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Press Release: Right Of Reply: Joint Statement Of The Civil Society Organizations Reference Group (CSORG), Inter Religious Council Of Kenya (IRCK), And The National Council Of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs Council) On The Proposed Amendments To The Public Benefits Organizations ACT, 2013


THE Civil Society Organizations Reference Group (CSORG), Inter Religious Council of Kenya (IRCK), and the National Council of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs Council) are perturbed by a statement released by the NGOs Co-ordination Board to the media to the effect that jointly with the Ministry of Devolution and Planning; the Board has submitted proposed amendments to the Public Benefits Organizations (PBO) Act, 2013 to the National Assembly.

EQUALLY disturbing is the claim in the statement that the Task Force on the Proposed Amendments to the PBO Act recommended that the law be amended before its operationalization.

WE wish to state that the overarching recommendation of the Task Force as indeed the overwhelming views collected from stakeholders and the general public is that the  2013 Act be implemented without any further delay considering that it was debated, approved and enacted into law by retired President H.E. Mwai Kibaki on January 14, 2013.

Indeed, in all the public hearings that the Task Force conducted throughout the country, all presentations and memoranda submitted by the various stakeholders were unanimous that only immediate implementation of the Act will help consolidate the gains that Kenyans have made in the exercise of their constitutionally protected rights and freedoms of expression, association and participation in the management of public affairs.

In addition to having representation in the Task Force, The CSORG attended and documented on video and audio ALL its regional and stakeholder meetings apart from a meeting with Members of National Assembly. The CSORG has developed a shadow report based on this documentary evidence. The report demonstrates an overwhelming majority of Kenyans asking for the commencement of the Act without any amendments.

IT is quite telling that while the NGOs Coordination Board went out of its way to enumerate some of the organizations that were represented in the Hon. Sophia Abdi Task Force on the Proposed Amendments to the PBO Act, the Executive Director of the NGOs Coordination Board, Fazul Mohammed found it convenient not to point out that he was the representative of the Board in the Task Force as an interested party and, as such, lost the moral ground to spearhead the implementation of the Act that has been unnecessarily delayed for more than two years.

One of the cardinal values and principles of governance articulated in Article 10 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 that binds all State organs, including State and Public Officers of who the Cabinet Secretary for Devolution and Planning, Hon. Anne Waiguru and the NGOs Coordination Board Executive Director Fazul Mohammed are an integral part is accountability.

YET despite the clarity of such constitutional ethos of governance, the Cabinet Secretary has once again chosen not to be guided by the obviously compelling right of the public whose resources were spent on the Task Force to make the report public, in complete and arrogant defiance of Article 35 on the right of the public and stakeholders to information.

The CSORG, IRCK, and the NGO Council wish to point out that right from the time of their appointments, the Cabinet Secretary for Devolution and Planning and the Executive Director of the NGOs Coordination Board have acted with such impunity against the civil society as though they are above the law, including the supreme law of the land.

A case in point is the obtaining situation at the NGOs Coordination Board where the term of all Directors save for that of the Executive Director expired in March 2015 yet Fazul Mohammed has the audacity to claim that the “Board reviewed the Task Force Report and recommendations and has since forwarded the proposed amendments to the Attorney General and the Clerk of the National Assembly for inclusion in the Miscellaneous Amendments Bill 2015”.

Mr. Fazul Mohammed owes the public an explanation as to who else, other than himself, sat in the Board that “reviewed the Task Force report and its recommendations and forwarded the proposed amendments to the AG and the Clerk of the National Assembly for inclusion in the Miscellaneous Amendments Bill 2015”. His eloquence when deregistering NGOs for not abiding by “due process” is not matched by due diligence when he purports to be executing decisions of a board that does not exist!

It is the position of the CSORG, IRCK, and the NGOs Council that any decisions that the NGOs Coordination Board has made after the expiry of the term of the Board, including the alleged deregistration of some NGOs, are null and void as it is only the Board that is mandated by the law to make public policy decisions.

The letter and spirit of the NGO Coordination Act of 1990 that established the NGO Coordination Board did not envisage the situation now obtaining at the Board, where one man – Fazul Mohammed sits with the Secretariat and claims that whatever decision is made at such staff meeting is a decision of the Board. There cannot be a Board without directors and Fazul Mohammed should be aware that whatever decisions he claims to have been made by the Board are challengeable in Court.

WE, THE CSORG, IRCK, and the NGOs Council wish to reiterate our demand that the Cabinet Secretary for Devolution and Planning comes out of her self-constructed cocoon of impunity and make the report of the Task Force on the Proposed Amendments to the PBO Act public.

It is only through the immediate commencement of the Public Benefits Organizations Act without unwarranted State-instigated amendments that the civil society can consolidate the gains and deepen its collaboration and respectful partnership with the government in serving the public. Immediate implementation of the law will also go a long way in unshackling the NGOs Coordination Board from the current shenanigans and the one-man show that it has become after the expiry of the term of its previous Board of Directors.

WikiLeaks Series – Pre-2010 General Election in Burundi: Part Two

This here now will be a part of series of WikiLeaks discoveries on Burundi. For people who are not part of the Francophone world a lot of the information here will be new. Therefore I choose to drop it. It will be all pre 2010-Election in Burundi. This series will be directly about the preparation of the 2nd term of President Pierre Nkurunziza and his party the CNDD-FDD. This is part II. Enjoy!

Rebellion in 2007:

“Burundi,s Minister of the Interior, Major General Evariste Ndayishimiye, is investigating reports that former CNDD-FDD party president, Hussein Radjabu, is organizing an armed rebellion against President Pierre Nkurunziza,s government. In Bubanza province, Burundian security forces have already arrested a number of people and seized their weapons in response to accusations of local insurrection” (…) “On April 24, African Public Radio announced the existence of a three hour recording of a Radjabu speech given to representatives of CNDD-FDD,s demobilized soldiers, in which he expressed his desire to start an armed rebellion” (…) “Radjabu,s address detailed plans to install five “Kagabos”, or deputy wise men, in various collines (villages) throughout Burundi. The goal of the Kagabos is to promulgate Radjabu,s plans amongst the people, door to door, and to recruit followers who will “save the CNDD-FDD party from those who are destroying it.” Radjabu characterized the Tutsi CNDD-FDD members as “opportunists” with no party conviction, charging that they lied to Nkurunziza,s government with the intent to destroy the ruling party” (…) “In particular, four months ago, the governor of Karuzi informed officials that Radjabu had authorized a weapons cache within his district. At a CNDD-FDD party meeting in Bujumbura a week later, responding to direct questioning from Radjabu in front of a stadium audience, the governor recanted his earlier statements” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Aftermath after rebellion of 2007:

“On April 26, former CNDD-FDD party president Hussein Radjabu is appearing for the second time before Burundi,s Prosecutor General in response to a warrant issued against him on April 25” (…) “Radjabu,s appearance before the Prosecutor General is being conducted with very heavy security. The national police are refusing all vehicles, including Radjabu,s convoy, access to the Prosecutor’s compound” (…) “The Burundi national police force has implemented additional security measures throughout Bujumbura to discourage any disruption of national security. A large 24 hour police presence has been established outside of Radjabu,s residence” (…) “On April 24, African Public Radio announced the existence of a three hour recording of a speech by Radjabu to representatives of CNDD-FDD,s demobilized soldiers expressing his desire to start an armed rebellion” (…) “As a current member of Burundi,s National Assembly, Radjabu is entitled to immunity from arrest and prosecution. Radjabu,s earlier release from the prosecutor,s office without substantive action may signal the government,s desire to ensure that all legal obstacles have been removed before Radjabu,s arrest. It is believed but unconfirmed that the Prosecutor General has initiated procedures for requesting Radjabu,s immunity to be lifted” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

CNDD-FDD stalemate peace talks:

“a failure by Burundi,s President Nkurunziza and his ruling CNDD-FDD party to resolve this political impasse would virtually demolish their ability to govern effectively and give impetus to the eddying whispers of possible impeachment proceedings” (…) “Burundi,s election of 2005 resulted in a decisive win for the CNDD-FDD party and its leaders, Burundi,s new President Pierre Nkurunziza and party head, Hussein Radjabu. The ruling government quickly came under fire from FRODEBU and UPRONA. Both loudly claimed that CNDD-FDD was exploiting its clear majority by ignoring the dictates of the Burundi constitution in doling out key ministerial positions, handing them to CNDD-FDD members rather than proportionally to members of other parties, in accordance with election results” (…) “In the wake of President Nkurunziza,s most recent cabinet appointments that again fail to accommodate the demands of the minority parties, there have been renewed calls for action to restore the political legitimacy of the government including, albeit tacitly, whispers of possible impeachment proceedings against the President” (…) “Ngendakumana claimed that FRODEBU is actively working to discredit Nkurunziza,s government, and actively seeking an alliance with the PALIPEHUTU-FNL to advance its political aims during Burundi,s next round of elections in 2010. The CNDD-FDD party head claims that FRODEBU is scared, that the recent success of Burundi,s Partner Roundtable and its potential to dramatically improve the lives of ordinary Burundians will only serve to strengthen President Nkurunziza and his ruling party” (…) “Ngendakumana accused FRODEBU of engineering the recent exodus of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL. Additionally, according to Ngendakumana, FRODEBU believes that CNDD-FDD,s success in the 2005 elections can be attributed, in part, to the existence of a military wing of the party” (…) “According to Ambassador Ngendakumana, the UPRONA party is persistently demanding greater representation at the highest levels of Nkurunziza,s government, despite having already garnered a disproportionate number (15) of high political positions” (…) “Complicating these issues further, some within UPRONA maintain that First Vice President Nduwimana is no longer a member of the party, since he earlier refused to resign his post in solidarity with UPRONA,s stand against Nkurunziza,s government” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Onesime Nduwimana on the 2010 election:

“Nduwimana characterized the stalemate as primarily a constitutional tug-of-war within Burundi President Pierre Nkurunziza’s government and described the National Assembly as the battlefield” (…) “Nduwimana referred to the constitutional clause that affords the right of political parties to participate in the government, if they desire, provided they’ve received five percent of the vote in the 2005 elections” (…) “Nduwimana, the CEO of a Burundian insurance company, further elaborated on the political quagmire by explaining that the major opposition parties, the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) and Union for National Progress (UPRONA), are exploiting a perceived split in the ruling CNDD-FDD party and its inability to form a majority voting block in the National Assembly to pass legislation”

(WikiLeaks, 2007).


If the rebellion wasn’t interesting information, then I don’t know what gives. And getting even more knowledge on the pre 2010-Election. There is more coming, peace!


WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI: TAPE REVEALS RADJABU PLANS FOR ARMED REBELLION’ (25.04.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA306_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI: RADJABU APPEARS BEFORE PROSECUTOR GENERAL AMIDST TIGHT SECURITY’ (26.04.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA309_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI’S CNDD-FDD PARTY SEEKS USG HELP IN POLITICAL STALEMATE’ (27.07.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA543_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘FORMER BURUNDI NATIONAL ASSEMBLY LEADER SPREADS BLAME FOR POLITICAL IMPASSE’ (16.08.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA575_a.html


Politisk reklame – Villedende uttalelser for politiske partier i feil format.


Så den andre dagen en FRP reklame i Dagsavisen eller Dagbladet. Der de lovte “ingen eiendomsskatt” i Oslo. I en rød farge og med slagordet “for folk flest” i nedre høyre hjørnet. Jeg skal ikke diskutere denne reklamen. Denne er bare et eksempel. Først skal jeg bare redegjøre for hva en reklame er for noe. Deretter vise til markedsføringslovens og det som kalles “villedende utelatelser” før jeg sier min mening om Politisk reklamer.

“Reklame, enhver betalt og kommersielt motivert kommunikasjon av budskap om en idé, tjeneste eller produkt, fra en identifiserbar avsender i den hensikt å vekke oppmerksomhet, skape interesse og informere” (…) “Det skilles mellom overtalende (persuasive) reklame og informativ reklame. Mens overtalende reklame gjerne tar i bruk dramatiserende grafiske virkemidler med sikte på å påvirke folks holdninger, kjennetegnes informativ reklame ved saklig og nøytral informasjon om produktet og dets egenskaper. Ofte kan det likevel være vanskelig å skille mellom informativ og påvirkende reklame. Selv der reklamebudskapet gir inntrykk av å være saklig og nøytralt, kan valg av ord, formuleringer og grafiske virkemidler gjøre at budskapet likevel får med seg en følelsesmessig appell som påvirker mottakerne” (SNL).


Lov om kontroll med markedsføring og avtalevilkår – også kalt markedsføringsloven.

Vil ha fokus på:

“§ 8.Villedende utelatelser” (…) ” En handelspraksis er villedende dersom den, i sin konkrete sammenheng og etter en helhetsvurdering, utelater eller skjuler vesentlige opplysninger som forbrukerne ut fra sammenhengen trenger for å kunne ta en informert økonomisk beslutning eller presenterer opplysningene på en uklar, uforståelig, tvetydig eller uhensiktsmessig måte. Ved vurderingen av om opplysninger er utelatt, skal tas i betraktning plass- eller tidsmessige begrensninger ved mediet som brukes til å formidle handelspraksisen, og eventuelle tiltak fra den næringsdrivende for å gjøre opplysningene tilgjengelige for forbrukerne på annen måte” (lovdata).

Jeg vet at det ikke er lenge siden loven for reklame fra partier kom i effekt. Det skal ikke denne artikkelen eller bloggen handle om. Den skal handle om hvordan sånne som meg opplever dem. Noen vil kalle meg politisk interessert. De som har lest mine tekster vet at jeg er det. Grunnen til jeg reagerer nå er fordi jeg aldri var for ideen om fri slipp av politisk reklame i Norge. Av den enkle grunnen – man koker ned politiske ideer og planer ned i små gimmicker og slagord. Som ikke vil være dekkende for samlende politikken. All politikk vil da bli populistisk. Fordi Den da skal fange interesse og være for en enkelt kampsak.

De er så billige slibrige annonser i aviser med glossy farge for å fange interesse. Politiske partier går på samme nivå som handelsstanden og de som ønsker økonomisk vinning. Politiske partier som vil ha plakater og annonser på samme nivå som L’oreal og Coca-Cola. At våres folkevalgte skal fange interesse i samme kompani som de som selger mango-sjampo og kullsyreholdig sukkervann. Å dette ønsket noen av partiene ved en viss tid tilbake.

Slik at de kunne få større plass i våres avis og ha reklamer på lokale tv-kanaler. Få større oppmerksomhet og få ut deres politiske slagverk til befolkningen. Det som gjør meg skeptisk og få dårlig magefølelse er hvordan man portrettere seg oftest. Når det blir plakater på siden av Statros reklamer på t-banen. Blir en del av byenes støy. Som man enten ser eller overser. Det samme skjer i aviser. Uansett hvilket parti og hvilket standpunkt man velger.

Det er for meg like kvalmende og ekkelt. Like populistisk og billig markedsføring av partiene. Det loves store ting. Eller ting som er vanskelig å oppnå. Samtidig ofte også enda vanskelig å se at de vil holde disse løftene i løpet av den neste perioden som det velges inn for. Derfor vil jeg bruke paragraf 8 i markedsføringsloven:

“En handelspraksis er villedende dersom den, i sin konkrete sammenheng og etter en helhetsvurdering, utelater eller skjuler vesentlige opplysninger som forbrukerne ut fra sammenhengen trenger for å kunne ta en informert økonomisk beslutning eller presenterer opplysningene på en uklar, uforståelig, tvetydig eller uhensiktsmessig måte”(lovdata).

Ofte er det en helhetsvurdering av annonsen eller plakat som ikke viser alle vesentlig opplysninger. Dessuten med politisk reklamer kan opplysningen være uklare for noen eller kommer fram på en hensiktsmessige måte. Noe som burde forstå. Når man kommer med påstander og løfter som er populistiske i reklame form. Burde man ha mulighet til å kunne klage til Forbrukerombudet.

Ikke bare at de selger skinnet før det skutt i de fleste tilfeller. Er noe annet med politiske stander og mennesker som er frivillige i partiene som deler ut valgmateriale med dypere deler av valgprogram og selve poliske ideologien til partiene. Dette gir velgerne eller forbrukerne når det kommer til reklame som gir mer grunnlag for å ta et godt valg av produkt/parti i dette tilfellet. Det skjer lett når man går etter annonser med enkle slagord og bilder som skal fange interesse. Dette vil forenkle og gjøre lette løfter salgbare til befolkningen. Enda lettere og forenklet enn de politisk aktive som gjør sin innsats i valgkampen for å få velgerne til å fatte interesse for partiet sitt.

Disse annonsene forteller ikke den historien som våres folkevalgte og partiene egentlig vil. De vil ikke dekke de poengene de egentlig ønsker. Fordi jeg tviler på at alle partiene vil være så tabloide og enkle. Så populistiske og triste. De er som jeg har skrevet kvalmende. Fordi de er ikke langt fra forklarende til å bli propaganda. Det er ikke langt fra å være en sukkersøt drøm til brolagte vei med gode intensjoner som ender i helvete.

Slik er det med politisk reklamer. Annonsene sender deg et speilbilde eller ønskedrøm som de vil vise. Samtidig vil de skape interesse og intensjon som skal få oss til å stemme på dem. Sånne som meg klarer ikke å fatte interesse for disse. De blir billige jippoer og slagord som ligner for mye på Lindex reklamer med Partifeller i pene kjoler og dresser som har Hollywood smil og kameraføring som virker råtten. Dette er uansett parti. Det gjelder også mitt eget parti.

Vi burde skamme oss. Alle burde skamme oss. Dette får ikke politikken til å se bra ut. Den er ekkel motbydelig og grotesk speilbilde som viser en slagside i en valgkamp som ikke har noen verdi. Man kan ikke klare å forklare deliberative, marxisme, sosialistiske eller liberale borgerlige ideer forståelig i et slikt format. Det kan bare være et svekket blikkfang som gjør at man husker partifargen til partiet og kanskje om man er heldig karakteren som smiler falskt for alle som går forbi. Om partiene er stolt av denne konstruksjonen og bruken av innsamlede midler og støtteordninger så burde det være 100 andre bedre måter å fatte sann interesse i valgkampen. Enn å gjøre dette. Å jeg forstår ikke hvorfor vi lot denne falske reklamen bli lovlig. Når man selger produkter/ideer som ofte ikke blir holdt eller er umulig å holde. Noe som bryter med Markedsføringsloven paragraf 8. Det er noe vi alle burde tenke på. Peace.


SNL – ‘reklame’ link: https://snl.no/reklame

Markedsføringsloven – link: https://lovdata.no/dokument/NL/lov/2009-01-09-2?q=reklame

The Release of ‘the Parliamentary Pensions (Amendment) Bill of 2014 – Uganda

Today was a day where the second reading of the ‘the Parliamentary Pensions (Amendment) bill 2014. This was reading today in the Parliament. The bill is for MPs and members of Parliament who is retired and their rights. I will take the most memorable quotes from this. They are let me say it in a nice way – rare and unique for a law text so hope I enlighten you. Here we go!


Press Release: Foreign Direct Investment in Africa at all time high – DHL – (26.06.2015)


AU Communique – The African Union reiterates the Imperative need for Dialogue and Consensus for a lasting soloution to the crisis in Burundi and annonuces that it will not observe the Election Schedueled for 29.July 2015 (28.06.2015)


Statement by the Joint International Facilitation Team (JIFT) on Burundi (26.06.2015)


AU Communique: 519th Meeting on Rwanda and the arrest of Lieutenant-General Emmanuel Karenzi Karake (26.06.2015)


Press Release – The African Union condems the killing of former defence force cheif in the Kingdom of Lesotho (26.06.2015)


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