This here should be common knowledge, many anticipated this today, but the brutality of it and the determination to defend shows what extent the state does. The Uganda Police Force and its authorities plan to anyway undermine the efforts of Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine to be a viable Presidential Candidate in 2021. This is just like they have done plenty of times with Dr. Kizza Besigye in the past, and for those that forgotten Dr. Paul Ssemogerere. Both of these gentlemen has been through the line of fire and in legal jeopardy because they choose to oppose the incumbent President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Now, it just happens to be Bobi Wine.
What we saw today in Kasangati, Wakiso District isn’t a new tactic. It is the same procedure as last year and the decades before. The same old blocking of the venue, the road-blocks, the tear-gas and the live-bullets. The machinery of oppression and the arrests of the high ranking officials of the opposition too. Even the journalists get taken brutally away, whisked away, as the Police Force doesn’t want their injustice broadcast. Still, they will defend their actions and say it was legal to this.
They are using the penal codes, the public order management act and the presidential elections act. All of these have various codes and statutes, used to hurt the civilians, who stands as a candidate and his team. They are inciting violence, not following guidelines of the Electoral Commission, they didn’t write the right signature on the forms, didn’t have enough dots. All of it gets put into a blender, squeezed and then the public is supposed to drink the juice. Its the taste of impunity and its sold regularly in the Republic and its on sale during election season.
What Bobi Wine and his associates are doing is just politicking, trying to configure their plans and organize ahead of 2021 elections. That is apparently an cardinal sin. The pope, the bishops and priests are calling them sinners and they got to ask the heavenly father for forgiveness. Because, the state is unforgiving for their sinner, unless they are anointed and one of their own. Than, you can steal from the offerings and donations. Even impregnate a nun and call it a bloody Sunday.
That is the reality of it all. It is tedious and boring. Its like a repeating drama, which never ends. Like I told previously, the acts of the Police. The movements of prisoners, the attack on civilians, media and whatnot is scheduled programming. Just like NBS Television and NTV Uganda is ready for boosting ratings, as they miss Fabiola on prime-time. That is just the way it is.
We have seen this before, its getting stale and old. Sort of like seeing the face of the President. The youth and positive spirit is sprinting out of our bodies, as the dire expression, the token of impunity get blended to the public, once again. This repetition and reoccurrence is nearly blinding. The empty hope and total destruction of hope. Since, the state, the Police and everyone always get away with it. It is like they never get hurt, bound or even have to answer for their misuse of power and lack of civility. However, the opposition has to act accordingly and follow the codes.
We can all grin and wonder, but this doesn’t cease here. It is only the start of the things ahead of 2021. This is only the beginning. The false start. The buck-shot has already happen. Now the reality hits the fan and it’s not beautiful. Its a disgraceful mix, the sort of upstart fiasco and total flop. Not because of Bobi Wine. He did his thing, but because of the state and their actions towards him. It might seems like he lost today. But actually, the state did. They shown their true heart, yet again and that is obvious.
They got no heart and didn’t have one to begin with. That is why its so easy for them to silence critics and members of the opposition. Peace.
““Between 1971 and 1979 (Idi Amin dictatorship – Ed), there was no parliament…Don’t think that you are in heaven; do what took you there. You should know where the power of that parliament comes from… in fact, I can do away with that parliament,” Museveni, also a retired army general, is quoted to have said. “And we brought it [parliament] back, so do whatever you are doing knowing…” Museveni reportedly said” (Sadab Kitatta Kaaya – ‘Museveni: I can do away with parliament’ 05.09.2018, link: https://www.observer.ug/news/headlines/58601-museveni-i-can-do-away-with-parliament).
President Museveni have told the Members of Parliament, that he can abolish the Parliament, if he wants too. Museveni said on the 27th August 2018 at Entebbe State House to the National Resistance Movement Caucus, that he can get rid of the Parliament and be the sole confined power in the Republic. He has said he can take it away and rule supreme.
If you thought that the man wasn’t serious, it took ages before ushered in Multi-Party elections, he took power in 1986, but the first election with that was in 2006. Therefore, he shown in the past, he only does “democratic” incentives, when he really has too. Not on his own merry, but by default.
Now, he says he can bring back military decrees and rule from up high, without any consideration of representatives of the people or MPs. As they are just questioning his reasoning and use of the military. This being in Arua and with the tortured MPs in question. That is why he is like this now. He wants to rule over the people without question, because he owns it.
In the same regard, people should stop paying taxes to him. Since he eats it anyways and shouldn’t care for paying OTT, VAT or anything as long as he don’t want to represent other than himself. He wants to be the kingpin, the almighty, who rules without questions. That is who is now. There isn’t anything he wants to control and if you question the military, than he brings the guns and suppress those ideas. That is why the Presidential Guards are in Kamwokya after arresting Bobi Wine. Because, he needs his sharp-shooters to send the message. That no one else has the power he does, because of the weapons, not because he has the support of the people in general.
That he now wants to talk like Amin and act like him, rule on military decree, shows how he lack fundamental understanding of all branches of state and how he wants to stifle it. He only opened up for things when it was beneficial, but now he wants to abolish it and take it away. He will soon wish back to Resistance Councils and the Movement System instead of the Multi-Party model, as that way he can monitor and control it in-house. That is who he is. However, will the people accept that in 2018?
This is not the same people as in 1986 or in 1996. This are doing this to people who never seen or touched the bush-war, the post-generation of that. He speaks of as it was his gift to give back parliament, soon he does the same with the kingdoms and whatever else he returned. As the pawns on his chess-set, as long as anyone obey it cool, but when they question him; your out of line!
Therefore, we now see how belittling and how hungry for the power the old man has. That he will even go to the levels of the ones he overthrow, just to prove a point. He already use the tactics of military courts, soldiers against civilians and torture like the ones before him. Now he wants to copy their military decree too. Soon there is no difference between him and the ones he liberated people from, its just like a mere façade and not reality. As he himself is as vindictive and horrific as them. Only he had more time using harm against people, then they ever could. Peace.
Well, I wasn’t even born in 1980, I came into this blue-plant in 1985, the year before the final coup d’etat of 1986. Therefore, I am not supposed to be the guy who writes this. Because reading and hearing the hearsay from the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and NRM apologist who says Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine haven’t done enough or have the capabilities to become President. However, they forget a dozens of things with their own master.
It was okay, that he was a part of Milton Obote government, a Defense Minister in the Military Council before starting his own party the Uganda People’s Movement (UPM). The establishment of this was just in the months before the 1980 election. That party tanked in the General Elections of 1980. An election that Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) won and Obote got his second term. Even the Democratic Party under Chairman Dr. Paul Ssemogerere satirized Museveni, that the UPM leaders could join the DP, if they we’re not able to trust the ability of their own party. Therefore, Museveni wasn’t always the most eligible himself.
President Museveni lost his seat to Democratic Party MP candidate Sam Kuteesa. Which today is his Foreign Minister. That shows how times are changing, but also that the NRM shouldn’t underestimate Bobi Wine. Bobi Wine have already won one election. That is more than Musveni ever did, before he did a coup d’etat.
The ones saying he doesn’t have the ability, who really believed in Museveni in 1980? After everyone saw how the Uganda People’s Congress rigged the elections and secured majority. Just like Museveni have done again and again since they took power. Therefore, his lack of promise and misuse of power, are seen as he made no significant change on this manner. More of the same really.
I am sure most of the UPC leaders and DP leaders in 1980 would say that Museveni was just an opportunistic and finding his way to power. If they believed so, they were right. The UPM, now NRM promised and pledged many things, but have offered militarism and not the offering of a promising democracy. As they are using same tactics as the previous regimes to control and intimidate the population.
That Bobi Wine has promise is clear, people wouldn’t create riots for someone, if he wasn’t inspiring them. Kyagulanyi have shown character and given a clear message, that the People’s Power is the strongest and deserves to be listening to, as well as there is time to topple the President, whose has overstayed and acting as tyrant. That is why people are saying he has no message beyond this. But the same people said the same about Dr. Kizza Besigye too. Who they also said could never become a President like Museveni.
Everyone who challenges the President, doesn’t have it in them. But even Ssemogerere mocked Museveni and his leaders in 1980 before he went to Bush for the Second time. Museveni could never win in a fair fight by the ballot. That is why he has rigged himself and his party in ever since.
That is why NRM people are talking trash about Bobi Wine, because they are forgetting how dire straits and weak Museveni was before the 1986. Not like he was the kingpin or had it in him. Not until he consolidated and secured Libyan arms, before he made a deal with Gen. Moses Ali and outplayed the Nairobi Talks of 1985, before he brought down Tito Okello. All of that is forgotten. These people thinks he was the golden mind to rule forever. That was not the deal in 1980s, but has become so.
I am starting to have more and more faith in Bobi Wine, as his strength and his will, is there. He has still a lot to learn, but who doesn’t?
Museveni has learned with time and used his position to trick and manipulate the power. That is why people don’t think others can rule. However, that is not true, that is a trick and a lie. Besigye, Mbabazi or Kyagulanyi could have capabilities to reign as well. Therefore, the NRM has to make sure people thinks otherwise. Because no one isn’t supposed to challenge him. That is a cardinal sin in the NRM.
So, it is time to put some faith into Bobi Wine and not believe in the men and woman, who says the only leader who can rule the Republic is the tyrant, the President and for life ruler Museveni. Peace.
“President Museveni will only go when you stop voting him not shouting. Nobody will shout Museveni out of office. The only way that you can remove Museveni from office is when you stop voting him” says Maj.Gen. Kahinda Otafiire in Ibanda” (Daily Monitor, 31.08.2018).
This is not a positive message, because there are really no narrative in this manner and with the times that can be like this. If President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni had shown any signs of giving way or even planning succession, the words of an election would have sounded real. However, for someone saying that knows perfectly well how the President is, Otafiire knows his words isn’t true.
Otafiire says Museveni will only leave if he voted out of office! How is that even possible? The Presidential Elections are filled with intimidation, rigging and securing the President by any means. There are no math, no possibility that Museveni will ever run a free and fair election. He will not let the people decide, he has already made his decision and the result is well-known, year in advance. Museveni has run the Republic since 1986.
He lost an election in 1980 and have never lost one since, the first one in 1996 and since then had total control. There haven’t been much change or significant changes since Multi-Party Elections happened in 2006. Which was something Museveni was against, he wanted everything in-house and under his umbrella. That is something he still wants and therefore, wants everyone to get people who will follow his guidelines and his vision from the State House. That is why he is saying people are misguided and wrong, when they pick leaders that he cannot order directly around.
Otafiire knows all this and has to change the narrative, because any government who meets to much internal pressure will fall. You are able to detain people, but not have the power to arrest the whole population. You might have the ability to torture the leaders and key activists, but you cannot torture all people. You cannot kill all opposition or everyone standing in the way of the King, but you can take out the chosen few who challenge the leadership. That is all well-known things for Otafiire. That is what the NRM has done since inception in the 1980s. One-by-One as it has been needed. The difference, is that now the news isn’t only in print, but the words and reactions from the oppression hits the web in minutes.
NO ELECTION will ever change the throne. That is not how to dismantle the rule of Museveni, if so, then there would have been a possibility in 1996, 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016. Neither of them, there was any chances for anyone else to win. Even as the decades has gone and the time of liberation has shown to be the same as the tyrants before. Museveni was supposed to bring progress, but bringing more regress.
Otafiire knows, this the people should know too, as the military and army are in the streets. Because Museveni and NRM doesn’t have the love of the people, if they did, why do they need to guard the streets? They should secure the sovereign state’s borders and not occupy their own territory. That is what Museveni does and Otafiire knows that too.
Otafiire might have a blurred vision or is so loyal, that he have to spin it. Since he wouldn’t be relevant or even have Cabinet Post. If it wasn’t for the brownie points he has already scored with the President, he wouldn’t be there today.
The NRM apologists can lie to the public, but some of us has to address it, because we knows better. Peace.
As the time is going and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni are just acting like the predecessors. This is making the supposed Bush-War in the 1980s pointless. As the President promised changes from the ones ruling before him. The NRM was supposed to be the golden age and greatness of the Republic. He come with pledges of respecting the peasants and create a democracy, instead it is the same type of tyranny of the past. There is now no difference between Museveni and Obote II. These regimes are acting the same and similar towards the opposition and media. Even American Journalists got two nights detained in the 1980s. Now the same is happening to local journalists in and around the Arua By-Election.
What I will now show, two stories or reports from the Obote II regime. Which shows similar resembles with today. All of the actions of the current day towards the Members of Parliament, are like of the previous President, these being Mubarak Munyagwa, Robert Kyagulanyi, Francis Zaake, Kassiano Wadri, Gerald Karuhanga and Paul Mwiru. All of these are now in the dire straits, they are in the midst of oppression, torture and detention, either with at Military Barracks or unknown locations. Therefore, there are two many similarities with Obote.
AI Report 1983:
“According to Amnesty International’s information, most people arrested in 1981 on grounds of national security, were arrested by the army. Same arrests appear to have been arbitrary or indiscriminate, but the majority were apparently directed at particular individuals. Most people arrested by the army were taken to army barracks and detained there, contrary to the law. Many were held for weeks or months. In very few cases were people known to have been transferred without delay to police custody. Detentions in military barracks were not recorded for police or legal purposes, and were not officially acknowledged. Such detainees had no legal protection in practice and the courts had no effective jurisdiction over them. In time, many of the detainees who survived were released or transferred to police custody, but it appears that torture was systematic, and many of those in military custody “disappeared” or were known to have died, particularly at Makindye and Kireka barrack” (Amnesty – ‘Memorandum to the Government of Uganda on Anmnesty International mission to Uganda in January 1982 and further exchanges between the government and Amnesty International’ April 1983)
“Those suspected of supporting the guerrillas were viciously hounded. Mr Mukasa’s wife was beheaded by government soldiers in 1981 and his brother was shot dead. After two years in exile near London, Mr Mukasa returned to Uganda only to be arrested by Obote’s security service which mistook him – Mr Mukasa says – for Godfrey Binaisa who had been president for a short period between Amin and Obote. Mr Mukasa still bears scars from the torture sessions in the Nile Hotel. His interrogators dripped burning plastic down his right leg to make him talk. Not surprisingly, he has not been back to the hotel since. “The Nile Hotel was a slaughterhouse”, I was later told by Brigadier Jim Muhwezi who, as head of internal security, now has an office in the adjacent conference centre. “A number of my friends were interned and died there. It’s hard to believe the beautiful gardens were once littered with bodies.”” (David Orr – ‘KAMPALA DAYS; Ghosts that lurk in shadows of hotel’s gory past’ 20.05.1996 link: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/kampala-days-ghosts-that-lurk-in-shadows-of-hotels-gory-past-1348320.html).
As we see the similarities between the past and present. We see that the Bush-War is wasted, the freedom fighter is taking away people’s freedom. The liberation, wasn’t really liberating. The Orwellian nightmare is in the Republic. Museveni does whatever it takes stay in power. No torturing, harassing and charging fellow MPs with treason. All deliberately to send a message and intimidate the public. This is what Museveni has done since 1986. Now it is just appearing before our eyes.
President Museveni are now acting like Obote II towards the public, sending mambas, soldiers and police to intimidate the public. They are killing civilians and detaining civilians on military barracks. No matter who you are in the republic, Museveni can take you down and make sure your begging for mercy. If your killed by his Soldiers or his Presidential Guards, it will not have any consequences, they can do whoever and get rid of whoever. It doesn’t cost anything, for the President it is just collateral damage for the cause. The cause, which is just staying in power.
That is the reality. Nothing else. There is no difference between Obote II and Museveni. Peace.
With the recent by-elections in Rukungiri, Bugiri and now in Arua. There been so much election violence and even killings in all three. There been enough of the army and mambas in the street, to intimidate the public. While the army and police are busy arresting opposition leaders and also activists. Therefore, the levels of arrests are over dozens, scores and in such levels that it has to hit about 20 and above to be right. This is what happens under President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. He is acting like President Milton Obote did in the 1980s. The second term of Obote was filled with arbitrary arrests, violence, torture and killings by the authorities. Now in the 2018, the Museveni regime is acting like them.
“The President allows a legal opposition party (the Democratic Party), and Obote seems to be trying to make parliamentary government work. However, opposition MPs for a time were arrested and detained. In a new-year amnesty, Obote allowed four MP detainees to be released; some 1,000 other detainees were released recently as well. The MPs, who had been accused of ‘‘connection with acts of violence,” were received personally by Obote” (John Worrall – ‘Uganda registers modest gains under Obote’ 04.01.1982 link: https://www.csmonitor.com/1982/0104/010442.html).
“Obote, moreover, has denied that any civilian detainees are being kept in military barracks. Yet he has not allowed officials of the International Committee of the Red Cross to inspect the suspected military barracks. “There are no detainees in military barracks,” Obote said in an interview. “There are no detainees who are tortured or murdered or killed in any way in government custody.” A 1982 report by the human rights group Amnesty International and a U.S. State Deparment report released earlier this year support allegations of civilian detentions, widespread abuses of human rights and killings carried out by soldiers in the military barracks. Well-informed western diplomats, one Ugandan government official who declined to be identified and political opposition leader Ssemogerere said abuses directed at civilian detainees is continuing in the Army’s barracks” (Leon Dash – ‘Brutality Marks Army’s Conduct in Uganda’ 29.11.1983, link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/11/29/brutality-marks-armys-conduct-in-uganda/342af52f-fbdc-4491-a399-208124c677db/?utm_term=.a95022d4262a).
“Soon after Obote’s inauguration speech, civil war erupted when two groups of his political competitors, both of whom charged Obote with fraudulently winning the December 1980 election, retired to the countryside surrounding this capital of Kampala and began waging a guerrilla war. The Army has recently managed to put the insurgents on the run, but political assassinations and the detention without trial of nonviolent politicial critics of the government have escalated as the war has died down. On Oct. 25 unknown gunmen abducted Mary Luswata, the chairman of Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress party in a district 80 miles from here, plus three members of the party’s youth wing and three party supporters. They were found shot to death two days later nearby” (Leon Dash – ‘Violence Poisons Political Process Within Uganda’ 01.12.1983, link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/12/01/violence-poisons-political-process-within-uganda/1d4a504d-d186-4100-ba19-971dbaa4c577/?utm_term=.321bf5362f86).
Militarism under both rulers:
“Although a small incident, (and indeed much larger incidents might have been cited), it has all the ingredients of militarism. “We fought for you” singles oult the “military” contribution to liberation to the denigration of all other kinds of contribution (including political) which people made towards the downfall of Obote’s dictatorship. It also becomes a “license” in the hands of the men in uniform to treat “you civilians” with derision and contempt. Although NRA’s record, compared to the that of Obote’s UNLA, has been generally impressive, this was so as long as they were in the bush, and did not enjoy “state power”. Now that they enjoy state power, their “militarism” is coming to the surface. Earlier in the same week that the above incident happened at Walukuba, soldiers burst into the house of the editor of the Weekly Topic (a paper that is critically sympathetic to Museveni), and searched his house, as also the office of his brother, a former Member of Parliament. Later they arrested a few people in the area who previously had UPC connections. All this was done without informing the Resistance Councils of the area, thus undermining their authority and relevance in matters of “high security”. When criticized, the NRA is consistently defended by Museveni on the same grounds that “they fought for you”. It is clear that Museveni derives his legitimacy and authority more from his army than from the political efforts of “the civilians”. The RCs with all their weaknesses analysed earlier, are nonetheless never likely, under Museveni, to acquire political control over the army, and hence militarism is likely to remain, as under Obote, the hallmark of Museveni’s regime” (Yash Tandon – ‘Elements of Continuity and Change Between Obote and Museveni: Some Lessons from Obote’s Rule for Musevents Government’ 01.01.1987, link: https://escholarship.org/content/qt667686n5/qt667686n5.pdf).
We can see now, that the ones that President Museveni overthrow for the betterment of the republic, he has become alike. He might not have arrested 1000 opposition leaders at the same time, but over the years he has detained, arrested and charged more than I can count. He has done the same during the recent days and even within this year. The NRM are acting as the previous leadership did. They are torturing opposition MPs, they are arresting them and also showing violence towards the public.
Right now, there are more and more similarities between Obote II and Museveni of now. The 1980s Uganda and current Uganda isn’t that much different. Only, that the public have smart-phones and the reports are spread without the central government control like in the 1980s. That is why we will know quicker and the reports will make sense. This is information sharing the authorities cannot control. That is why we knew of the violence in Rukungiri, Bugiri and in Arua.
Museveni’s ways of control is looking more like Obote… therefore, the bush-war is more and more pointless. As he is acting like the ones he overthrow. Not only overstaying and being an arrogant prick, but also being reckless, relentless and destroying people’s lives to stay in power. Using state sponsored violence to control the public.
The Ugandan people deserves better, all the lives lost are now just pawns in the eyes of the ones who had hope in the 1980s for something better for their kids. They fought and celebrated the fall of Obote II, but instead they got someone who was as brutal as him. Using the same force and same methods to stay in power.
It isn’t beautiful, not planned to be. It is just a cynics way of staying in power. Peace.
“Mukura is in Kumi District which is in Teso and Teso is in the North-East which Museveni told the diplomats as having been pacified. Why was it that some three hundred young men were imprisoned and locked by the NRA in Railway wagons at Mukura, a pacified area, and then MASSACRED by setting fire under the wagons! The answer can only be that the destruction of the foodstuff of millions of people, the destruction of their homes, the MASSACRES of some three million people and at Mukura were all a deliberate policy to depopulate Uganda so as to provide land for foreigners to farm” (Dr. Milton Obote – ‘THE MUKURA MASSACRE’ 07.07.1999).
This here is a sad story of something that happen early in the National Resistance Movement regime, this was just three years into the NRM regime and after the coup of 1986. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and his rebels was “new” in office. Still, this crimes shall not be forgotten, as the innocent lives taken. Should always be a stain on the legacy of the regime. Which never really have taken account or responsibility. The President shows up with military fatigue after the NRA have killed the locals. It is just wrong and doesn’t show any redeeming factor, but showing force instead of humility and willingness to lead.
Even at this point, he had to spring out fear, instead of building the republic. The same he does to this day, as he can have a budget speech in the military fatigue. It is not to long ago since the killings and massacres of Kasese, this here is just an older tale of the murders that is rightfully pinned on Museveni. As he and his Bush-War Generals haven’t taken accountability for.
The Preparation for the Massacre:
“After setting up their detach at Okungulo Railway Station, soldiers of the Pili-Pili battalion embarked on an operation to round up suspected rebels and rebel collaborators. The operation was planned to cover villages and parishes in the sub counties of Kapir, Mukura and Ngora (all located in Ngora county) in which rebels were believed to be hiding. The date chosen for the main operation was July 8, 1989. According to survivors and other eyewitnesses, the operation by the Pili-Pili battalion of the NRA started a few days prior to the massacre with the arrival of many soldiers to back up those already stationed at Okungulo Railway Station in Mukura trading centre. The soldiers were then divided up into several units and sent to different locations to begin rounding up suspected rebel collaborators” (JRP Field Note XII, March 2011 – ‘The Mukura Massacre of 1989’ P: 7-8).
The Massacre itself:
“This paradox of double standard was captured by a reader in a recent letter to the New Vision comparing the action taken against the Inspector General of the Police and his deputy on account of a shooting incident at the Makerere University campus and the notorious “Mukura Massacre” where over 60 innocent and defenseless people were suffocated to death in a train cabin by officers and men of the NRA. We quote from the letter in extenso:” Even more seriously, 69 youths were suffocated to death in train wagons by some NRA solders in Kumi in 1989. More recently some civilians were reportedly burnt to death in a hut in Serere, while others were clubbed to death near Soroti, allegedly by some NRA soldiers. These naked atrocities have practically been swept under the carpet by the authorities. But the Army Chief of Staff did not lose his job because of what his soldiers, who were miles away from him at the time, did. Are these not double standards?” (New Vision, January 3, 1991 :5). It is also useful to remember that none of the soldiers involved in the Mukura incident were arrested, as were those at Makerere. This then is the concrete reality of Uganda today” (OLOKA-ONYANGO, Joe – ‘Governance, Democracy and Development in Uganda Today: A Socio-Legal Examination’ 1992, P: 102-103, Kyoto University).
President Museveni false apologies:
“President Yoweri Museveni visited Mukura a few months after the massacre. Eyewitnesses testified that he addressed the crowd in full military fatigues. He apologized for what had happened and promised a decent burial for the dead plus compensation for the families of the people who had died. He also promised to construct a secondary school in memory of the victims and promised accountability for the soldiers who perpetrated the massacre. According to respondents: He addressed the people at a rally. He was dressed in his military attire. He apologised and said the Government was prepared and ready to give the dead a decent burial. … then he said action would be taken against those who [committed the massacre] and that decent burials for the dead would be organized. He promised compensation for the families [of the dead] and asked our MP [for Kumi], Fiona Egunyu, to follow up the issue” (…) “It appears, however, that the President’s apologies, on both occasions, were not well received by the people. As one of the survivors remarked: The President’s apology was just to appease us, but it was not from the bottom of his heart. This is a man who came with armoured vehicles, a full uniform [of army fatigues] and started talking to us civilians. What could a civilian say in return? We kept quiet throughout. He came in that military attire with his [bodyguards]. So psychologically the civilians kept quiet, and then he started talking and said that “I am sorry for this.” But people just kept quiet. And when he promised compensation for the victims some people faintly clapped, but nobody knew what was going on in the civilians’ hearts and whether they had really accepted that apology. And then he drove off. That was when people began to murmur among each other and that meant there was already a discontent” (JRP Field Note XII, March 2011 – ‘The Mukura Massacre of 1989’, P: 13, 17).
All of these words is signs that this massacre should not be forgotten, as the people who was killed innocently deserves justice. They don’t deserve to be pawns used by Museveni in Campaign Rallies. They deserve that the relatives and the people of Teso/Kumi get what is righteous.
This actions will not be forgotten, the people will remember what Museveni’s troops did in 1989. How they rounded up civilians, claiming to be rebels and killing them in rail-wagons. This shall not be forgotten, also that the President visiting the area came as General and not as a man of Peace. He came for battle and not to damage the hurt. Just came because he had to, but not because he wanted to. Museveni knew what his soldiers did on his command. They did act with impunity and killed the innocent. The President should answer for the battalion attack in 1989 in Kumi District of Teso Region.
These actions done by the NRA deserves to be remembered. Not because it is an event of grandeur or betterment of the Republic. But because it shows the ill-intent of the NRM. This here show the ills of this government and how it will not be accountable for its crimes against humanity.
The ones ordering it, the ones who has been apart of it should answer for it and the leadership today. Should also answer for it, as they are repeating it. They did it recently in Kasese, who knows if they will do it again. Just to answer the public, because they can and the people will not have the power or will to answer back. Peace.
Again, again and again, he retort and blaze fire to show that he is the only one with a vision, the only one who can run Uganda, because no one else has the capacity he has. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the one who has run the Republic since 1986. Has to understand, even if it is hard, that his isn’t the only leader capable of running the Republic. Even if his deluded mind is destroying that vision, because everyone else makes mistakes and doesn’t do things correctly, so Mr. Sunday can come in and save the day. That is just how it is, and how it has been. Here is a report of what happen at a National Resistance Movement meeting on 20th December 2017, when the heist of the century occur, as the state and NRM was launching his Life Presidency, though the abolishing the Article 102(b) of the Constitution. Those was the days, and at that day, Mr. President aka Sunday had to defend himself.
“According to an NRM MP who was part of the meeting, Baryayanga waited for Museveni to conclude his speech before he dropped a question that made the president lose his cool. “You have talked about so many things, and we would really want to support you on this [amendment] but in all your statements, you are not talking about the transition; when you intend to leave power yet some of us would want to be President of Uganda. When are you planning to retire?” Baryayanga reportedly asked Museveni” (…) “Museveni shot back; “You Baryayanga? You think you can be president? I don’t want to be president, I am only sacrificing myself for you.” (…) “Soon, he was back to the issue of the presidency. “Baryayanga, you think you can be president? You think you can manage my Generals? You? You?You think you can manage my Generals?! You think you can manage Tumukunde, Muhwezi… you? You?” Museveni asked Baryayanga” (…) “The MP remained silent for a while before he responded, “Your Excellence, with your help, I think I can manage. I am still a young and vibrant man, I really think I can manage.” In response, Museveni said, “Unless those Generals are dead, you can’t manage.” (…) ““I used to see [Godfrey Lukongwa] Binaisa posing around that he is a former president. What impact did he create? Then you see [Kizza] Besigye with walk to work…Besigye can’t be president for even three months,” Museveni said” (Kabuubi, 2018)
We can see that Baryayanga is just asking a fair question, that the President is losing his cool over. Like the paternal leader and eternal God of all, the only one that can manage it all is President Museveni. Mr. Sunday, Mr. The Only Man with a Vision. Couldn’t keep his cool and his temper. Surely, it is tiring to defend himself and always runs to the guns if people oppose him. It is like he thinks he is the only one who understand the NRM 27 Guns and the NRM Historicals and Stalwarts! It is insane, but that is how deluded he is at the moment. That he is the only one with the keys and no one else has the capacity or the strength to turn the door-knob.
Therefore, the President had again to back in history, to revisit the dead, because the ones who used to rule is all gone. He defeated them all and never gave anyone else a chance. Succession is poison to the blood-vessels of Museveni. It is like he thinks he himself will become an issue for a successor, he said it with comparing Godfrey Binaisa with fellow man Paulo Muwanga and Dr. Milton Obote, who all shared the throne during the year of 1980. The year and rigged General Election that brought Mr. Sunday to the Bush. Oooh those where the days. Well, he has to go there, to get legitimacy to still sit on the Throne.
Well, if Besigye cannot rule, who can expect you? What sort of rigged paradigm shifting focus of militarism are you implying Mr. Sunday? Why are you so special? There are nation of leaders and upcoming men, whose not Besigye, who can rule and can delegate people. I am sure they have more than enough skills to push the UPE to the next level and actually get proper use of UNRA and UMEME. Something you are not capable of Mr. President.
The issue is that you have created these Generals, but they will not stop following orders if someone else pays and comforts them. Unless, you give them reason to use the Crime Preventers as a militia and start war-lording against someone else who gets grip of power. Because that is the only thing you know, that is why Gen. Muhoozi, has been in the military and ran the Special Forces Command. To learn the tricks you needed in the 1980s. Oooh, you think we didn’t see this coming, did you?
We are not deluded Mr. President, you are and someone has to say it. I am sitting miles away with no fear. You cannot raid my living-room or touch my mind. But I can tell you, its long gone the time of your retirement. Besigye could run Uganda, Mbabazi could have run Uganda, even Otunnu or Ssemogerere could have been a possible men to become successors. But you have destroyed all of them and rigged yourself in.
I think there would be a learning curve and the need to find their way, they wouldn’t run it like Mr. Sunday, but they would be able to administer and to delegate the priorities needed to be Statesmen. Neither, of them got the ability to even try, so it is all just mere say, because we have no evidence. But we have the long history of mismanagement, patronage and rigging from Museveni. Therefore, it is foolish of him now to not try to sway people, that he has a plan for succession, but his EGO and his deluded mind is in his way. Peace.
Kabuubi, Gyagenda – ‘When Museveni told MPs; Besigye can never be president’ 22.04.2018, link: http://intelpostug.com/2018/04/22/museveni-told-mps-besigye-can-never-president/
“President Yoweri Museveni has implored parents who are financially sound to give their children a better education to guarantee a better future even it means taking them to Private schools” (NTV Uganda, 04.03.2018).
The pledges of yesterday is losing value for President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the process and the service delivery doesn’t matter, if it ever did. The Universal Primary Education was one of the brilliant moves he did and also got much more donor funding in the beginning of his Presidency. He introduced UPE in January 1997, as the time went the Government of Uganda invested more into the schools. As the Overseas Development Institute in February 2006, which stated: “The UPE programme has required a significant increase in public expenditure devoted to primary education. Total education expenditure increased from 2.1% GDP in 1995 to 4.8% of GDP in 2000, while the share of the education sector in the national budget increased from 13.7% in 1990 to 24.7% in 1998” (ODI – Policy Brief 10, Feb 2006). So the DFID sponsored brief are really explaining how the National Resistance Movement and President Museveni really used funds into the schools to make it happen. However, down the line the investments hasn’t continued and the progress of the policy has lost value. Since they have not continued or hold into that standard.
“The President clarified that parents should feed their children and those who can’t afford should take their children to Universal Education Schools which he insisted should not charge fees, while the capable ones can pay in private schools or ‘big government schools’. “Universal Education Schools should not charge fees and parents must provide a meal for their children, called ‘entanda’. Government has provided UPE and USE for poor parents and here it is free. Those who can afford can take their children to other government schools and private schools where they pay but no child should be withdrawn from school” he emphasized” (Opio, 2018).
When you hear the man who is the leader, whose been the President since 1986, been there 32 years. Saying if you want to give your kid a good education, send them to private schools. The ones who are poor can send their kids to government schools. Therefore, if you have money, you will care more about the future for your kids. Because we as a state has given up the Universal Primary Schools.
This financial year the state is using 10,87 % of the national budget in 2018/19, that is down 11,37% in 2017/18. Both years are really proving how little it is concerning how it was when the UPE was booming around the millennium. In those years the state used about 20% or more on Education. Meaning the means to build and upgrade schools where there, also for more staff and more equipment was there. This has been forgotten and deemed unnecessary by the state.
Already in 2006, the UBOS Statistical abstract stated this: “However, the education facilities including classrooms, teachers’ houses and libraries have not matched the upsurge in the number of pupils. In 2004, provision of classroom space remained an enormous challenge. Table 2.2.2 shows that, only about half of the pupils had adequate sitting space” (UBOS, 2006). So the problems we are seeing today, is systemic from the mushrooming of schools and districts who built-up schools after the announcement of the UPE in 1997. I am not saying it is easy to keep the upkeep after the surge of schools, but if the state wanted them as a priority. They would have allocated funds to it over time.
Clearly, that part has gotten wasted and the state hasn’t figured out that buildings needs upkeep, schools needs equipment and teachers needs salaries. I know all of that seems basic, but the deep understanding of that seems lost somewhere.
Since if you are seeing the numbers, the Education Ministry got 24,7% in 1998 and now in 2018 it get’s 10,87 % of the National Budget. The schools has surged then and the budget is smaller, that meaning the more schools and teachers are getting significantly less funds for their operations. This is clearly the will of the state, as they are prioritizing other parts of government and not the schools. So the pledge before the 1996 Election is now being abandoned, the Ten Point Program point is being dismissed and the State showing disregard for its own system, as the rich can have their own. The poor can have lesser quality and the ones who care about their future can got to the private ones. Because of this I want to go back to 1996, because it says a lot, about why its like this today.
So, we are not going back to 1986 today, but 1996, when this happen:
“Given his earlier opposition to the idea, President Museveni’s decision in March 1996 to make universal primary education part of his manifesto for the upcoming presidential election campaign represented a sharp break with existing policy. In a radio speech delivered on 27 March, Museveni promised that, if re-elected, he would implement a plan giving four children per family access to free primary education (the plan would also apply to orphans) (Radio Uganda 27.3.1996). This education promise was, however, just one part of an overall election manifesto that included pledges concerning liberalisation of the economy, road building, defence, and renewed East African cooperation. In fact, improvement in education was listed as only the fifth of seven bullet points on the back of Museveni’s
published manifesto (Museveni 1996). Though free primary education was only one small part of President Museveni’s initial election manifesto, during the course of the campaign it soon became clear that the promise to abolish school fees was striking a chord with the electorate. Ugandan officials from the period recall that several of Museveni’s close advisors repeatedly sent messages to the Ministry of Finance after campaign meetings in order to emphasise how the UPE promise had been well received” (Stasavage, 2006).
We could see it was his own initiative, as the President knew what would strike a chord, making sure the kids was educated and had a better future. The same resonates today, but the state has forgotten that. They are not caring, they build a giant program, a big school system of Primary Schools, but not allocated or planned the upkeep of them. That is why the state of the schools are going down and the level of poor public schools is rampant. The districts and sub-counties are not getting enough to keep the schools in functions or even the buildings up. That is why we can find pictures of schools falling apart and looking like they we’re forgotten the day after they finished building it.
From a report from the Ministry of Education and Sports in 1999 said this: “Uganda spent only US$8 per pupil in the early 1980s, and in financial year 1997/98 US$32.50 was spent per pupil” (…) “ UPE is one of the surest means that will lead Uganda to the attainment of the Jomtien Conference (1990) pledge of providing basic education to our primary school going population. As we provide that ìminimum package of knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes required by every person to enable him or her live as an independent, productive and effective citizen in a societyî the individual is empowered to meet her or his daily needs and aspirations, those of the community and the nation, which are focused on modernisation. Uganda is confident that by the target year 2003, Universal Primary Education will have been achieved for all its children” (Ministry of Education and Sports, P: 19, 21, 1999).
So in 1999, the State was hopeful, today in 2018, UPE is not for all children. Not if you listens to the words and the statement from Museveni. It’s Private Schools for the wealthy and the UPE for the POOR. Therefore, Museveni is claiming to classes and two system, which is really demeaning to the ones going to the UPE schools. This is his fault that the schools are bad. He introduced the system, he made it and built it. However, he forgot to the upkeep. He forgot the pledges of the past, even the goals of his own ministry in 1999. It is nearly 20 years since or 19 years ago. Therefore, if Museveni has forgotten it is natural, I don’t remember what I wrote a year ago. However, he promised this and used his Presidency to promote this. The UPE is one of the few grand achievements of Museveni. Even I can say that. But now its rotting and that is because the State has stopped funding it. It is their own decisions not upgrading or even maintenance of the buildings. It is weird that the NRM went into this, build this giant school program and had no plans for maintenance of the Schools or the Salaries of the teachers.
It is easy to start something, but when it continues, you needs to allocate, secure and also funds for day-to-day business. That is forgotten and today, Museveni has given it up. If not he doesn’t care about the UPE he introduced officially in 1997 and pledged during the 1996 Campaign. I say that because, well they have gone from using over 20% of the yearly budget in the 1998 to around 2000, but now the state has allocated as little as 10%. So it the Primary Schools are neglected, because the State has decided to neglect them. It is because the state has built a lot of them, but not funds to maintenance of them. Museveni knows this, but doesn’t say it. That is why the schools are for the poor, because the President even keeps the Government Primary Schools poor themselves.
I just have to ask the President, you used years and your time in the beginning of your time as President to build up the Universal Primary Education, have you officially given it up? Should the Ugandan population give it up too?
If you I can put the whole situation into one simple explanation: Museveni wanted to give the public a giant castle, he pledged to give the public that giant castle. He actually built the giant caste and made sure the public could use the castle. However, with time he didn’t have the funds or the money to maintain the castle. The walls and barricades are failing, the walls are weaker, the structure needs fixing. The servants, the people who are inside the castle are not getting paid and even educated to keep the walls steady. So, the stones and the building are looking more like a ghost-town than a castle. Museveni could have had a castle, instead he has a rundown ghost-town.
There are too many UPE schools that are rundown without proper buildings, which has been neglected. The same has the teachers and the pupils, who them all are living through it. Their future is depending on it and they are forgotten. Now the President tells, the ones who can afford it should go to the Private Schools instead. The poor has enough with the UPE schools. That just shows how he has given up the 1990s project.
Isn’t this a sign that you as a leader should have retired, since you have actually given up one of your achievements?
Opio, Sam Caleb – ‘I’m going to fulfil all my outstanding pledges – Museveni’ (04.03.2018) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-am-going-fulfill-all-my-outstanding-pledges-Museveni/688334-4327940-view-printVersion-27vqxt/index.html
Stasavage, David – ‘The role of democracy in Uganda’s move to universal primary education’ (2005) Cambridge University Press
Ministry of Education and Sports – ‘THE UGANDAN EXPERIENCE OF UNIVERSAL PRIMARY EDUCATION (UPE)’ (July 1999).