defy the structures that validates the regime. The FDC has turned into compliance as the swearing-in of Museveni happen and the Members of Parliament we’re sworn-in after the fraudulent election. It was topped when certain MPs went into Shadow-Parliament and legitimized the Movement.

So with this the FDC themselves did comply with Museveni and his fellow cronies instead of defying the ruler. They went into the chambers made sure they got paid and later trying to follow the lead of Besigye isn’t believable. That the same men and woman who easily take the small-change at the Parliament and later goes to FDC Prayers is playing to games.

The Short-Con is the Shadow-Cabinet and validating the rule of Museveni to make sure their pockets are filled and that their MPs respectability is fixed so their families and friends are secured. But with this they are forgetting the long-term damage to be parts of Movements skin-democracy.

The Long-Con is that with the sharing parts of the skin-democracy and playing the game of the freedom fighters while not really working the cause. So the long-con is some of the FDC leadership roles right now, only patching the hurt, but not trying to rebuild.

The Defiance Campaign was about defying the Movement… something that the FDC didn’t do, which is complicated and also lacking of moral support from the FDC while he was serving time in Moroto and Luzira. They might show up to gates of the prison and even say publicly that they condemn the Police Force actions against the democratic and rights to assemble as an opposition party.

So the plan of Defiance wasn’t supposed to be one-man band, Besigye wasn’t supposed to carry it on his own. Besigye weren’t alone as we could see youths, P-10 Groups and FDC-Diaspora we’re supportive efforts. You had and still have Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago and Gen. David Sejusa. Still, they have very few others who have been under fire at the same level without trading their souls, there is Ingrid Turinawe and Doreen Nyanjura has fought battles without much to gain.

That the silence in general should be worrying as the Police Force are continuing to battle with Besigye, his house is still besieged and the man is monitored every movement. If he breaks the barrier and creates public excitement, than it’s straight into detention or police brutality cases towards the crowds that surge the man.

Besigye should be free, the country should be free, but the silence isn’t saving anything. The silence has settled the defiance campaign and the mentality of the defiance agenda. They didn’t build momentum enough to stop the daily life and hurt the business of the movement. The defiance didn’t stop the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) from collecting VAT or stop exports of fuel. The Defiance didn’t stop the UPDF from getting new recruits or any other possible monetary deficiency the campaign could do. Just like the shops stopping trading as the shop-keepers we’re even detained for doing so, because it hurt the taxation and trade that the Movement needs to run their merry-go-round of graft and embezzlement of public funds.

The Defiance could have worked if the FDC and Besigye had gotten the momentum and had the public will behind them, not the half-ready pile of work, sort of like the way the Police Force in Uganda picks up intelligence as they see fit in forged police case. The FDC could have used the anger and frustration of the public, the citizens who feel used.

So the May Protest this year we’re starting of profound messages that the citizens we’re on the road of pressing the government. So much we’re ready as they remembered the recent thieving of their future from the Movement yet again, the wounds we’re fresh. Still the army had been in the streets, the Police Force we’re targeting the opposition and also civil society offices we’re attacked.

The people shouldn’t be silenced as the Christmas season are in line, the FDC cannot carry this alone, not that all of them wanted the defiance; they wanted the easy compliance life of the pseudo-opposition instead of a fighting defying organization that could get rid of the militarized movement that been running it since the 1980s. That should be KEY. That should be the goal of the FDC; instead many went into legitimizing it.

So the silenced is understandable, Besigye and his trials cannot be of only him and it isn’t, but it is many who has given in and went back to business-as-usual. Besigye could have more support from the FDC NEC, but he hasn’t. They don’t have the backbone and the wish to succeed. They gave in when it was going against the grain. They we’re risking it all and couldn’t. While Besigye is again under a “treason” charge as others who are questioning the Movement; the others are walking free and without any Court Orders in their name.

It’s not like the man who took the power by the gun want to leave silent or let it go easy, he fought a brutal bush-war. Now he has a big-army and guerrillas of M23, Museveni got allies of USA and Russia dropping arms in his favour so he can suppress his people. Citizens can fight this, but they cannot only rely on Besigye. Besigye only has power if the people are behind him. If the people are working with to dismantle the regime, but the silent obedient citizens are changing an illegitimate regime. Civil disobedience and systematic effort to discontinue the regime would be true defying the Movement. Instead the silence is what is running the tides as 2017 are coming around the corner. Peace.

Uganda Human Rights Commission: “Re: Complaint No. CTR/13/2016 Dr. Kizza Besigye Kifefe and Attorney General” (05.10.2016)

UHRC: Quotes for a thought; a must read on Human Rights breaches in Uganda!

“I had a case of my brother who was arrested by police and was asked to pay UGX 100,000. But after the community meeting by UHRC, I learnt that police bond is free.” A participant in a community meeting in Luweero District (UHRC, P: 64, 2016).

As there been a hectic year for Uganda, with the preparation for the General Election of 2016, the report from Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC), should have lots of instances where the breaches of violations towards political opponents and dissidents from the NRM-Regime. As the system is to uphold the status-quo and respect Mzee. I will today look through the Report and find the most staggering numbers and tales. To show what kind of actions the government does against their own citizens, in the name of the Executive and his reign to keep rule all for himself!

Alone alleged violations in Uganda that we’re registered in 2015 we’re “Torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment” total of 345, “Deprivation of personal liberty/detention beyond 48 hours” total of 247, “ and kind of violation in 2015 we’re 909 to all the offices of UHRC. As seen the registered complaints to the UHRC; the respondents are the once claimed to be responsible for the violations. Here is the one usually behind it:

“The top five respondents over the past six years (2010-2015) have remained the UPF, private individuals, UPDF, local governments and the UPS. In the six years, the UPF had a total of 2,646 (the highest number of complaints registered against a respondent), while private individuals had 1,271. The UPDF had 622; UPS, 205; and local governments, 200” (UHRC, P: 15, 2016). This here proves the level of violations from the Army and Police; the once that are surprised by that haven’t followed how the Modus Operandi of the security organizations in Uganda.

One testimony to the UHRC:

“I was told by the investigations team they would follow up my complaint of being detained for eight days at Kakira Police Station. Indeed the Uganda Human Rights [Commission] team did so. I was never at any one point in time asked for facilitation to conduct the investigation until it ended. I now await the outcome of the investigation. By the way, it is upon the Commission’s intervention that I was released immediately. Investigations were conducted objectively and thoroughly to the extent that the perpetrators asked for my forgiveness.” (UHRC, P: 15, 2016).

Second testimony to the UHRC:

“I was arrested by the police from Adjumani Central Police Station on allegations of theft. During detention, my money [amounting to] UGX 200,000 was taken and kept by the police. After conviction and serving my sentence in prison, I went to claim my money, but police told me it was an exhibit in court. When I reported the matter to UHRC, it was registered and investigated and all my money was paid back.” (UHRC, P: 16, 2016).

Complaints completed in 2015:

“In 2015, UHRC closed 382 complaints after investigations. Of these, 287 were backlog files and 95 were fresh complaints registered during the year. 382 complaints were closed for various reasons, including successful mediations, insufficient evidence, receipt of remedy by the complainant, requests from the complainants, referral to other institutions, cautioning of respondent and not revealing any human rights violation. Other reasons included merging of files, failure to trace respondents and death of complainant” (UHRC, P: 17, 2016).

Outstanding compensation from Attorney General to the Tribunal:

“Therefore, the UGX 758,552,86813 that MoJCA paid as compensation to victims of human rights violations in 2015 did not cover any beneficiary of the complaints decided by the Commission during the period 2013 to 2015 (refer to Annex A). As of 31st December 2015, the outstanding awards against the Attorney General was UGX 5,047,671,968 (Uganda shillings five billion, forty seven million, six hundred seventy one thousand, nine hundred sixty eight)” (UHCR, P:31, 2016). Here is the reason for the delayed compensation of the awarded through the tribunal: “Delayed payment of Tribunal awards. Respondents, especially the Attorney General, take long to pay tribunal awards. Although the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs has argued that this is mainly due to limited budgetary allocations, UHRC has realised that the delay is sometimes caused by the bureaucratic processes that require the respective state attorney to form the first opinion on whether to appeal or clear payment of the award. This has caused untold delays, especially in cases where the state attorney may not be willing to recommend payment of the award, particularly where the Attorney General was not represented during the hearings” (UNHCR, P: 32, 2016).

Prisoners awaiting Ministerial Orders:

“K.S Awaiting ministerial order for 24 years. It was reported that he does not get visitors” (…) “B.E Awaiting ministerial order for the last 15 years” (UNHCR, P: 37, 2016).

Third Testimony:

“The human rights training we attended were very helpful. I learnt that when I torture a suspect it is entirely on me and me personally…”said an officer from Kasangati Police” (UNHCR, P: 37, 2016)

A little on how the detainees and Prison conditions are:

Many places don’t have transport for suspects of crime, they are taken random by public transport in places like Kole, Erute, Lira, Anyeke, Otuke, Pece and Kinene. With this result on place as well: “At Kamwenge and Bigere police posts, suspects were transported to court and back on bodaboda at a cost of UGX 60,000” (UNHCR, P: 44, 2016). Also inaccurate salaries and compensation of Police officers: “At Buganikere police post, an officer had not received salary since December 2013 and at Hima police station, five staff members had missed their salary of September 2015. At Rwangara police post, staff could not easily access salary because the bank was far away and they would have to incur transport costs” (UNHCR, P: 44, 2016). Even lacking basic structures is a problem at Police Post, Police Stations and Prison cells: “Detention facilities that did not have adequate water for sanitation and personal hygiene included Kiboga, Kasangati and Rubanda prisons, as well as Buseruka Police Post and Nakaloke and Bunkhongo police stations” (UNHCR, P: 51, 2016). When it comes to sleeping facility for detainees: “UHRC found that 234 out of the 896 detention facilities inspected did not have adequate beddings; so, detainees used either tattered blankets, mats or pieces of papers. This was observed in 41 prisons, 192 police detention facilities and one military detention place inspected. These facilities included: Mutufu and Ngora prisons; Ngai, Iceme, Aber, Kwera and Kangai police posts; as well as Dokolo, Otuke (adult cells), Agawata, Adwari and Olilim police stations” (UNHCR, P: 52, 2016).

The Senior Citizens Grants for Empowerment roll-out plan:

“UHRC noted with concern that although 1.2 million people in Uganda were aged 65 years and qualify for the SAGE programme, only 123,260 were benefiting. However, in August 2015, the government announced the roll-out plan of the SAGE programme to 40 more districts across the country over the next five years, beginning with 20 in the FY 2015/16 and subsequently adding five districts every year for the next four years until FY 2019/20” (UNHCR, P: 103, 2016).

Digital Privacy:

“There were allegations of infection by malicious software of communication devices belonging to various individuals, including journalists, believed to be instigated by state agents.156 It is alleged that once infected with this software, a person’s computer or phone could instantly be remotely monitored; passwords, files, microphones and cameras could be viewed and manipulated without the owner’s knowledge” (UNHRC, P: 141, 2016).

On the General Election:

“UHRC noted reports of the overzealousness and selective application of EC guidelines by the UPF, leading to their alleged interference in and denial of some campaign rallies, prevention of opposition accident victims from accessing a health centre for treatment, prevention of people from attending opposition rallies, violently dispersing opposition rallies and injuring supporters; and the arrest of opposition officials and confiscation of opposition materials such as manifestos. It is worth noting that the UPF took action on some of its errant officers and instituted investigations into the incidents” (…) “There were concerns about the alleged discriminatory nature in the way political players enjoyed rights and freedoms of assembly, movement and personal liberty, which did not, in many cases, favour opposition leaders during the electoral period” (…) “Although UHRC noted positive developments, such as strengthened internal mechanisms in political parties, the successful nomination of presidential, parliamentary and various candidates at the local government, and introduction of new technology, such as SMS and the online system, there were challenges that still hindered the realisation of the right to vote. UHRC also noted that some of the challenges identified during the previous elections, such as the timely review of electoral laws, had not been addressed in the run-up to the 2016 elections. In addition, UHRC notes that there is need to address evolving challenges, such as lack of internal democratic party processes, the emergence of crime preventers and militia during the electoral period, and the varied interpretation of laws, in order to ensure that the right to vote is realized” (UNHRC, P: 169- 172, 2016).

Proposed amendment of the 48 hour rule:

“There have been proposals to amend Article 23 (4), which prescribes for the production of a detained person to court within 48 hours from the time of his or her arrest, on grounds that the prescribed 48 hours is insufficient to bring a person to court” (… ) ” UHRC, therefore, recommends that:

• Article 23 (4) should be retained and priority placed on enhancing the investigative capacity of the Uganda Police Force” (UHRC, P: 203-204).

Uganda Police Force should urgently address the issue of detention of suspects without files. If there are no files or charges against them, they should be released:

“UHRC made this recommendation to the UPF in 2013. In 2015, the UPF informed UHRC that police commanders and officers in the Criminal Intelligence and Investigative Directorate (CIID) were tasked to ensure that whenever suspects are arrested, files should be compiled, proper and timely investigations carried out, and the necessary procedure followed to take the suspects to court immediately. With the establishment of the Directorate of Human Rights and Legal Services at police headquarters and the deployment of regional human rights officers in 16 regions, this problem was partially addressed” (UNHRC, P: 223, 2016).

Aftermath: 

Here you saw the definition of Human Rights issues, there we’re even more labor questions and education on Human Rights. The certainty is the levels of force from the Uganda Police Force (UPF) and Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) that are extending themselves into the citizens sphere and not being there to create security; instead breaching the levels of trust from the security organization and the citizens.

If you feel I left something behind, please put it in the commentary. This is for me the most important details; I couldn’t pick it all; as there we’re many breaches and many questionable actions towards the citizens that could be posted today. Because this is close to 2000 words, but the report are 296 pages. So the amount of details in the report could fill many pages more and a bigger article. This here is just a hunch of the breaches that the government and their institutions are doing, also the missing pieces to the laws and the institutions that’s securing the rights of the citizens. Peace.

Reference:

Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) – ‘The 18th Annual Report of the Uganda Human Rights Commission To the Parliament of the Republic of Uganda’ (July, 2016)

WikiLeaks: Government of Uganda issues from 2007 to 2009/10; ENI/Tullow Oil, PRA, Wakiso By-Election, Election Rigging, Payed Media and so on

Here I will back into the past, as I have done with Museveni directly connected to violence in the past. Here it is more general. Some of this is to refresh the memory of the matter. And when the Government; back in the called all of this rubbish, it must have been some facts that the government doesn’t want into the light. There is certainty that this will shed some lights on matter of Corruption, Oil-Money, Election-Rigging and other saucy tales of the recent past. Enjoy!

Mabira Forrest and sugarcane deal:

President Museveni has gotten tired of multi-party-ism after the dissidence to agreement between Asian business deals to make the Mabira Forrest into a sugarcane farms. Especially President Museveni is tired of FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye and how he is addressing the matters of Mabira Forrest. Because the NRM is happy with their trade between Government of Uganda and the Metha Group that Besigye and the public who has a feeling that Indian business are getting sweet-deals, but the ordinary workers are getting anything. Certain sources are saying that the Cabinet has made an agreement with the World Bank on the Bujagali Dam, but a part of that deal is to secure the Mabira Forrest. Museveni’s argument for the sale is to get the country into a middleclass county and in that way you have to use all the countries minerals and resources (WikiLeaks, 2007).

The PRA Suspect on bail:

On the 1^st March of 2007 has re-arrested the main offenders from the Peoples’s Redemption Army (RPA). These offenders are suspected on both murder charges and treason charges. They we’re given bail, but the police didn’t treat them correctly. The Police beat them with batons and their defense lawyers were injured in the altercation. “Minister of Internal Affairs Ruhakana Rugunda said that the PRA had been released on bail for the treason charges against them, and that the Government respected this decision” (…) “Principal Judge James Ogoola said that he was: “concerned for the Court, for liberty in this country, and for the peace of this country” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Besigye’s brother:

On the 13.06.2007 the High Court judge Caroline Okello granted the brother of Dr. Kizza Besigye bail. He is Joseph Musaizi Kifefe. He was charged at the time for being part of the uprising of the PRA (People’s Redemption Army). Further on he will stand trial for treason against the state. The lawyer for Kifefe has applied for bail on the grounds of medical condition of his client since he has blood cancer and need treatment at Mulago Hospital. On June 18 2007 he was discharged from Hospital after treatment that has lasted for over a month. The conditions for the bail was set for that he has to report to the Kampala Central Police Station, do this twice a month and register that cost $6,000, leaving behind his passport and not allowed to travel without permission. The issue for giving Kifefe bail was that the Government of Uganda feared the smear and loses appeal with the donor nations. Next date that is set for PRA suspects is set for July 16.2007 (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Corruption cases:

Immunization Corruption Case:

In January of 2006 the President Museveni requested that the Inspector General of Government (IGG) to investigate the former Minister of Health Jim Muhwezi. This was because of the alleged scheming money from the vaccine program of Global Alliance for Vaccine and Immunization (GAVI). The funds for this program were instead spent on SIPIDIS – Constitutional Referendum and National Resistance Movement. President Museveni asked First Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya on how much of these funds we’re used for campaigning in 2005-2006. While the President pushed for IGG to investigate the Fund. Janet Museveni tried to stop this and support Jim Muhwezi. In April of 2007 the Justice Faith Mwondha that the former Health Ministery and other government officials had misused the GAVI funds. These persons were Jim Muhwezi, Mike Muluka, Alex Kamugisha and also the first lady niece Alice Kaboyo was part of the corruption case. The case was for the missing $900,000 from the $4,8M. 4^th May 2007 Jim Muhwezi filed a petition against the case to block President Museveni’s case against the Gavi Corruption case. The argument being that it’s an independent institution that shouldn’t follow orders by the President and should get its mandate from the Constitution. The answer from the President came on the 16^th May 2007 when he went to Constitutional Court to swear an affidavit that claims the corruption of Muhwezi and Kaboyo. At the same time the President claimed he hadn’t interfered in the investigation of the IGG. 18^th May 2007 the arrest warrants on the Muhezi and Kaboyo was sent out. That also Kaboyo was implicated was not something the Ugandan public expected since she had been a part of the household of Museveni. Kaboyo claimed that she did this on verbal agreement with the President. Muhwezi was away when the arrest order came, but he turned to the police in 28^th May 2007 from there he was sent to Luzira prison. Mukula and Kamugisha were granted bail on the 25^th May 2007. The issue with this case was that the party of people took more money than where authorized to do and didn’t prove what they used that money for. Muhewezi is now seen as “not political responsible”. The Cabinet wanted just to “clip his wings” because they could be implicated by the case. This is something the President Museveni accepted (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Wakiso By-Elections:

4^th November 2008 there was held by-election to fill the seat of the Kyaddondo North of the Wakiso District. “NRM candidate and son of Kibirige, Robert Kibirige Kasule, won the tightly contested race with 8,183 votes – just 60 more than DP candidate Regine Bakittee.  Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate Pallyne Nakabuye finished a distant third with 1,900 votes” (…) “Allegations of electoral malpractice, including ballot stuffing, bribery, multiple voting, and violence were widespread. In one confirmed incident, a polling station’s presiding officer and other officials were found at the site before the polls opened with a number of pre-marked ballots already in the box.  The police and Electoral Commission Returning Officer were called in and the presiding officer was later arrested and the ballot box confiscated” (…) “DP Legal Advisor and Kampala District parliamentarian Erias Lukwago told the press that the election was not “free and fair” and vowed to seek legal redress” (…) “DP Secretary General Mathius Nsubuga contacted members of the diplomatic community to encourage missions to observe the election on December 4.  Nsubuga expressed concerns about increased Ugandan military deployments in the area in the days leading up to the election and reported increased incidents of intimidation.  He reported that Bakittee’s campaign manager had been knocked down in a hit-and-run car accident involving a government-marked vehicle” (WikiLeaks, 2008).

Media is bribed to write certain stories:

“De Temmerman expressed deep concern over the state of Ugandan journalism. “What is happening in the Ugandan press is pure exploitation and fabrication,” she commented. De Temmerman said that journalists are often paid to write stories aimed at destroying political rivals or advancing private economic agendas. She pointed to coverage of the recent National Social Security Fund’s questionable purchase of land belonging to Security Minister Amama Mbabazi and approved by Finance Minister Ezra Suruma (reftel). She said that a “considerable amount of money” exchanged hands as Parliament’s probe moved forward and that a number of her journalists had been offered bribes to “hit Mbabazi hard.” (…)”“The Red Pepper is 90 percent fabricated,” De Temmerman affirmed (Note: The Red Pepper is a salacious tabloid that is used by the government and private individuals to malign enemies. End note.). She expressed concern that the paper’s readership was rising and that some Ugandans might actually mistake it for factual journalism” (WikiLeaks, 2008).

Local Council elections in 2009:

On 21th May of 2009 was there held in 79 districts that will fill the new seats in local councils and sub-country level. Observation teams saw this: “Voter turnout was low and there were very few contentious contests.  However, there were a number of irregularities and concerns that in a larger, more controversial election could be cause for conflict or possibly a rejection of the results.  Observation teams reported that several polling stations opened late due to tardy polling officials, missing or delayed voting materials, and rain.  Observers also recorded problems with the voter identification process, including multiple voters without voter identification cards or other identity documents, missing names, un-alphabetized voter registries, and conflict between polling officials and party agents over the identity of undocumented voters (Note: There were allegations that the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party’s officials brought people to the polling stations without identification to vote in the place of deceased individuals still on the list. End note)” (…)”Monitors reported inconsistent ballot box sealing procedures, mostly believed to be the result of poor training rather than fraud.  In some instances, polling officials mistakenly used regular ink instead of the indelible ink to mark voters’ fingers. In at least two cases, individuals responsible for marking voters’ fingers were absent from their posts.  Many polling officials, party agents, and Uganda Police Force (UPF) constables appeared to lack a strong understanding of their roles and responsibilities in the voting process and thus failed at times to properly enforce electoral laws.  This, combined with limited voter education and information, often led to confusion and in some isolated instances verbal confrontation.  In one district, observers reported a more serious case of ballot stuffing.  Although observers reported these findings to the District Electoral Registrar, the results from the station were still considered valid and were included in the final count” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Election Rigging:

“On October 22, Uganda’s main opposition newspaper published excerpts of an internal NRM report accusing core EC officials of conspiring with opposition parties to place “ghost” voters and “phantom” villages on Uganda’s voter rolls. Opposition parties have identified a new EC as a prerequisite for their participation in the 2011 elections because they view the current EC as pro-NRM (refs. A, B and C). Various iterations of the NRM report accuse the EC of placing 500,000 to one million pro-opposition “ghost” voters on the voter registry to force the NRM’s Presidential candidate into a second round election run off in 2011. The report singles out EC Secretary Sam Rwakoojo, Legal Council Alfred Okello Oryem, and a handful of mid-level officials for corruption, fraud and conflict of interest, and recommends firing Rwakoojo “forthwith as he as done the most to damage (the) NRM.” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

NRM-Membership program:

“The NRM membership campaign probably also serves to strengthen Museveni and Mbabazi’s power within the party. NRM leaders are likely looking to prevent an embarrassing repeat of the 2006 legislative election when 37 NRM members, frustrated by the lack of internal democracy within the party, defeated hand-picked NRM candidates by running for parliament as political independents. With the registration campaign, party members could be identified earlier and threatened with permanent alienation from the NRM if they bolted to seek election as independents. Mbabazi may also use his control of the registration campaign to boost his own embattled position within the party by withholding registration to those in the NRM who do not support him. Mbabazi’s position as Secretary General is up for re-election in late-2010, and he will likely face stiff competition for the NRM’s contested top spot” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

The day before riots:

“The government closed five radio stations on September 11^th two CBS stations plus Suubi FM, Radio Sapientia, and Radio Two Akaboozi Kubiri – for violating Uganda’s Electronic Media act.  At least two other stations – Radio Simba and WBS TV – have been warned to censor their reporting or risk closure” (…)“On September 11, well known Radio One talk show host Robert Kalundi Sserumaga was abducted by unidentified assailants riding in an unmarked sedan as he left the WBS studio.  He was later dumped in front of a police station and arrested” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Riots in Kampala:

“Rioting in Kampala subsided on September 12 after the King of Buganda postponed his visit to the disputed district of Kayunga” (…) “There was sporadic gunfire during the morning of September 12 on the outskirts of Kampala, as well as road closures and checkpoints near the city center amidst a heavy police presence.  Several police posts and dozens of vehicles were burnt during the riots.  One reportedly Asian-owned paint factory was also torched” (…) “On September 12 Buganda Prime Minister John Baptist  Walusimbi asked the Inspector General of Police, Kale Kayihura to  “restrain his officers and men from indiscriminate shooting against unarmed civilians in order to cool the temperatures.” (…) “On September 14, state media reported 21 dead and over 100 injured (including 13 police officers) during two days of rioting.  Some of those brought to Kampala’s overflowing Mulago hospital, including a two year old child who was killed, were hit in their homes by stray bullets” (…) “An estimated 550 to 650 people were arrested during the  riots. Local media reports only 82 of these have been charged, meaning that the rest should either be charged today or released” (…) “Museveni also accused Libyan leader Muamar Qadhafi of trying to destabilize Uganda by funneling funds to the Baganda as payback for Museveni’s opposition to Qadhafi’s United States of Africa proposal” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

President Museveni on alleged torture:    

On 14^th October 2009 President Musveni told the press that those who are torturing Ugandans will be severely punished. The president does this because he want to squash the allegations that been made in UHRC that agencies of the state is violating the Human rights. Reuters also questioned the President on the arrest and beating of the journalist Robert Kalundi Sserumaga. Later on 18^th October 2009 NRM spokesman Ofwono Opondo he was ashamed of the actions of the UPDF, the Police, Prisons and intelligence agency. Opondo has claimed that he didn’t Understand why this was happening since the government agencies are more educated then before therefore it’s a shock that they torture the people they are arresting. IGP Gen Kale Kayihura on the 17^th October he had to change the Rapid Response Unit(RRU) in the Police after claims of torture of alleged corruption case against the Executive Director of UNFA (Uganda National Forestry Authority) and his wife where the RRU is suspected of detaining them for a week and threathen to torture them. The RRU director David Magara was because of this moved from his position into a leadership role in the CID (Criminal Investigation Directorat). In Hoima the mayor who is a part of the FDC Atugonza is in proceedings against the state for a torture case where he was attacked by JATT (Joint Anti-Terrorist Team) in April 2009. This was a closed session from the public. The Mayor of Hoima claimed in court that he was sent to a “safe house” and tortured there by the CMI (Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence). Because of this Dr. Kizza Besigye has said that he would make litigation against Minister of Security Amama Mbabazi for the treatment of Atugonza by security agencies he controls (WikiLeaks, 2009).

New Districts in 2009:

“On November 11, Minister of Lands Adolf Mwesige asked Parliament to approve the creation of seven new administrative districts on top of the 14 districts already slated for creation in 2009 and 2010. If approved, this will bring the total number of administrative districts to 101, or three times the 33 districts existing when Museveni took power in 1986” (…) “According to the Commissioner for Local Councils, Patrick Mutabwire, all of the 39 districts created between 2005 and 2009 depend on the central government to cover 90 percent of their expedenditures.  At the moment, government service provision in new districts remains poor or nonexistent” (…) “According to the Commisioner for Local Councils, new district start up costs range from USD 300,000 for smaller districts to USD 1 million for larger ones, and each new district employs between 250 to 500 local government employees/ new districts are attractive job creation mechanisms for the Ugandan government. These appointments provide a chance for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) to reward specific constituencies and individuals, or entice opposition members back into the NRM camp” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

GoU and ENI deal – Mbabazi connection:

“The report claims that Mbabazi is using a front company belonging to the European owner of Asante Oil, and that ENI representatives distributed “fat envelopes” to a number of visitors – including Energy Ministry officials, representatives from the Office of the President, journalists, and Bunyoro Kingdom officers – while installed at a safari lodge in Murchison Falls National Park close to where drilling has occurred. NOTE: EconOff witnessed ENI’s presence at this lodge during a trip to Murchison in early December. END NOTE. Much of the report highlights ENI’s Libyan ties and accuses Qadhafi of funneling money to the Bunyoro and Buganda Kingdoms to destabilize the Museveni regime. The final two sections of the report purport to “show how ENI corrupts a country’s leadership and forces them to take unpopular selfish policies,” and the “dangers” of an ENI/Libya deal” (WikiLeaks, 2010).

Tullow oil corruption:

“On 14 December, Tim O’Hanlon, Tullow Oil’s Regional Vice President for Africa met with Ambassador Lanier to discuss recent developments in oil exploration in Uganda (see ref. A for background). O’Hanlon explained that the $10+ billion required to produce, refine, and export oil from Uganda far exceeds the financial capacity of Tullow and other mid-sized exploration companies currently working in Uganda. Tullow is therefore considering selling a portion of its Uganda holdings to a larger international oil partner, and has unofficially “short listed” three major companies as potential partners – including Exxon Mobil, Total (France), and the Chinese National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC). After Tullow concludes its process of selecting a partner, likely in January or February 2010, Tullow will present the “bids” to the Uganda government and work with Ugandan officials to gain approval of the much larger oil partner” (…)”O’Hanlon referred to Minister Mbabazi, who facilitated an August 2009 meeting between ENI and Tullow, as ENI’s “patron” in Uganda, and said ENI created a shell company in London – TKL Holdings – through frontmen Mark Christian and Moses Seruje – to funnel money to Mbabazi. O’Hanlon also noted what he described as Onek’s recent unsolicited “grandstanding” before Parliament in support of ENI, and similar statements of support during a recent Indo-African energy conference in New Dehli. Onek made impossible claims at the Indo-African conference regarding ENI’s ability to export 100,000 – 200,000 barrels per day within two years” (…)”O’Hanlon said ENI’s Uganda deal is part of a wider effort, facilitated by Heritage, to gain control of all oil fields on both sides of Lake Albert. In addition to its exploration blocks in Uganda, Tullow claims to have exploration rights on the Congolese side of Lake Albert” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

This here must been seen as interesting, doest it? Aye? Especially so close to the elections, I am sure the local media would not like this to come out, especially the New Vision and such. I am sure Amama Mbabazi will not like this, but the history is the history, and people should know this, so you make the right decision on the polling day! Peace.

Reference:

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: BESIGYE’S DETAINED BROTHER GRANTED BAIL’ (03.07.2007) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA1089_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: IF A TREE FALLS IN MABIRA FOREST, WHO WILL HEAR IT?’ (02.05.2007) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA744_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘RESPECTED EDITOR RESIGNS; GIVES VIEWS ON UGANDAN MEDIA’ (20.11.2008) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08KAMPALA1524_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: CORRUPTION SCANDAL’S POLITICAL RAMIFICATIONS’ (29.05.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA909_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: MUSEVENI AND NRM SPEAK OUT AGAINST TORTURE’ (27.10.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1249_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: GOVERNMENT RE-ARRESTS PRA SUSPECTS’ (02.03.2007) Link:  https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA367_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: DEATHS, DETENTIONS, AND DISTRUST AFTER KAMPALA RIOTING’ (14.09.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1055_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: DISTRICT PROLIFERATION AS POLITICAL PATRONAGE’ (20.11.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1326_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘LOCAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS IN UGANDA SIGNAL TROUBLE IN 2011’ (10.06.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA576_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘CONTENTIOUS UGANDAN BY-ELECTION AND ITS LESSONS FOR 2011’ (18.12.2008) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08KAMPALA1613_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: ALLEGATIONS OF “GHOST” VOTERS HAUNT ELECTORAL COMMISSION’ (17.11.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1323_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘POLICE ARREST MAYOR (AGAIN) AND TEAR GAS OPPOSITION IN WESTERN UGANDA’ (10.12.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1391_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: SECURITY REPORT DETAILS OIL SECTOR CORRUPTION’ (13.01.2010) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10KAMPALA19_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: TULLOW SEES CORRUPTION IN OIL SALE’ (17.12.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1401_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: NRM LAUNCHES MEMBERSHIP REGISTRATION DRIVE’ (23.09.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1097_a.html

What NRM’s #Steady Progress really is…

We all know that the election is going on and that NRM have a campaign slogan as such: “Steady Progress”. This is the time when NRM is telling in each district they visit about the 29 years of “steady progress”. Well, I will not, I am not NRM. And not a great fan of the NRM. As those of you who read my page/blog should understand by now. I will show another story of the #Steady Progress have been under the NRM and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s presidency.

#Steady Progress under the NRM-Regime is that there been violence and arresting the opposition leaders with different claims. And have rhetoric that attacks others then look into their own missteps. Especially when Mzee hear the reports of the violence were from NRM-Supporters together with the Police in an area (Ntungamo clashes for instance). There isn’t the first time the President Museveni spreads fear in the name of democracy and not the last. He can put his words into a leopard’s mouth and see if the animal bites.

#Steady Progress is to have close hospitals in the weekends and having no nurses at the referral hospital in the districts. #SteadyProgess is to suspend health workers after showing the terrible working condition of the Health Care facility.

#Steady Progress is to use the colonial law of preventative arrest when it fits the NRM-Regime and if it fits the new law Public Order Management Act then the Police will take care off or silence Political Opposition leader, Human Rights Activist or even random pedestrians.

#Steady Progress is that the police tells the world and journalist on how to conduct themselves and how to be a part of campaign convoys of the opposition leaders.

#Steady Progress is that the Police are interfering in Opposition leader’s rallies instead of securing them.

#Steady Progress is to give a higher pay-rise to the Electoral Commission chairman from 6 million shillings a month to 35 million shillings each month.

#Steady Progress is first to lose the money to sustain and make the National ID cards, and not give them to the citizens. Then later deliver this to the Internal Displaced People in the camps and also immigrants from neighbor countries then the initial voters and citizens of the country.

#Steady Progress is to have terrible roads in and around the villages. #Steady Progress is to finally have rail system working between Kampala – Namanve, but not for the rest of the country, and it had to happen right before the election.

#Steady Progress is to go into neighbor countries with the army without international mandate for securing the friends and caretakers of nations around to secure loyalty to the President of Uganda, not to secure Uganda.

#Steady Progress is to make the currency weaker and weaker. #Steady Progress is to make the Bank of Uganda a personal visa card for the government because of the new amendments to the Public Finance Bill of 2015.

#Steady Progress is to make the nomination of candidates for elections more expensive so only the ones that are friends and cronies of the President will be sure of having the funding and support to stay on as candidates.

#Steady Progress is to bankrupt the national airliner and still only have on international airport in the country, also to get British Airways to cancel their flights to Entebbe and stopping fly to it after the set date of contract with the Airport.

#Steady Progress is to give away expensive cars to Regional District Commanders to ensure the safety of NRM and not the people of the northern regions.

#Steady Progress is to promise loyal cronies more districts and sub-counties to secure loyal men in charge over areas and make the opposition unsure of the new constituency.

#Steady Progress is to have a chaotic internal elections with pre-ticked ballots, late ballot delivery, wrong names on the ballot, stealing the forms for final counting, winners jailed for misconduct, bribing voters in villages to vote for candidates, letting members of other parties vote in the internal ones, sole candidacy in many constituencies and also clear indication of rigged for loyal Mzee men and woman.

#Steady Progress is to land as hunting-grounds or for services rendered for the government either to the likes of Aga Khan or other foreigners, even trade of forests and mineral rich land, to get it pocketed while the Government of Uganda can.

#Steady Progress is to borrow more and more money to fund the aid deficit created by the “Anti-Gay-Bill” fiasco. That left a vacuum from foreign interest together with the strategic loss of partners to sustain their aid to the country and picking other feasible projects there.

#Steady Progress is give money to religious leaders to secure their congregation who their God has picked as leader and who their lord has anointed to the position.

#Steady Progress is to get a bigger government and more ministries so that all the ones closes and most loyal get a place in the central government.

#Steady Progress is to give a person the role of ministry without a portfolio or office

#Steady Progress is to use more on private plans and military equipment then on basic school kits, school buildings or even medical supplies.

#Steady Progress is for the President to claim again and again that he is the only Mzee who can keep the country safe and keep control of the army.

#Steady Progress is to have old medicine or copy medication instead of having extra supplies through the NMS.

#Steady Progress is to have ghost-workers, ghost-voters, ghost-schools, ghost-roads or ghost-expenditure.

#Steady progress is to fire all of the UNRA workers and getting the funding for bigger projects through the World Bank cancelled.

#Steady Progress is to see that Uganda Human Rights Commission loses it funding from it’s donors.

#Steady Progress is to hire “Crime Preventers” as securing votes and create havoc in other candidate’s rallies to make sure that people stay loyal to the Mzee, and also ship them from NRM rally to NRM rally to make the party look more popular.

#Steady Progress is to have more and more car accidents on the bad roads, even lose the lives of more Members of Parliament due to bad roads in the districts.

#Steady Progress is for the rich and for the wealthy to take their family members or themselves to health facilities abroad to heal and prosper.

#Steady Progress is to borrow money on the future-oil monies and trade of the oil refinery from Russian state-owned company to buy military equipment.

#Steady Progress is to lose battalions and soldiers in Somalia and leave new recruits with little or no supply. The army in Somalia has to sell equipment for food and necessities; instead of fighting the terrorist group Al-Shabab.

#Steady Progress is that landslides after heavy rains and floods have no covering or security funds from the government nor any restrictions or helping agents to save lives on that matter.

#Steady Progress is given funds of 51 billion to the post-election violence for the Police and army for the “excuse” to secure the safety and peace in the country.

#Steady Progress is to tear down other candidates posters while sealing off and securing with Police force the incumbent presidential candidates ones on the walls.

#Steady Progress is to use a tiny fortune to make a gig-song and have singers on the campaign trail.

#Steady Progress is to pay boda-boda men in town and villages to not drive to opposition rallies.

#Steady Progress is to have a rising inflation and devalue the currency before and after every election time, leading the results for more expensive fuel, food and living prices in general. 

#Steady Progress is to send SMS’s to everybody to tell them to VOTE MZEE, even if they don’t are NRM members or belongs with the Party, instead he sends to all Ugandans in the companies to gain support.

#Steady Progress is to pay boda-boda drivers to drive people to Mzee’s venues, give away t-shirts, give away free fuel, feed the public food and give money to the attendance of the crowd.

#Steady Progress is to use 500 billion shillings for campaigning for the presidential candidate, to give out handouts to loyal men and woman in the districts, cars to chiefs and other gifts of that nature to feed the loyal NRM people in up-country and the rest of the country.

#Steady Progress is to close off transmitter of radios who send messages opposing the NRM-Regime.

#Steady Progress is to deliver a campaign package of 20 million shillings to NRM Parliamentary candidates.

We can all see and this a gist of the actions and events leading up to the 29 years of #Steady Progress from Mzee and his NRM party. This was certainly not the things he fought for in the bush-war or the idea he sold at the time. It has surely changed. I could have displayed all the corruption cases, embezzlements and such, but as I said this gist of the actions from the NRM party and Mzee. We have not taken in account his foreign adventures and military actions, or all the people that have been left behind. Peace.