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Fjorddeponiet i Førdefjorden – Hva sier rapportene og direktoratene om denne regulerte aktiviteten til Nordic Mining ASA

I disse dager er diskusjoner og harme rundt bygging av sjø-deponi for gruveindustriene i Førdefjorden. La oss kikke litt på offentlig dokumenter og rapporter. Ikke direkte på for eller imot fra Naturvernere eller de som ønsker mer skattepenger.

Først vil jeg nevne noe som ikke blitt nevnt hos Fylkesutvalget og om deres Søknad om konsesjon til Nordic Mining ASA som gir konsesjon til selskapet til å ha gruvedrift i Engebø i Naustdal kommune.

«1. Sogn og Fjordane fylkeskommune ser positivt på at det no kjem inn ny eigar på utmåla. Vi vil derfor rå til at departementet gir selskapet Nordic Mining ASA konsesjon på overtaking av dei 9 utmåla frå Conoco Phillips Investments Norge».

«2. Fylkeskommunen ber om at departementet stiller klåre krav om aktivitetetsplan til den nye utmålshavaren. Vi ber om konkret pålegg om å greie ut alle miljøaspekt, inkludert fjorddeponi ved framtidig gruvedrift på Engebø» (Fylkesutvalget, Sak.nr. 06/3577-3).

Side fem i planlagte konsesjonen forteller om selve planstatus for fjorddeponiet: «Framlegg om å gjere Førdefjorden om til ein verna Laksefjord (alternativt referansefjord) er ikkje avklara, heller ikkje i høve gruvedrift på Engebø». Videre i konklusjonen: «Fylkeskommunen bør likevel ommoda om at departementet stiller klåre krav om aktivitetetsplan til den nye utmålshavaren. I dette ligg at vi ber om konkret pålegg om å greie ut alle miljøaspekt, inkludert fjorddeponi ved framtidig gruvedrift på Engebø» (Fylkesutvalget, Sak.nr. 06/3577-3).

For alle dokumentasjon viser til motstandbevegelsen i disse dager. Dette har vært en utvikling som har skjedd over tid. Jeg vil først begynne dokumentasjoner og deres anbefalinger i forhold til sjø-deponi.

NIVA rapporten fra 2009 som beskriver hva innholdet som blir lagt i sjødepoet. Første og enkleste er malm. «Malmen består av naturlige mineraler som amfibol, pyrokosen og granat. Bergarten har fra naturens side lavt innhold av tungmetaller» (S:3, NIVA, 2009).

NINA Rapporten kartlegger og viser til at «Deponiet vil berøre areal i Naustdal og Askevoll kommune» (…) «avgangen føres i ledning fra fortrykker via samlekum, ned på dypt vann etter at avgangen er tilsatt sjøvann» (NINA Rapporten 416, 2009). Konklusjonene deres er dette om laksebestanden i Nausta: «det største negative potensialet har utvilsomt sprengninger, ut fra omfang(potensielt daglig) og kjent skadelig potensial hos annen fisk» (…) «det empiriske grunnlaget er likevel utilstrekkelig til å fastslå om de negative påvirkningene fra sprengningene vil være ubetydlige eller ha en påvislig negativ effekt» (NINA Rapporten 416, 2009).

Nordic Mining ASA ville allerede i 2009 selv si at det var forsvarlig ved driften av gruvene og ha fjorddeponi og de selv ventet på rapporter og videre utredning. Det som blir deponert vil være 300 meter under sjøen. Det vil være liten mengder tungmetaller. Også «Vil være bruk av godkjente oppredningskjemikalier og flokkuleringsmiddeler i små mengder» (NGU-Dagene09).

I Kilfs vurdering fra 2012: «Det er enighet om at vannutskiftingen i Førdefjorden normalt skjer horisontalt på oversiden og undersiden sprangsjiktet, det vil si der hvor det skjer en hurtig forandring i vannets tetthet slik at det dannes et skille (en “sperre”) mellom et lettere lag øverst (ferskere og varmere vann) og et tyngre lag nederst (saltere og kaldere). Sannsynligheten for utskifting av fjordens dypvann er størst på våren (mars-juni). Det er også enighet om at det i forbindelse med en slik dypvannsutskifting kan skje store naturlige vertikale forflytninger av dypvannet, som kan ha potensial til å bringe suspenderte partikler oppover i vannmassene. Dette gjelder de 10-15 % av avgangen som utgjør finfraksjonen. Det er ingen uenighet om at 85-90 % av avgangen (grovfraksjonen) vil falle ned på sjøbunnen som enkeltpartikler innenfor området regulert til deponi.» (S:33&34, Kilf 2012).

Videre vurderer de i forhold til finpartikler i fjorden: «I juni måned har HI gjort målinger som viser at sprangsjiktet kan komme opp i 50 meters dyp. På somrene synes vindforholdene å være relativt rolige, i motsetning til sein høst og vinter. Sannsynligheten for oppblanding av partikler til overflaten kan dermed synes større på høsten mens sprangsjiktet fortsatt ligger relativt høyt og kraftige vinder kan bidra til redusere stabiliteten i vannsøylen og sprangsjiktets effekt som barriere. En tilsvarende situasjon vil også kunne oppstå i forbindelse med de store vannutskiftingene som ser ut til å kunne skje på våren, når vedvarende sydlig vind langs kysten har bidratt til å presse fjordens sprangsjikt oppover» (S:36, Kilf 2012).

Videre viser de til horisontale spredning av partikler i fjorden: «kan det ut fra det som er sagt over ikke utelukkes at det kan skje en viss horisontal transport av partikler over de grunne tersklene ved Ålasundet (terskel på 56 meters dyp) og Redalsvika (terskel på 27 meters dyp), primært i forbindelse med den store vannutskiftingen i fjorden som kan skje i perioden mars-juni på våren og under spesielle forhold på høsten» (…) «Klif understreker at den usikkerheten som er omtalt ovenfor er knyttet til de 10 -15 % av avgangsmaterialet som er finpartikler. Det synes ikke å være noen diskusjon om hvorvidt 85-90 % av avgangsmaterialet vil falle ut innenfor området som er regulert til deponi» (S: 37, Knilf 2012).

De viktigste konsekvensene for arter og økosystem:

«De viktigste effektene som trekkes frem er:

– eksisterende bunnfauna (dyr som lever nedgravd i-, på- eller like over bunnen) i deponiområdet begraves og/eller forsvinner så lenge deponeringen pågår

– dypvannsfisk i samme område vil også forsvinne som følge av at leveområde og mattilbudet forsvinner

– eventuell økt partikkelkonsentrasjon i vannmassene vil kunne gi ulike typer effekter for vannlevende organismer (som fisk og filtrerende organismer) avhengig av partikkelkonsentrasjon og varighet mm. Dette vil igjen kunne ha betydning for fjordens økosystem, fiskeinteresser og oppdrettsnæringen» (S: 39, Knilf 2012).

Flaathen Loe og Aagaard diskutere effekten ved et fjorddeponiet: «Fjorder som er dypere enn 100 meter, med finkornete sedimenter og med klare terskler» (…) «I dype fjorddepresjoner er det som oftest reduserende forhold i de nederste vannlagene pga dårlig sirkulering av vannmassene. Litt nede i sedimentene er det alltid reduserende forhold. Sjøvann inneholder mye sulfat (28 mmol/kg) og pga de reduserende forholdene i bunnen av fjorddepresjonene finnes svovelet her som sulfid. Sulfid binder seg som tidligere vist til metaller og hemmer på denne måten spredningen av tungmetaller. Fjorddepresjoner innehar derfor geokjemiske kvaliteter som er med på å gjøre det trygt å deponere metallholdige masser i slike områder. I tillegg til den geokjemiske stabiliteten, har sedimentene ubetydelig porevannsgjennomstrømning (kun kompaksjonsdrevet vannfluks), slik at kun diffusjonstransport er viktig. Med de konsentrasjons-gradientene man kan ha, vil diffusjonsdrevet metallfluks være minimal. Med reduserende bunnvannmasser over vil metallene felles som sulfider» ( S:9&10, Flaathen og Aagaard, 2013).

Avrunding:

Ikke at jeg er en stor kjemiker eller ser for meg hvordan dette deponiet blir bygget i Førdefjorden. Det som er en realitet er allerede nesten ti år siden godtok fylke og fylkesmannen byttet av konsesjonen fra Conoco Phillips til Nordic Mining ASA. Der det ble godtatt så lenge det ble gjort miljømessige vurderinger og utredninger.

NIVA vil vise til at malmen som blir levert til deponiet vil inneholde tungmetaller. Dette bør jo sees alene som et varsko av hva man deponerer i fjorden. NINA Rapporten 416 som ikke kunne si at deres rapport kunne emperisk vise resultater i forhold til lakse og laksemiljøet om de kunne virkelig fastslå noen effekt. Nordic Mining ASA i 2009 ville også selv konkludere med noe tungmetaller og forsvarlige kjemikalier som ville gå ut i Førdefjorden. Det jeg lurer på hva de mener med forsvarlig «utslipp» av tungmetaller? Å hva har egentlig godkjente oppredningskjemikalier og flokkuleringsmiddeler ute i Førdefjorden?

Videre må vi se på resultatene til Knilf fra 2012. De deler opp resultatene etter hvor skadene i miljøet kan skje. Først horisontalt i fjorden. Der kan deponiet skape en ny vanntetthet som kan skape en «sperre» mellom lettere og tyngre lag. Å at store deler av grovfraksjonen vil mesteparten falle til sjøbunnen. Andre er i forhold til finpartikler at det kan med visse vinder ved visse årstider kan det bli en barrière fra meter 50 i vannsøylen. Tredje er hvordan finpartikler vil spre seg og disse virkelig vil falle der det er regulert for fjorddeponi i fjorden.

Knilf vil vise til hvordan effekt det kan på selve økosystemet at det som allerede er på sjøbunnen vil bli begravd av deponiet. Dette vil igjen gjøre at dypvannsfisk blir vekke siden «matfatet» blir vekke. At partikkel konsentrasjonen vil skape reaksjoner i fisk og filtrenende organismer. Noe som også kan skape reaskjoner for annet liv i økosystemet og fiske-oppdretten ettersom hvor lenge den økede partikkel konsentrasjon vil være i fjorden.

Flaathen Loe og Aagaard vil si at i sjøbunnen vil de nivåer med sylfid binde seg med metaller og dermed ikke være direkte skadelig. De påstår til og med at det er trygt og forsvarlig å deponere disse i fjorddeponi.

Siden dette har vært en prosess som har foregodt over lengre tid. Kunne jeg nok funnet enda mer saksdokument og dyppet dypere. Å blitt virkelig vasket med sjøvann. La oss si det slik. Det viser seg i denne saken å være forskjellige meninger om konsekvensen av å ha fjorddeponi i Førdefjorden. At det vil ha en viss effekt er forståelig. Det kommer fram i hvordan sjøen vil følges av vinden. Strømmen rundt deponiet og hvordan dypvannsfisk vil miste et område til å leve i. I og med selve deponiet blir liggende der det ligger. Andre vil også påstå at de ikke kan empirisk vise konsekvensene annet enn å komme med vurderinger og anslag om antatte konsekvenser. Slik som med smolten og laksebestanden i Førdefjorden. Det vil bli mer tungmetaller i sjøen. Selv om dette binder seg med naturlig sylfid beholdningen i sjøbunnen. Vet vi virkelig hva dette kan gjøre miljøet og økosystemet i fjorden?

Den nyeste utredningen og rapporten fra en offisiell direktorat eller forskningsinstitusjon. Da vil dette handle om Naustdal kommune sammen med Askvoll som vil ha deler av deponiet på sin side av kommunegrensa. Om disse vil heller setter økonomiske faktorer og utvikling over usikker empirisk forskning som ikke avdekker eller bekrefter hva dette vil ha for innvirkning. En annen logiske slutning er: Hva om utslipp eller om finpartikler fra malm kommer på utsiden av deponiet? Hva er utredning for å kunne renske og holde «fjorden ren»?
Jeg kan ikke se noe slikt av planarbeid når jeg gjorde mitt grunnarbeid for denne bloggen. Noe som bør være varsko! Alt er lagt opp til at går etter planen og at alle forehåndsplaner fungerer og at ingen av entreprenørene eller arbeiderne feilvurderer. Noe som jeg tviler kommer til å skje. Ikke fordi jeg er negativ til Nordic Mining ASA. Det fordi det er en del oss å ikke klare å være perfekt, men å feile, selv i vårt arbeidsfelt som vi har jobbet i hele livet. Klarer vi likevel å gjør en feil i blant. Selv om du har gode rutiner. Trenger bare ett øyeblikk. Så er skaden skjedd.

Her er det snakk om fylle i sjøen deler av kjemikalier og tungmetaller uansett mengder og sylfid i fjorddeponiet. Noe man bør utarbeide ennå mer. Ikke minst også tenke på om sjøbunnen og sprengningene i sjøbunnen som må kunne sies å ha en innvirkning på økosystemet. Hva vil egentlig malmen ha å si med den tekniske verdiene og ha dette i fjorddeponiet istedenfor i fjellet hvor det egentlig hører «hjemme»? Dette spesielt med tanke på hvordan de partiklene som ikke blir deponiet, men blir blant de 10-15% som ikke blir lagt der det skal. Eller for å være direkte det svinnet av malmstoff- hvordan tanker har Nordic Mining ASA tenkt å renske dette opp om ikke alle 100% kommer i fjorddeponiet i Førdefjorden. Selv om malmen vil binde seg med sylfid som noen av forskerne sier, men hva vil denne bundet malmen og sylfieden. Hva blir den for noe?

Etter å ha lest har jeg flere spørsmål. Å jeg har bare stilt spørsmål til selve fjorddeponiet i Førdefjorden. Har ikke sett et sekund på konsekvensen av selve gruvedriften til utvinning av Rutil i Engebø. Det burde man også se på hva konsekvenser det vil ha med sprengninger og området rundt. Fjorddeponiet er endestykket på hele økosystemet og nærområdet. Det handler om an egentlig bør se på hele regnstykket. Mange av disse dokumentene så på hele. Men diskusjonen i media har vært på nettopp Fjorddeponiet. Derfor har jeg prøvd å greie ut via selve offentlige dokumenter og ikke VG artikler eller annen annenhåndskilde. Håper dette har gitt deg litt bedre informasjon og klargjøring av selve saken.

Peace.

Kilder:

Fylkeslagsutvlaget – Saksnummer 06/3577-3: ‘Søknad frå Nordic Mining ASA. Konsesjon for erverv av utmål på rutil Engbø i Naustdal’.

Therese K. Flaathen Loe 1,og Per Aagaard: ‘Deponering av avgangsmasser fra gruveindustrien – på land eller i vann?’ (2013) – Mineralproduksjon nr. 4. , Oslo.

Norsk Institutt for Naturvenforskning – Gunnbjørn Bremset, Ingeborg Palm Helland og Ingebrigt Uglem: NINA Rapport 416 – ‘Konsekvenser av gruevirksomhet i Engebøfjellet for laksefisket i Nausta, Grytelva og Stølselva’ – Temarapport i KU-Program knyttet til planer om rutilutvinning ved Førdefjorden (2009).

NGU-Dagene09 Nordic Mining: ‘Engebøfjellet – Europas nye titanressurs: Konsekvensutredning av et moderne gruveforetak’ PDF (06.02.2009).

NIVA Rapport 5875-2009: ‘Sjødeponi i Førdefjorden – naturlige mineraler uten skadelige stoffer’ (2009)

Klima og Forurensingsdirektoratet: ‘Gruvedrift i Engebøfjellet – Kilfs vurdering og anbefaling’ (19.03.2012) Oslo.

(Youtube – Speech) President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe speech at the state visit in South Africa – 8th April 2015

Worth looking and listening to. From the industrialization of diamond industry to the spirit if Cecil John Rhodes and so on!

Robert Mugabe actually said: “We grow for those who want to smoke it!”.

Robert Mugabe said: “We want peaceful elections”. He disscussed the intervention in DRC from the Southern Africa standpoint. This with the fear from the  power struggle of Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda in the DRC.

He even said: “As a real dicatator! Yes A dictator who had cut the troath of Ian Smith”. Which he didn’t do. He (Ian Smith) died a natural death.

And so much of more, that you should listen to and get enlighten, and get the vision of President Mugabe today.

Enjoy!

Asylbarna – Sagaen forsetter..

Idag får vi mest sannsynlig en avtale mellom Venstre og KrF som samarbeider med Høyre og FrP. Dette er i forhold til Asylbarna.

Noe som har vært en verkebyll for de Blå-Blå. Selvforskyldt sådan. Det var ikke Venstre eller KrF som brøyt sin avtale med Høyre eller FrP. Det var Anundsen som lekte minister og ikke satte igang lovte tiltak som gav han mandat til å lede ett departement. Ikke nok med det har han i sin moderne form gjort alt i sin makt til uansvarlige sine egne handlinger. Hvis hans sønn begår ett tyveri eller nasker. Da kan vi forvente at Anundsen skylder på at butikken eksisterer eller at Statoil hadde kiosken åpen. Slik at sønnen kunne komme seg inn å naske. Det samme er det med Anundsen og den avtalen som han brøyt.

Om ikke det var nok. Så angrep Sandberg KrF med verbale skyts som ikke hører noen sted hend. Med så uverdig og urimelig unnskyldning. Det er greit at hans kone forsvarer han: Hun skal dette. Det han ikke skal er å diktere hvordan Hareide skal føle seg eller om «han kan se om kan skrive under en unnskyldning fra Hareide».

Nå nylig nå som avtalen har gått sakte fram og løsningen har ventet på seg. Så har Sandberg beskyldt sine samarbeidspartnere i Venstre for å ødelegge og forsinke arbeidet. Dette arbeidet hadde ikke vært nødvendig om Anundsen hadde holdt sitt ord og gjort det som ble avtalt for lenge siden.

Dagens avtale uansett hva den vil inneholde. Så vil min tro på FrP som et seriøst regjeringsparti være fallitt. De snakker umenneskelig om sine medarbeidere. Avtaler med dem er ikke verdt det de er skrevet på. De handler bare etter sitt eget befinnende og bruker alle midler i media å svartmale sine samarbeidspartnere. Høyre og Erna Solberg er stille og forsiktig, fordi hun vil ikke miste noen støtte og også holde dette i sammen. Fordi hun vet hun ikke kan gjøre dette alene. Siv Jensen har heller ikke gjort mer enn det nødvendige fordi hun vet det samme. Solvik Olsen har ikke laget noe figur av seg. Det er Sandberg og Tybring-Gjedde som er blitt talerøret til FrP og gamle onkelen Carl I. Hagen har kommet med kommentarer.

Hardeide har forsvart seg og tatt sine ord i vare. Har handlet som et godt vesen når selv sine samarbeidspartnere har beskyldt “han for å avle terrorister”. Dette gjør at jeg kan lett om så er stemme på KrF bare av strategisk tankegang selv om jeg er Venstre mann. Grande har også beholdt roen og ikke tatt det til seg.

Uansett hvordan den avtalen som når er blitt godkjent. Så vil jeg ikke tro på at regjeringen vil gjennomføre det. De har ikke vist handlekraft til annet enn å beskylde sine samarbeidspartnere. Inntil de viser noe annet enn Stageway og poker. Så kan de nå vise meg ærlig samarbeid og ikke minst medmenneskelig snakk til samarbeidspartnere. Det ene partiet som jeg hører til.

Nå når de har godtatt denne avtalen. Hvor lenge vil gå før Anundsen bryter denne også? Han har brutt avtaler tidligere og brukt departements og politi-etaten kortet, enn å ta eget ansvar for sine handlinger. Hva vil han gjøre nå? Vil han sette i gang eller bare vente på at media glemmer Asylbarna og holde på med sitt, siden det er hans syn på fornuftig asyl og innvandringspolitikk.

Det jeg lurer på om vi ser resten av perioden at faktiske visse ministere tar ansvar for sine gjerninger slik den vanlige arbeideren på golvet må. Om vi gjør feil eller glemmer må vi informere våre sjefer og enten rette opp. Eller så må vi gjøre opp for oss. Det samme bør også politikere og ministere for departementet. Uansett parti! Derfor har ministere blitt felt og måtte gå av. Regner med ikke fordi de hadde lyst. De hadde en topp plassering i sitt yrkesliv. Sikkert slik Anundsen ser det også. Det jeg og andre mener vil være at han skal ta skikkelig ansvar. Ydmyke seg og hoppe på sverdet. Dette sier jeg symbolsk. Fordi allerede har medsammensvorende av ham kastet alt søppel de kan på samarbeidspartnere. Å hva de synes?  Kanskje at disse diskusjonene og tautrekkingen er lange og hard? De synes nok at disse har  gått sakte og kanskje har også FrP måtte selge seg dyrt. Kanskje de burde ha solgt seg enda dyrere!

Konsekvensen av dette bør være at Venstre og KrF viser mot. Står mot den brutale og unødige klima som FrP har skapt. Høyre har ikke sagt eller gjort noe. De er stille i gangene og prøver å holde ro og orden på sine samarbeidspartnere. Tilslutt kanskje de også håper på at de får utrette noe, men ikke slik andre har holdt på. Som jeg håper betaler sin pris etter hvert. Slik som alle vi andre gjør i arbeidslivet. Deres ære og ord, viser seg i alle fall ikke å ha en verdi. Inntil det motsatte er bevist.

Peace.

Kwibuka 21 – First day of 100-days of mourning the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, with statements from John V. Karuranga and Ban Ki-Moon.

Kwibuka1

 

We gather here to mourn today for every drop of innocent blood that shed, every life that was lost and every family that wept. Today, I, and my party, the Rwanda People’s Party, join millions of Rwandans and friends of Rwanda, to commemorate the 21st Anniversary of the 1994 Rwanda genocide perpetrated against the Tutsis.

My Beloved Rwandans, today, is a day to remember the 100 days of harrowing scenes and abominable, violence in which 1,000,050 Tutsis and moderate Hutus lost their lives. It is a day to share the sorrows, pains and experiences of 500,000 heroic women and girls that have lived a life with HIV-AIDS as result of brutal rapes committed during these shameful 100 days. These 45,000 females have courageously fought against the psychological pain, mental anguish, shame and prejudice that plague their lives, even today. The children they bore will grow up as orphans, not knowing their fathers; they too bear the scars of the indescribable rapes that ripped their mother’s lives apart on an industrial scale, during the infamous 100 days of genocide.

Such is the jolting truth! We grieve, today, at this horrendous calculated crime against humanity.

We remember the millions of Rwandans that survived the horrors, afflicted by permanent physical and mental disabilities. We offer our support to all those Rwandans who suffered trauma due to the tragedies of the 100 black days that destroyed our country. Today, we commemorate the 21st anniversary of the genocide of Tutsis. Today we renew our vow to all Rwandans that survived these tragedies.

We love you and that “Never, and never again” will the tragic events of the 100 days that scarred our country and left so many traumatized happen again in our beloved Rwanda. We will miss the victims of the genocide and never forget them, to this extent, our heart goes out to all our families, relatives, friends, neighbours and to Rwandans from every background that were devastated in the 100 days of grim darkness of genocide.

We are utterly at a loss to understand the genocide’s cause. Why would anyone wish to hurt the innocent, especially, pregnant women, toddlers, children, elderly, the sick and all the defenseless people that were not a part of the Rwandan civil war, in such a dreadful and barbarous way?

Fellow Rwandans, reflections on and the memories of the 2400 grim hours of the 1994 genocide of the innocent still haunt our mind. However, these dark thoughts and memories have not destroyed our moral values. Our humanity has not and never will darken our moral judgment and caused us to forget out social and political obligations. The 1994 genocide against Tutsi, it is something that we are compelled to live with on a daily basis and a burden that we must bear, during our working hours and leisure time. Our wounds are still healing but the 1994 tragedies have scared us forever.

My fellow citizens, the example of the Rwandan genocide against Tutsi, should have taught the world the dangers of lies, discrimination and hatred. Yet the world has not learned these lessons from our nation’s great tragedy. Intolerance and hate still goes on-and-about unpunished. You are all familiar with the recent incidence involving Racist soccer fans on the Paris METRO where an innocent person, who was returning home from an honest day’s work. They tormented, abused and physically prevented him from boarding a train. He did not abuse anyone, cause a disturbance or in any way provoke the attack. Fellow Rwandans, the perpetrators of that despicable crime, on the Paris METRO knew that no one would ever question their right to dispel the rights of others because they are of a different race to them. They singled out the victim, abused, tormented and endured mental rape because of the colour of his skin and this is an everyday occurrence in many so-called tolerant Western countries.

Another example of the intolerable attitude towards non-western cultures in Europe and the Western World has been the recent BBC libel on Rwanda and its deliberate distortion of our history and our sufferings. I believe, you also, were shocked at the appalling and indescribable “Rwanda Untold Story” This is a story planted and cultivated by the “A false Prophets” that has so recklessly re-opened so many old wounds. In this program, there was nothing but contempt for the Rwandan people and the BBC spat on the graves of our loved ones.

Like the Racist Train Thugs on the Paris METRO, the culprits believe that they will remain free from punishment for their hateful and deeply offensive words. Indeed, they will never face the rule of law.

However, because of their needless agitation and rewriting of Rwandan history, to suit their taste and those with a sinister agenda, the BBC will always stand accused of malpractice and dishonesty in the eyes of all true Rwandans. The incidents on the Paris METRO and the BBC are examples of the continuing western sense of superiority towards all those who are not from the west. A streak of intolerance runs deep in the Western societies. Some of the old colonial attitudes persist with regard to non-Western people.

The twenty-one years since the 1994 genocide, have been a living hell for many of us. Yet beyond Rwanda, there are men and women that have exploited our tears, our sorrow and the victims of the genocide for their own gain. The genocide deniers and revisionists have exploited our sufferings and have been spreading their lies throughout our region and in most of the European and American capitals for their own selfish reasons. They have attacked the victims and survivors of the Genocide and they are inciting a new genocide.

Fellow Rwandans, I do not need to remind you, of those grantee men and women that permanently, live with the horrors of the genocide after being maimed or disabled. As our moral duty, we remember those who suffered because of the Genocide. We cannot endure the unbearable consequences again. Do not ignore the millions of genocide survivors who lost their beloved ones, whose wounds are just starting to heal. Groups such as the BBC, reopen the harsh chapters of life callously and maliciously.

They believe that they are always above the rule of law and morality. As long as their criminality falls on people beyond the western world, this problem remains unsolved.

Fellow Rwandans, the past 21 years have been so difficult and painful for those of us who lost our siblings, mothers, fathers, grandparents, friends and neighbours.

The campaign, to turn the victims into aggressors and twisting our history is taking its toll upon the survivors. However, I would like to tell you that this is not new. It is has been the norm and a tradition for intolerant people to deny the reality of genocides, throughout history.

Even, today, many Europeans deny that there was genocide against the Jews, such as those who vandalized and desecrated the graves of Jews some 60 years after the Holocaust. Hatred of Jews and the denial of the Holocaust are still alive and strong. Therefore, there is sadly nothing new or unique when people deny that there was genocide in Rwanda. We know the truth – our dead loved ones and those who live with the scars of the 100 days are witnesses to the reality of the genocide.

Fellow Rwandans, we all know they killed, tortured and raped our people most cruelly. They suffered many indignities. Nevertheless, today, we remember the dead with great dignity and solemnity.

Fellow Rwandans, let us not make the mistake to believe that the 100 days of shame and brutality that turned Rwanda into a vast graveyard will happen again or not remembered. Let us make this clear, that the 100 days that saw 500,000 Rwandan women raped on an industrial scale, is firmly the past, forever. Let us emphasize that those grime 100 days in which 45,000 Rwandan children were born as result of rape will never return. We must all stay alert, strong and firm so that the tragic decades when people lived in fear and terror, and were ‘labeled’ and graded into “Category one and Category two” are long gone. This ‘’labeling’’ was a feature of the White South African apartheid regime or the era of slavery where Africans were traded as commodities. Let us be clear and definite, that those terrifying times of indignities, anguish, tears, sorrows, segregation and fears are now compounded, crippled and consigned to our history and they will never return to Rwanda. No matter, the dangers or threats, we will always have the strength to prevent a repeat of that Genocide in our homeland.

Fellow Rwanda, let us stand firm to say “Never, and never again” to the politics of hate, ethnicity, fear, terror and genocide ideology that continues to be woven into the fabric of our society.
I truly believe we are at a time that represents a once-in-a-generation opportunity and that once it is taken; we will never look at Rwandan society in the same way again, and will be very different from the society of twenty-one years ago.

Fellow Rwandans, we will not fail you!

We will never turn our back on you. We will always do whatever it takes. The memory of our dead and the terrible carnage inflicted on our country and people, will always give us strength and the courage to protect our country. Fellow Rwandans, let me make a promise to you.

If we fail to preserve the dignity of the Rwandan people and the memory of the victims, if we fail to give justice to the innocent dead, if we prove unable to protect all Rwandans from any threat posed to them, then there is no legitimate reason for our desired place in public life. We will exclude ourselves from participation in the Rwandan political system. The RPP is dedicated to the protection of the human rights and freedom of all Rwandans.

Fellow Rwandans, the RPP will bring to justice those responsible for piling shame on our country and drowning our nation in blood. There is no time limit in our quest for justice. Let no one have any illusions about this. We will not rest until we have brought every murderer, rapists and criminal, especially the ringleaders, involved in the orchestrating, execution and supervising of the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi to justice.

My fellow citizens, my party and I, the Rwanda People’s Party, on the 21st Anniversary of the genocide join the citizens and friends of Rwanda to Commemorate the 21 years of the Rwandan genocide against the Tutsis.

May God bless you.
Thank you.
John V Karuranga, President
Rwanda People’s Party
http://www.rwandapeopleparty.org

SG/SM/16646-OBV/1456:

Secretary-General, in Message for Rwanda Genocide Observance, Urges Prevention of ‘Cruelty Taking Place before Our Eyes’

Following is UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s message for the International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda, observed on 7 April:

The International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda offers an opportunity to honour the memory of the more than 800,000 people — overwhelmingly Tutsi, and also moderate Hutu, Twa and others — who were systematically killed across Rwanda in less than three months just over two decades ago.  It is also an occasion to recognize the pain and the courage of those who survived.

Our annual sombre observance is all the more meaningful this year as we mark the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations.  We must use this occasion to look back on the past — and to squarely confront the challenges of the present, renewing our collective resolve to prevent such atrocities from happening again.

Many countries now face grave security threats.  People are being subjected to the brutality of violent conflicts and the indignities of poverty.  Discrimination persists in societies torn apart by war, as well as in democracies that largely enjoy peace.  Hatred may manifest as institutionalized racism, ethnic strife, or episodes of intolerance or exclusion.  In other instances, discrimination reflects the official, national version of history that denies the identity of some segments of the population.

I deplore the conflicts and atrocity crimes in many parts of the world that continue to divide communities, killing and displacing people, undermining economies and destroying cultural heritage.

Our first duty is always to prevent these situations and to protect vulnerable human beings in distress.  My “Human Rights Up Front” initiative seeks to prevent serious human rights violations by acting on early warning signs before they become more serious.  My Special Advisers on the Prevention of Genocide and on the Responsibility to Protect work to advance national and international efforts to protect populations from atrocity crimes.  We aim to ensure swift and decisive action to save lives and stop abuses.

On this Day, I appeal to the international community to do more than just speak about atrocity crimes and then fail to take timely action to prevent them.  I call on all to summon the courage to act before situations deteriorate based on our collective moral responsibility.  This is critical for the maintenance of international peace and security.

As I said at last year’s commemoration in Kigali, we must exercise “Umuganda” — coming together in common purpose — to avert what can be prevented and counter the cruelty taking place before our eyes.

FDC – Easter Message to the People of Uganda (03.04.2015)

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Statement by his Excellency Hon. Uhuru Kenyatta C.G.H. President and Commander in Cheif of the Defence Force of the Republic of Kenya on the Terrorist Attack at Garissa University College, Garissa County on 2nd April 2015

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Adm72/01 Press Statement: Release of the Revised Roadmap for 2015-2016 General Election (01.04. 2015. The Electioral Commission of Uganda)

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Official Statements from Ministery of Information and National Guidance & Uganda Police Force on the death of Principal State Attorney Joan Kagezi

OFFICIAL STATEMENT FROM THE MINISTRY OF INFORMATION AND NATIONAL GUIDANCE ON THE DEATH OF PRINCIPAL STATE ATTORNEY, JOAN KAGEZI: 

It is with deep sadness that we confirm that Senior Principal State
Attorney Joan Kagezi has been killed this evening by assailants unknown and
at large.

The assailants trailed her car using a boda-boda, following her usual route
home, and when she stopped to do some shopping in Kiwatule, east of
Kampala, they opened fire on her.
Her children were with her in the vehicle but were not harmed in the
shooting. 

The police has taken up investigations into the case and are following all
leads available. This crime will not go unpunished.

On behalf of the Government of Uganda, I call upon members of the general
public to avoid sensationalising the criminal nature of this killing, and
to respect the honour and dignity of Joan Kagezi, who worked diligently for
law and order, and peace and security for all Ugandans.

May her soul Rest in Eternal Peace.

Jim K. Muhwezi, MP
Minister of Information and National Guidance

POLICE INVESTIGATES DEADLY SHOOTING
Yesterday evening, Monday 30th March 2015, Ms. Joan Kagezi, Ag. Assistant Director of Public Prosecution,         was shot dead at 7:15 pm,near her residence in Kiwatule a city suburb as she drove home with her children.

She had stopped at a fruit stall by the road side where she normally stopped to purchase fruits, when the criminals riding on a motorcycle of boxer type, red in color, stopped next to the parked vehicle and shot her twice in the neck and shoulder, through the widow on the driver’s side. She was driving the vehicle herself.

The Director of CIID, Assistant Inspector General of Police Grace Akullo who by coincidence was driving some distance behind her, was the first police officer on the scene. She coordinated the evacuation of the deceased to Mulago hospital where she was pronounced dead on arrival. Her three children who were with her escaped unhurt.

Ms. Joan Kagezi was in charge of the International Crime Division handling international crimes such as terrorism, war crimes, and trafficking in persons. At the time of her tragic death she was the lead prosecutor in the case of the 2010 terror suspects now before the High Court. She was, also working with the Police in the prosecution
of the suspects in the recent spate of murders, robberies and terrorism in Busoga region and Kampala. Her death is a big loss to the country.

Immediately after the shooting, the police secured the scene, and interviewed eye witnesses who have given very useful information that will assist in the hunt for the murderers. We call upon any member of the public who may have any information relating to the incident to give it to the police, any other security officer or LC official.

In spite of this tragic incident of criminality, we call upon the public to remain calm but vigilant.

The murder of Joan Kagezi should only serve to increase our resolve to hunt down and bring to justice all those elements bent on disturbing the security and development of our country.

GEN. KALE KAYIHURA
INSPECTOR GENERAL OF POLICE
30TH MARCH 2015

Gen. Muhammade Buhari – First Speech after Military Coup, 31 December, 1983 and General Ibrahim Babangida – Speech on 27. August 1985 after overthrowing Gen. M. Buhari

Buhari

General Muhammadu Buhari’s first speech after the Coup d’etat 31. December 1983:

In pursuance of the primary objective of saving our great nation from total collapse, I, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari of the Nigerian army have, after due consultation amongst the services of the armed forces, been formally invested with the authority of the Head of the Federal Military Government and the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It is with humility and a deep sense of responsibility that I accept this challenge and call to national duty.

As you must have heard in the previous announcement, the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1979) has been suspended, except those sections of it which are exempted in the constitution. The change became necessary in order to put an end to the serious economic predicament and the crisis of confidence now afflicting our nation. Consequently, the Nigerian armed forces have constituted themselves into a Federal Military Government comprising of a Supreme Military Council, a National Council of States, a Federal Executive Council at the centre and State Executive Councils to be presided over by military governors in each of the states of the federation. Members of these councils will be announced soon. The last Federal Military Government drew up a programme with the aim of handing over political power to the civilians in 1979. This programme as you all know, was implemented to the letter. The 1979 constitution was promulgated.

However, little did the military realise that the political leadership of the second republic will circumvent most of the checks and balances in the constitution and bring the present state of general insecurity. The premium on political power became so exceedingly high that political contestants regarded victory at elections as a matter of life and death struggle and were determined to capture or retain power by all means. It is true that there is a worldwide economic recession.

However, in the case of Nigeria, its impact was aggravated by mismanagement. We believe the appropriate government agencies have good advice but the leadership disregarded their advice. The situation could have been avoided if the legislators were alive to their constitutional responsibilities; Instead, the legislators were preoccupied with determining their salary scales, fringe benefit and unnecessary foreign travels, et al, which took no account of the state of the economy and the welfare of the people they represented.

As a result of our inability to cultivate financial discipline and prudent management of the economy, we have come to depend largely on internal and external borrowing to execute government projects with attendant domestic pressure and soaring external debts, thus aggravating the propensity of the outgoing civilian administration to mismanaged our financial resources. Nigeria was already condemned perpetually with the twin problem of heavy budget deficits and weak balance of payments position, with the prospect of building a virile and viable economy.
The last general election was anything but free and fair. The only political parties that could complain of election rigging are those parties that lacked the resources to rig. There is ample evidence that rigging and thuggery were relative to the resources available to the parties. This conclusively proved to us that the parties have not developed confidence in the presidential system of government on which the nation invested so much material and human resources. While corruption and indiscipline have been associated with our state of under-development, these two evils in our body politics have attained unprecedented height in the past few years. The corrupt, inept and insensitive leadership in the last four years has been the source of immorality and impropriety in our society.

Since what happens in any society is largely a reflection of the leadership of that society, we deplore corruption in all its facets. This government will not tolerate kick-backs, inflation of contracts and over-invoicing of imports etc. Nor will it condone forgery, fraud, embezzlement, misuse and abuse of office and illegal dealings in foreign exchange and smuggling. Arson has been used to cover up fraudulent acts in public institutions. I am referring to the fire incidents that gutted the P&T buildings in Lagos, the Anambra State Broadcasting Corporation, the Republic Building at Marina, the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Capital Development Authority Accounts at Abuja and the NET Building. Most of these fire incidents occurred at a time when Nigerians were being apprehensive of the frequency of fraud scandals and the government incapacity to deal with them. Corruption has become so pervasive and intractable that a whole ministry has been created to stem it.

Fellow Nigerians, this indeed is the moment of truth. My colleagues and I – the Supreme Military Council, must be frank enough to acknowledge the fact that at the moment, an accurate picture of the financial position is yet to be determined. We have no doubt that the situation is bad enough. In spite of all this, every effort will be made to ensure that the difficult and degrading conditions under which we are living are eliminated. Let no one however be deceived that workers who have not received their salaries in the past eight or so months will receive such salaries within today or tomorrow or that hospitals which have been without drugs for months will be provided with enough immediately. We are determined that with the help of God we shall do our best to settle genuine payments to which government is committed, including backlog of workers’ salaries after scrutiny.

We are confident and we assure you that even in the face of the global recession, and the seemingly gloomy financial future, given prudent management of Nigeria’s existing financial resources and our determination to substantially reduce and eventually nail down rises in budgetary deficits and weak balance of payments position. The Federal Military Government will reappraise policies with a view to paying greater attention to the following areas: The economy will be given a new impetus and better sense of direction. Corrupt officials and their agents will be brought to book.

In view of the drought that affected most parts of the country, the federal government will, with the available resources, import food stuffs to supplement the shortfalls suffered in the last harvest. Our foreign policy will both be dynamic and realistic. Africa will of course continue to be the centre piece of our foreign policy. The morale and combat readiness of the armed forces will be given high priority. Officers and men with high personal and professional integrity will have nothing to fear.
The Chief Justice of Nigeria and all other holders of judiciary appointments within the federation can continue in their appointments and the judiciary shall continue to function under existing laws subject to such exceptions as may be decreed from time to time by the Federal Military Government. All holders of appointments in the civil service, the police and the National Security Organisation shall continue to exercise their functions in the normal way subject to changes that may be introduced by the Federal Military Government.
All those chairmen and members of statutory corporations, parastatals and other executive departments are hereby relieved of their appointments with immediate effect.

The Federal Military Government will maintain and strengthen existing diplomatic relations with other states and with international organisations and institutions such as the Organisation of African Unity, the United Nations and its organs, Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, ECOWAS and the Commonwealth etc. The Federal Military Government will honour and respect all treaties and obligations entered into by the previous government and we hope that such nations and bodies will reciprocate this gesture by respecting our country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Fellow Nigerians, finally, we have dutifully intervened to save this nation from imminent collapse. We therefore expect all Nigerians, including those who participated directly or indirectly in bringing the nation to this present predicament, to cooperate with us. This generation of Nigerians, and indeed future generations, have no country other than Nigeria. We shall remain here and salvage it together.May God bless us all. Good morning.

Babangida-MILLITARY-DICTATOR

The Coup d’etat speech from Ibrahim Babangida: 

This was in 27. August 1985:

Fellow Nigerians,
When in December 1983, the former military leadership, headed by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, assumed the reins of government, its accession was heralded in the history of this country. With the nation at the mercy of political misdirection and on the brink of economic collapse, a new sense of hope was created in the minds of every Nigerian.

Since January 1984, however, we have witnessed a systematic denigration of that hope. It was stated then that mismanagement of political leadership and a general deterioration in the standard of living, which had subjected the common man to intolerable suffering, were the reasons for the intervention.

Nigerians have since then been under a regime that continued with those trends. Events today indicate that most of the reasons which justified the military takeover of government from the civilians still persist.

The initial objectives were betrayed and fundamental changes do not appear on the horizon. Because the present state of uncertainty, suppression and stagnation resulted from the perpetration of a small group, the Nigerian Armed Forces could not as a part of that government be unfairly committed to take responsibility for failure. Our dedication to the cause of ensuring that our nation remains a united entity worthy of respect and capable of functioning as a viable and credible part of the international community dictated the need to arrest the situation.

Let me at this point attempt to make you understand the premise upon which it became necessary to change the leadership. The principles of discussions, consultation and co-operation which should have guided decision-making process of the Supreme Military Council and the Federal Executive Council were disregarded soon after the government settled down in 1984. Where some of us thought it appropriate to give a little more time, anticipating a conducive atmosphere that would develop, in which affairs of state could be attended to with greater sense of responsibility, it became increasingly clear that such expectations could not be fulfilled.

Regrettably, it turned out that Major-General Muhammadu Buhari was too rigid and uncompromising in his attitudes to issues of national significance. Efforts to make him understand that a diverse polity like Nigeria required recognition and appreciation of differences in both cultural and individual perceptions, only served to aggravate these attitudes.

Major-General Tunde Idiagbon was similarly inclined in that respect. As Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, he failed to exhibit the appropriate disposition demanded by his position. He arrogated to himself absolute knowledge of problems and solutions, and acted in accordance with what was convenient to him, using the machinery of government as his tool.

A combination of these characteristics in the two most important persons holding the nation’s vital offices became impossible to content with. The situation was made worse by a number of other government functionaries and organisations, chief among which is the Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO). In fact, this body will be overhauled and re-organized.

And so it came to be that the same government which received the tumultuous welcome now became alienated from the people. To prevent a complete erosion of our given mandate therefore, we had to act so that hope may be rebuilt.

Let me now address your attention to the major issues that confront us, so that we may, as one people, chart a future direction for our dear country. We do not pretend to have all the answers to the questions which our present problems have put before our nation. We have come with the strongest determination to create an atmosphere in which positive efforts shall be given the necessary support for lasting solutions.

For matters of the moment which require immediate resolutions, we intend to pursue a determined programme of action. Major issues falling into this category have been identified and decisions taken on what should be done.

Firstly, the issue of political detainees or convicts of special military tribunals. The history of our nation had never recorded the degree of indiscipline and corruption as in the period between October 1979 and December 1983.

While this government recognises the bitterness created by the irresponsible excesses of the politicians, we consider it unfortunate that methods of such nature as to cause more bitterness were applied to deal with past misdeeds. We must never allow ourselves to lose our sense of natural justice. The innocent cannot suffer the crimes of the guilty. The guilty should be punished only as a lesson for the future. In line with this government’s intention to uphold fundamental human rights, the issue of detainees will be looked into with despatch.

As we do not intend to lead a country where individuals are under the fear of expressing themselves, the Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation Decree 4 of 1984 is hereby repealed. And finally, those who have been in detention under this decree are hereby unconditionally released. The responsibility of the media to disseminate information shall be exercised without undue hindrance. In that process, those responsible are expected to be forthright and to have the nation’s interest as their primary consideration.

The issue of decrees has generated a lot of controversies. It is the intention of this government to review all other decrees.

The last twenty months have not witnessed any significant changes in the national economy. Contrary to expectations, we have so far been subjected to a steady deterioration in the general standard of living; and intolerable suffering by the ordinary Nigerians have risen higher, scarcity of commodities has increased, hospitals still remain mere consulting clinics, while educational institutions are on the brink of decay. Unemployment has stretched to critical dimensions.

Due to the stalemate, which arose in negotiation with the International Monetary Fund, the former government embarked on a series of counter-trade agreements. Under the counter-trade agreements, Nigerians were forced to buy goods and commodities at higher prices than obtained in the international market. The government intends to review the whole issue of counter-trade.

A lot has been said and heard about our position with the International Monetary Fund. Although we formally applied to the fund in April 1983, no progress has as yet been made in the negotiation and a stalemate has existed for the last two years.

We shall break the deadlock that frustrated the negotiations with a view to evaluating more objectively both the negative and positive implications of reaching a mutual agreement with the Fund. At all times in the course of discussions, our representatives will be guided by the feelings and aspirations of the Nigerian people.

It is the view of this government that austerity without structural adjustment is not the solution to our economic predicament. The present situation whereby 44 per cent of our revenue earning is utilised to service debts is not realistic. To protect the danger this poses to the poor and the needy in our society, steps will be taken to ensure comprehensive strategy of economic reforms.

The crux of our economic problems has been identified to centre around four fundamental issues:
1. A decrease of our domestic production, while our population continues to increase.
2. Dependence on import for both consumer goods and raw materials for our industries.
3. A grossly unequal gap between the rich and the poor.
4. The large role played by the public sector in economic activity with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.

These are the problems we must confront.

ON FOREIGN POLICY:
Nigeria’s foreign policy in the last 20 months has been characterised by inconsistency and incoherence. It has lacked the clarity to make us know where we stood on matters of international concern to enable other countries relate to us with seriousness. Our role as Africa’s spokesman has diminished because we have been unable to maintain the respect of African countries.

The ousted military government conducted our external relations by a policy of retaliatory reactions. Nigeria became a country that has reacted to given situations, rather than taking the initiative as it should and always been done. More so, vengeful considerations must not be the basis of our diplomacy. African problems and their solutions should constitute the premise of our foreign policy.

The realisation of the Organisation of African Unity of the Lagos Plan of Action for self-sufficiency and constructive co-operation in Africa shall be our primary pursuit.

The Economic Community of West African States must be reborn with the view to achieving the objective of regional integration. The problems of drought-stricken areas of Africa will be given more attention and sympathy, and our best efforts will be made to assist in their rehabilitation within the limits of our resources. Our membership of the United Nations Organisation will be made more practical and meaningful. The call for a new International Economic Order which lost its momentum in the face of the debt crisis will be made once again.

Nigeria hereby makes a renewed request to the Non-Aligned Movement to regroup and reinvigorate its determination to restructure the global economic system, while we appeal to the industrialized nations to positively consider the debt plight of the developing countries and assist in dealing with the dangers that face us. We shall remain members of the various multilateral institutions and inter-governmental organisations which we belong to and do what must be done to enhance the membership and participation within them.

Fellow Nigerians, this country has had since independence a history mixed with turbulence and fortune. We have witnessed our rise to greatness, followed with a decline to the state of a bewildered nation. Our human potentials have been neglected, our natural resources put to waste. A phenomenon of constant insecurity and overbearing uncertainty has become characteristic of our national existence.

My colleagues and I are determined to change the course of history. This government is determined to unite this country. We shall not allow anything to obstruct us. We recognise that a government, be it civilian or military, needs the consent of the people to govern if it is to reach its objective. We do not intend to rule by force. At the same time, we should not be expected to submit to unreasonable demands. Fundamental rights and civil liberties will be respected, but their exercise must not degenerate into irrational expression nor border on subversion.

The War Against Indiscipline will continue, but this time, in the minds and conduct of Nigerians, and not by way of symbolism or money-spending campaigns.

This government, on its part, will ensure that the leadership exhibits proper example. Criticisms of actions and decisions taken by us will be given necessary attention and where necessary changes made in accordance with what is expected of us.

Let me reiterate what we said in 1984: This generation of Nigerians and indeed future generations have no other country but Nigeria. We must all stay and salvage it together. This time it shall be pursued with deeper commitment and genuine sincerity.

There is a lot of work to be done by every single Nigerian. Let us all dedicate ourselves to the cause of building a strong, united and viable nation for the sake of our own lives and the benefits of posterity.

Finally, I wish to commend the members of the Armed Forces and the Nigeria Police for their mature conduct during the change.

I thank you all for your co-operation and understanding.

God bless Nigeria.

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