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Archive for the tag “Milton Obote”

Museveni acts more and more like Obote II: A Bush-War Wasted! Part II

As the time is going and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni are just acting like the predecessors. This is making the supposed Bush-War in the 1980s pointless. As the President promised changes from the ones ruling before him. The NRM was supposed to be the golden age and greatness of the Republic. He come with pledges of respecting the peasants and create a democracy, instead it is the same type of tyranny of the past. There is now no difference between Museveni and Obote II. These regimes are acting the same and similar towards the opposition and media. Even American Journalists got two nights detained in the 1980s. Now the same is happening to local journalists in and around the Arua By-Election.

What I will now show, two stories or reports from the Obote II regime. Which shows similar resembles with today. All of the actions of the current day towards the Members of Parliament, are like of the previous President, these being Mubarak Munyagwa, Robert Kyagulanyi, Francis Zaake, Kassiano Wadri, Gerald Karuhanga and Paul Mwiru. All of these are now in the dire straits, they are in the midst of oppression, torture and detention, either with at Military Barracks or unknown locations. Therefore, there are two many similarities with Obote.

AI Report 1983:

According to Amnesty International’s information, most people arrested in 1981 on grounds of national security, were arrested by the army. Same arrests appear to have been arbitrary or indiscriminate, but the majority were apparently directed at particular individuals. Most people arrested by the army were taken to army barracks and detained there, contrary to the law. Many were held for weeks or months. In very few cases were people known to have been transferred without delay to police custody. Detentions in military barracks were not recorded for police or legal purposes, and were not officially acknowledged. Such detainees had no legal protection in practice and the courts had no effective jurisdiction over them. In time, many of the detainees who survived were released or transferred to police custody, but it appears that torture was systematic, and many of those in military custody “disappeared” or were known to have died, particularly at Makindye and Kireka barrack” (Amnesty – ‘Memorandum to the Government of Uganda on Anmnesty International mission to Uganda in January 1982 and further exchanges between the government and Amnesty International’ April 1983)

One Story:

Those suspected of supporting the guerrillas were viciously hounded. Mr Mukasa’s wife was beheaded by government soldiers in 1981 and his brother was shot dead. After two years in exile near London, Mr Mukasa returned to Uganda only to be arrested by Obote’s security service which mistook him – Mr Mukasa says – for Godfrey Binaisa who had been president for a short period between Amin and Obote. Mr Mukasa still bears scars from the torture sessions in the Nile Hotel. His interrogators dripped burning plastic down his right leg to make him talk. Not surprisingly, he has not been back to the hotel since. “The Nile Hotel was a slaughterhouse”, I was later told by Brigadier Jim Muhwezi who, as head of internal security, now has an office in the adjacent conference centre. “A number of my friends were interned and died there. It’s hard to believe the beautiful gardens were once littered with bodies.”” (David Orr – ‘KAMPALA DAYS; Ghosts that lurk in shadows of hotel’s gory past’ 20.05.1996 link: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/kampala-days-ghosts-that-lurk-in-shadows-of-hotels-gory-past-1348320.html).

As we see the similarities between the past and present. We see that the Bush-War is wasted, the freedom fighter is taking away people’s freedom. The liberation, wasn’t really liberating. The Orwellian nightmare is in the Republic. Museveni does whatever it takes stay in power. No torturing, harassing and charging fellow MPs with treason. All deliberately to send a message and intimidate the public. This is what Museveni has done since 1986. Now it is just appearing before our eyes.

President Museveni are now acting like Obote II towards the public, sending mambas, soldiers and police to intimidate the public. They are killing civilians and detaining civilians on military barracks. No matter who you are in the republic, Museveni can take you down and make sure your begging for mercy. If your killed by his Soldiers or his Presidential Guards, it will not have any consequences, they can do whoever and get rid of whoever. It doesn’t cost anything, for the President it is just collateral damage for the cause. The cause, which is just staying in power.

That is the reality. Nothing else. There is no difference between Obote II and Museveni. Peace.

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Museveni acts more and more like Obote II: A Bush-War Wasted!

With the recent by-elections in Rukungiri, Bugiri and now in Arua. There been so much election violence and even killings in all three. There been enough of the army and mambas in the street, to intimidate the public. While the army and police are busy arresting opposition leaders and also activists. Therefore, the levels of arrests are over dozens, scores and in such levels that it has to hit about 20 and above to be right. This is what happens under President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. He is acting like President Milton Obote did in the 1980s. The second term of Obote was filled with arbitrary arrests, violence, torture and killings by the authorities. Now in the 2018, the Museveni regime is acting like them.

In 1982:

The President allows a legal opposition party (the Democratic Party), and Obote seems to be trying to make parliamentary government work. However, opposition MPs for a time were arrested and detained. In a new-year amnesty, Obote allowed four MP detainees to be released; some 1,000 other detainees were released recently as well. The MPs, who had been accused of ‘‘connection with acts of violence,” were received personally by Obote” (John Worrall – ‘Uganda registers modest gains under Obote’ 04.01.1982 link: https://www.csmonitor.com/1982/0104/010442.html).

In 1983:

Obote, moreover, has denied that any civilian detainees are being kept in military barracks. Yet he has not allowed officials of the International Committee of the Red Cross to inspect the suspected military barracks. “There are no detainees in military barracks,” Obote said in an interview. “There are no detainees who are tortured or murdered or killed in any way in government custody.” A 1982 report by the human rights group Amnesty International and a U.S. State Deparment report released earlier this year support allegations of civilian detentions, widespread abuses of human rights and killings carried out by soldiers in the military barracks. Well-informed western diplomats, one Ugandan government official who declined to be identified and political opposition leader Ssemogerere said abuses directed at civilian detainees is continuing in the Army’s barracks” (Leon Dash – ‘Brutality Marks Army’s Conduct in Uganda’ 29.11.1983, link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/11/29/brutality-marks-armys-conduct-in-uganda/342af52f-fbdc-4491-a399-208124c677db/?utm_term=.a95022d4262a).

Later 1983:

Soon after Obote’s inauguration speech, civil war erupted when two groups of his political competitors, both of whom charged Obote with fraudulently winning the December 1980 election, retired to the countryside surrounding this capital of Kampala and began waging a guerrilla war. The Army has recently managed to put the insurgents on the run, but political assassinations and the detention without trial of nonviolent politicial critics of the government have escalated as the war has died down. On Oct. 25 unknown gunmen abducted Mary Luswata, the chairman of Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress party in a district 80 miles from here, plus three members of the party’s youth wing and three party supporters. They were found shot to death two days later nearby” (Leon Dash – ‘Violence Poisons Political Process Within Uganda’ 01.12.1983, link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/12/01/violence-poisons-political-process-within-uganda/1d4a504d-d186-4100-ba19-971dbaa4c577/?utm_term=.321bf5362f86).

Militarism under both rulers:

Although a small incident, (and indeed much larger incidents might have been cited), it has all the ingredients of militarism. “We fought for you” singles oult the “military” contribution to liberation to the denigration of all other kinds of contribution (including political) which people made towards the downfall of Obote’s dictatorship. It also becomes a “license” in the hands of the men in uniform to treat “you civilians” with derision and contempt. Although NRA’s record, compared to the that of Obote’s UNLA, has been generally impressive, this was so as long as they were in the bush, and did not enjoy “state power”. Now that they enjoy state power, their “militarism” is coming to the surface. Earlier in the same week that the above incident happened at Walukuba, soldiers burst into the house of the editor of the Weekly Topic (a paper that is critically sympathetic to Museveni), and searched his house, as also the office of his brother, a former Member of Parliament. Later they arrested a few people in the area who previously had UPC connections. All this was done without informing the Resistance Councils of the area, thus undermining their authority and relevance in matters of “high security”. When criticized, the NRA is consistently defended by Museveni on the same grounds that “they fought for you”. It is clear that Museveni derives his legitimacy and authority more from his army than from the political efforts of “the civilians”. The RCs with all their weaknesses analysed earlier, are nonetheless never likely, under Museveni, to acquire political control over the army, and hence militarism is likely to remain, as under Obote, the hallmark of Museveni’s regime” (Yash Tandon – ‘Elements of Continuity and Change Between Obote and Museveni: Some Lessons from Obote’s Rule for Musevents Government’ 01.01.1987, link: https://escholarship.org/content/qt667686n5/qt667686n5.pdf).

We can see now, that the ones that President Museveni overthrow for the betterment of the republic, he has become alike. He might not have arrested 1000 opposition leaders at the same time, but over the years he has detained, arrested and charged more than I can count. He has done the same during the recent days and even within this year. The NRM are acting as the previous leadership did. They are torturing opposition MPs, they are arresting them and also showing violence towards the public.

Right now, there are more and more similarities between Obote II and Museveni of now. The 1980s Uganda and current Uganda isn’t that much different. Only, that the public have smart-phones and the reports are spread without the central government control like in the 1980s. That is why we will know quicker and the reports will make sense. This is information sharing the authorities cannot control. That is why we knew of the violence in Rukungiri, Bugiri and in Arua.

Museveni’s ways of control is looking more like Obote… therefore, the bush-war is more and more pointless. As he is acting like the ones he overthrow. Not only overstaying and being an arrogant prick, but also being reckless, relentless and destroying people’s lives to stay in power. Using state sponsored violence to control the public.

The Ugandan people deserves better, all the lives lost are now just pawns in the eyes of the ones who had hope in the 1980s for something better for their kids. They fought and celebrated the fall of Obote II, but instead they got someone who was as brutal as him. Using the same force and same methods to stay in power.

It isn’t beautiful, not planned to be. It is just a cynics way of staying in power. Peace.

A brief look into how similar Museveni’s rule is de facto the same as Mobutu!

In a clear reference to the team effort to dethrone Mobutu, the 53-year-old Museveni asserts that “for the first time since independence {in the 1960s}, the African intelligentsia, in partnership with the peasants, are assuming leadership.” This is an era of “new independence in decision-making. We don’t decide on matters because foreigners want us to decide.” He suggests that African leaders must push their countries toward “modernization and industrialization,” with special emphasis on infrastructure, education and health care. “If that doesn’t take place, the new order will be as empty as the old one,” he says” (Buckley, 1998).

President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was supposed to be a liberator, a reformer and Marxists leader who rose from a Bush-War in the 1980s to change the state of Uganda. However, with time he has shown his true character, maybe that was the reason why he went rogue from being a minister to become a rebel. Maybe it should have been a visible sign from day one, as the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) leaders of 1980s has gotten a vital space from then until now. None of them has given way and are entitled because of what they fought for, which is non-existence.

Mobutu was supported and had a coup against the leader who liberated the now Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). President Museveni had a coup and a war against the first Prime Minister and President Dr. Milton Obote. Even on that level, Museveni has actually copied Mobutu. I’ll show parts of other articles that was written int the time of his reign, Mobutu, as it shows how he did it and then. It can show the similarities, and it shows that we haven’t gotten further than this. Museveni has become Mobutu in the flesh, he has become the ones that he fought against and isn’t funny. It is a tragedy, that to many people are living through and that should be shed a light on. Because the silence and the continued support of this sort of leadership and administration should stop. It doesn’t make sense.

Growing loans in 1980s:

Although the details of possible corruption and massive personal profit have captured most attention, the major portion of the report deals with Zaire’s $4.1 billion international debt. On this subject, Blumenthal bluntly says: ‘‘There is no – I repeat no – chance on the horizon for Zaire’s numerous creditors to get their money back. . . . There has been and remains only one major obstacle to annihilate such prospects – the corruption of the team in power.” He concludes that ‘‘Mobutu and his government show no concern about the question of paying off loans and the public debt. They are counting on the generosity of their creditors and the indefinite renewal of the loans and their repayment.” (Fouquet, 1982). So as the news of growing debts to the Republic of Uganda, don’t expect him to be in a hurry to repay the debts to the international creditors or anyone. As he taking out debt, to repay debts and money gets lost along the way. Even the accountability and transparency is lacking, as there are many ghosts, projects without any signs of change or building the infrastructure as promised. The money just vanish. It is just like Mobutu, everyone expect handshakes, all business-deals and corrupt affairs has to get a thumbs-up from the State House. It is just made like a rewind of the Mobutu rule.

How the Political Elite is eating:

Mobutu and his inner circle sit atop a social ladder of corruption. Everyone is forced to take from those less powerful, both to survive and to meet the demands of more powerful people above. Almost all of Zaire’s wealth stays on the upper rungs, in the hands of powerful politicians and politically-connected businessmen. The enduring symbol of this social stratum is the Mercedes-Benz. Zaire reputedly imports more Mercedes than anywhere in Africa and Kinshasa’s Mercedes dealers prosper while all around them crumbles. The Mercedes-riding class have made smuggling and black-marketeering Zaire’s leading industries. By paying bribes to customs agents instead of taxes to the Government, they have elevated illegal gold exports to ‘several times the (official) national production,’ according to a confidential World Bank report. While discreetly avoiding identification of the culprits, the World Bank also notes that theft and smuggling of Zaire’s most vital strategic mineral, cobalt, ‘is primarily carried out by some of the most powerful individuals in the country’” (New Internationalist, 1990). The richest people in Uganda, are the ones connected with the political elite, that get funds from the state, get license to do business and also lands. The businesses are getting back-door agreements with the government to do business. Even all investors are connected somehow and their deals are done in favor the President and the State House. If not Ministers and others close connected with the family, as the Operation Wealth Creations are giving state funds to favorable companies that are accepted by the General Salim Selah, which happens to be a brother of the President. The same thing is that Foreign Affairs Minister Sam Kuteesa are having business-deals with government and also all-over, while being in office and profiting on his position. That is just natural in the state of affairs. Just like during the times of Mobutu!

Not possible to get rid off:

“The one thing that everyone agrees on is that we’re a long way from getting rid of Mobutu,” an opposition leader said. “He’s incredibly tenacious, and appears determined to hold onto power at any cost.”” (Noble, 1992). Museveni are using all tactices, rewriting laws, making the constitution to fit his life. He is rigging elections, he is fixing the Parliament and also the institutions, all to go around him. He sends the Special Forces Command into Parliament to install fear and let know how important it is to him to get the law passed. There isn’t anything the President will not do, he will kill you if your becoming to close to him. If not he will house-arrest for just being a viable Presidential Candidate like Dr. Kizza Besigye. He will put your trial for treason, he will send you from court to court only malicious charges with no criminal intent.

Making political enemies into criminals, damaging their homes, charge them and hold them in contempt. Destroy and allege that Civil Society Organizations are using bad methods and disorganizing society in general, therefore, it has to stop. That is why the Army and the Government are used as tools to keep Museveni in power. Nothing else. Mobutu would be so proud!

Stalling Tactic:

Yet it is precisely these conditions that have made Mobutu’s tactics effective. Most Zaireans see a method in his seeming madness, a deliberate strategy of destabilization as a means of discrediting the movement toward democracy and undermining the capacity of the people to mobilize against him. “Mobutu tries to keep the population in fear,” a lawyer in Kolwezi told me. “The population is traumatized. Mobutu wants to keep them in this position for a long time. That’s how he maintains his position.” Foreigners living in Zaire often marvel at the “passivity” of the Zairean people; one I spoke to speculated about a version of the “battered-woman syndrome.” But Zaireans point out that Mobutu and his allies still have all the guns and all the money. Hundreds of thousands of people marched in Kinshasa, they reminded me, and more than thirty of them were shot dead. In any event, a clergyman said, “when the population is hungry and tired, it doesn’t have the energy to go into the streets.”” (Berkeley, 1993). It is not strange that Museveni does this, he has used the army all his life and his ego of being a General. His generals and his closest associates are usually connected with the army. He even shown up to Budget Speech with full army-fatigue. When the NRM shows up, he is either in a suit or army fatigue.

Museveni has used the army and spread fear, they are targeting people and arresting people. They are creating unknown militias, that comes and goes. The army is all out during elections and campaigns to install fear. Make people worry, as it was full-war, when it is really just dropping ballots into buckets. Seemingly, the army is used to do police work and everything else. The military are used in any sort of work, to prove the power of the army and capabilities.

So that the people knows, that if they are having trouble with the NRM, then they might meet the power of the Army. The army will kill and show no mercy, like they did in the recent time in Kasese against the Rwenzururu Kingdom. As this crime hasn’t been solved and neither has anything positive come out of it. As well as the rising levels of kidnappings, killings of woman in Entebbe and so on. The Police and Army are not able to contain the violence, as the corruption and lack of accountability has hit the security organizations. Which is like a wet-dream from the legacy of Mobutu, that lives-on with Museveni.

31 Years of Mobutu:

Once there, the strongman who, his opponents say, has beggared and brutalized Zaire for 31 years pledged that he was again ready to solve the country’s myriad problems. “The enemies of our country have chosen when I was sick to put a sword in my back,” Mobutu, 66, said in a nationally broadcast speech interrupted by applause, singing and the loud cawing of nearby peacocks. “I’m not going to disappoint you. I know your expectations and your hopes. I will act rapidly and positively.””(LA Times, 1996). Just like Museveni is saying anyone who questions his vision, his methods and policies are enemies of the state, so did Mobutu. Even after 30 decades of Mobutu, he did that and now we know that Museveni does the same. He says he will fix everything and he has the solutions, it is just that ones he orders to do it, doesn’t know how to do their job. That is just like a mantra he got from Mobutu.

We can see that Museveni has become a twin-soul of Mobutu. Everything Mobutu did, Museveni are doing. Both having amazing levels of cronyism, corporate politicians, bribes, corruption, spreading of fear and making people believe that Museveni cannot step down. The similarities are two alike. The same with the massive bank-accounts, while the state in rapid poverty, the lack of the accountability and transparency, all control from the State House and none in the institutions. Museveni and Mobutu are so the same.

Museveni forgot the peasants or he didn’t care about their participation, since he is the only man with a vision. That has he said all along. But that he has now become everything he was supposed to fight. Shows how bad it is for leadership to linger in power, because it evaporates and eat your soul. You loose everything in the hinges of staying in power. There is now nothing left for Museveni to do and that he hasn’t done. He can only eat, steal and spread fear, because he doesn’t have to deliver. He takes, he took and he continues to loot. There is no mercy, there is only thieving.

Museveni is now the Mobutu in the flesh, he is acting like Mobutu and talking like Mobutu. The difference is that is in Uganda and not the DRC. The DRC has the issue of Joseph Kabila, but Uganda has the issue of Museveni. Museveni, Museveni and Museveni is the problem.

This is just tragic and it should be known. Peace.

Reference:

Berkeley, Bill – ‘Zaire: An African Horror Story’ August 1993, The Atlantic

Buckley, Stephen – ‘AUTHORITY’S CHANGING FACE IN AFRICA’ (02.02.1998), Washington Post

Noble, Kenneth – ‘As the Nation’s Economy Collapses, Zairians Squirm Under Mobutu’s Heel’ 1992, New York Times

Fouquet, David – ‘Corruption charges swirl around Zaire’s President Mobutu’ (08.10.1982), The Christian Science Monitor

New Internationalist – ‘Zaire’s Den Of Thieves’ (05.07.1990)

Los Angels Times – ‘Mobutu returns to Zaire, but reveals no solutions Ailing strongman vows to fix myriad problems’ (18.12.1996)

IGP Okoth Ochola orders to shield the media: However, as long as they enforce POMA, will it matter?

In a Police Circular of 16th May 2018, the Inspector General of the Police Okoth Ochola has ordered a shift of policy towards the media. This is a change, but if we only see it on paper or in reality. Time will tell, because the laws that the Police use are still the same, they still have the Public Order Management Act (POMA), which has been used as a tool to oppress and silence opposition. Where the Police has interfered in journalistic endevours and political party works all across the Republic. All of that is well-known, as the Police needs to engage and give consent if anyone is gathering. That is so they can either stop it before it happens or have knowledge of any activity of any party, that is happening in public.

What is key from the message from the IGP was this:

Unit commanders must observe the safety of journalists very critically and no journalist or citizen should ever be abused or tortured. Torture is a criminal offence according to the law and whoever will be found to be involved in the crime shall be expeditiously investigated and prosecuted. The constitution calls upon us all to preserve, protect and promote media freedoms” (IGP Okoth Ochola, 16.05.2018).

CEON-U reported this from the General Election and Campaigning in 2016:

At the (media content) producer level, journalists reported pressure from government, security and ruling party officials, which sometimes saw the cancellation of critical radio programmes as well as suspension of presenters and talk show hosts for entertaining opposition candidates, especially Besigye. There were also increased cases of assaults and intimidation of journalists, self-censorship, and bribery” (CEON-U – ‘UGANDA GENERAL ELECTIONS 2016: REVISITING THE DEMOCRACY CONSTRUCT’ P:76, 2016).

It is not long ago, when Besigye was planning to hold a Radio Tour all-around Uganda, but the State sanctioned the radios holding him, but at the same period in time, the President could do the same and on the same topic, as Besigye was planning too. It is not many months ago. Therefore, the state is continuing to oppress and silence the other voices, than of the President.

Museveni likes to own the media, own the message and control it, therefore, he has lecture anyone to follow his voice and pattern, not question it, because then your not patriotic. That is what is well-known, so it is good idea that the Police are supposed to respect the covering of the journalists and their work. However, if they start to be to critical or get sources, which is questioning the Musevenisms, then know they will be besieged, be detained and lose their license. That is what Museveni does, so even if the journalist wouldn’t be arrested while on Live-Broadcast, like the police did in Kasangati in the recent year. Still, the NRM and Uganda Police Force has a long walk ahead.

It is nice that the IGP wants things to change, but they should also abolish POMA, so people are allowed to participate and be political active, without having the police breathing down their necks or coming with tear-gas, every time they congregate. This will certainly his a journalist, a camera-man or anyone covering it. They will not be totally shielded, I doubt the Police would do so. They usually cover all angles and anyone in the nearby passage get touched.

The Police can order and say they will leave the journalists be, but will they really follow through, when there are laws like the POMA in affect. That will not change the dynamics, unless, the Parliament makes other laws, that gives the provisions to the Police to act differently. Peace.

Here is the circular:

Opinion: In the mind of Museveni, there is no need for a succession plan, just because…[Insert excuse]!

Again, again and again, he retort and blaze fire to show that he is the only one with a vision, the only one who can run Uganda, because no one else has the capacity he has. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the one who has run the Republic since 1986. Has to understand, even if it is hard, that his isn’t the only leader capable of running the Republic. Even if his deluded mind is destroying that vision, because everyone else makes mistakes and doesn’t do things correctly, so Mr. Sunday can come in and save the day. That is just how it is, and how it has been. Here is a report of what happen at a National Resistance Movement meeting on 20th December 2017, when the heist of the century occur, as the state and NRM was launching his Life Presidency, though the abolishing the Article 102(b) of the Constitution. Those was the days, and at that day, Mr. President aka Sunday had to defend himself.

According to an NRM MP who was part of the meeting, Baryayanga waited for Museveni to conclude his speech before he dropped a question that made the president lose his cool. “You have talked about so many things, and we would really want to support you on this [amendment] but in all your statements, you are not talking about the transition; when you intend to leave power yet some of us would want to be President of Uganda. When are you planning to retire?” Baryayanga reportedly asked Museveni” (…) “Museveni shot back; “You Baryayanga? You think you can be president? I don’t want to be president, I am only sacrificing myself for you.” (…) “Soon, he was back to the issue of the presidency. “Baryayanga, you think you can be president? You think you can manage my Generals? You? You?You think you can manage my Generals?! You think you can manage Tumukunde, Muhwezi… you? You?” Museveni asked Baryayanga” (…) “The MP remained silent for a while before he responded, “Your Excellence, with your help, I think I can manage. I am still a young and vibrant man, I really think I can manage.” In response, Museveni said, “Unless those Generals are dead, you can’t manage.” (…) ““I used to see [Godfrey Lukongwa] Binaisa posing around that he is a former president. What impact did he create? Then you see [Kizza] Besigye with walk to work…Besigye can’t be president for even three months,” Museveni said” (Kabuubi, 2018)

We can see that Baryayanga is just asking a fair question, that the President is losing his cool over. Like the paternal leader and eternal God of all, the only one that can manage it all is President Museveni. Mr. Sunday, Mr. The Only Man with a Vision. Couldn’t keep his cool and his temper. Surely, it is tiring to defend himself and always runs to the guns if people oppose him. It is like he thinks he is the only one who understand the NRM 27 Guns and the NRM Historicals and Stalwarts! It is insane, but that is how deluded he is at the moment. That he is the only one with the keys and no one else has the capacity or the strength to turn the door-knob.

Therefore, the President had again to back in history, to revisit the dead, because the ones who used to rule is all gone. He defeated them all and never gave anyone else a chance. Succession is poison to the blood-vessels of Museveni. It is like he thinks he himself will become an issue for a successor, he said it with comparing Godfrey Binaisa with fellow man Paulo Muwanga and Dr. Milton Obote, who all shared the throne during the year of 1980. The year and rigged General Election that brought Mr. Sunday to the Bush. Oooh those where the days. Well, he has to go there, to get legitimacy to still sit on the Throne.

Well, if Besigye cannot rule, who can expect you? What sort of rigged paradigm shifting focus of militarism are you implying Mr. Sunday? Why are you so special? There are nation of leaders and upcoming men, whose not Besigye, who can rule and can delegate people. I am sure they have more than enough skills to push the UPE to the next level and actually get proper use of UNRA and UMEME. Something you are not capable of Mr. President.

The issue is that you have created these Generals, but they will not stop following orders if someone else pays and comforts them. Unless, you give them reason to use the Crime Preventers as a militia and start war-lording against someone else who gets grip of power. Because that is the only thing you know, that is why Gen. Muhoozi, has been in the military and ran the Special Forces Command. To learn the tricks you needed in the 1980s. Oooh, you think we didn’t see this coming, did you?

We are not deluded Mr. President, you are and someone has to say it. I am sitting miles away with no fear. You cannot raid my living-room or touch my mind. But I can tell you, its long gone the time of your retirement. Besigye could run Uganda, Mbabazi could have run Uganda, even Otunnu or Ssemogerere could have been a possible men to become successors. But you have destroyed all of them and rigged yourself in.

I think there would be a learning curve and the need to find their way, they wouldn’t run it like Mr. Sunday, but they would be able to administer and to delegate the priorities needed to be Statesmen. Neither, of them got the ability to even try, so it is all just mere say, because we have no evidence. But we have the long history of mismanagement, patronage and rigging from Museveni. Therefore, it is foolish of him now to not try to sway people, that he has a plan for succession, but his EGO and his deluded mind is in his way. Peace.

Reference:

Kabuubi, Gyagenda – ‘When Museveni told MPs; Besigye can never be president’ 22.04.2018, link: http://intelpostug.com/2018/04/22/museveni-told-mps-besigye-can-never-president/

Opinion: President Museveni has given up on the UPE, should the public do the same?

St. Kitzo Primary School, Kabarole

President Yoweri Museveni has implored parents who are financially sound to give their children a better education to guarantee a better future even it means taking them to Private schools” (NTV Uganda, 04.03.2018).

The pledges of yesterday is losing value for President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the process and the service delivery doesn’t matter, if it ever did. The Universal Primary Education was one of the brilliant moves he did and also got much more donor funding in the beginning of his Presidency. He introduced UPE in January 1997, as the time went the Government of Uganda invested more into the schools. As the Overseas Development Institute in February 2006, which stated: “The UPE programme has required a significant increase in public expenditure devoted to primary education. Total education expenditure increased from 2.1% GDP in 1995 to 4.8% of GDP in 2000, while the share of the education sector in the national budget increased from 13.7% in 1990 to 24.7% in 1998” (ODI – Policy Brief 10, Feb 2006). So the DFID sponsored brief are really explaining how the National Resistance Movement and President Museveni really used funds into the schools to make it happen. However, down the line the investments hasn’t continued and the progress of the policy has lost value. Since they have not continued or hold into that standard.

The President clarified that parents should feed their children and those who can’t afford should take their children to Universal Education Schools which he insisted should not charge fees, while the capable ones can pay in private schools or ‘big government schools’. “Universal Education Schools should not charge fees and parents must provide a meal for their children, called ‘entanda’. Government has provided UPE and USE for poor parents and here it is free. Those who can afford can take their children to other government schools and private schools where they pay but no child should be withdrawn from school” he emphasized” (Opio, 2018).

When you hear the man who is the leader, whose been the President since 1986, been there 32 years. Saying if you want to give your kid a good education, send them to private schools. The ones who are poor can send their kids to government schools. Therefore, if you have money, you will care more about the future for your kids. Because we as a state has given up the Universal Primary Schools.

This financial year the state is using 10,87 % of the national budget in 2018/19, that is down 11,37% in 2017/18. Both years are really proving how little it is concerning how it was when the UPE was booming around the millennium. In those years the state used about 20% or more on Education. Meaning the means to build and upgrade schools where there, also for more staff and more equipment was there. This has been forgotten and deemed unnecessary by the state.

Already in 2006, the UBOS Statistical abstract stated this: “However, the education facilities including classrooms, teachers’ houses and libraries have not matched the upsurge in the number of pupils. In 2004, provision of classroom space remained an enormous challenge. Table 2.2.2 shows that, only about half of the pupils had adequate sitting space” (UBOS, 2006). So the problems we are seeing today, is systemic from the mushrooming of schools and districts who built-up schools after the announcement of the UPE in 1997. I am not saying it is easy to keep the upkeep after the surge of schools, but if the state wanted them as a priority. They would have allocated funds to it over time.

Clearly, that part has gotten wasted and the state hasn’t figured out that buildings needs upkeep, schools needs equipment and teachers needs salaries. I know all of that seems basic, but the deep understanding of that seems lost somewhere.

Since if you are seeing the numbers, the Education Ministry got 24,7% in 1998 and now in 2018 it get’s 10,87 % of the National Budget. The schools has surged then and the budget is smaller, that meaning the more schools and teachers are getting significantly less funds for their operations. This is clearly the will of the state, as they are prioritizing other parts of government and not the schools. So the pledge before the 1996 Election is now being abandoned, the Ten Point Program point is being dismissed and the State showing disregard for its own system, as the rich can have their own. The poor can have lesser quality and the ones who care about their future can got to the private ones. Because of this I want to go back to 1996, because it says a lot, about why its like this today.

So, we are not going back to 1986 today, but 1996, when this happen:

Given his earlier opposition to the idea, President Museveni’s decision in March 1996 to make universal primary education part of his manifesto for the upcoming presidential election campaign represented a sharp break with existing policy. In a radio speech delivered on 27 March, Museveni promised that, if re-elected, he would implement a plan giving four children per family access to free primary education (the plan would also apply to orphans) (Radio Uganda 27.3.1996). This education promise was, however, just one part of an overall election manifesto that included pledges concerning liberalisation of the economy, road building, defence, and renewed East African cooperation. In fact, improvement in education was listed as only the fifth of seven bullet points on the back of Museveni’s

published manifesto (Museveni 1996). Though free primary education was only one small part of President Museveni’s initial election manifesto, during the course of the campaign it soon became clear that the promise to abolish school fees was striking a chord with the electorate. Ugandan officials from the period recall that several of Museveni’s close advisors repeatedly sent messages to the Ministry of Finance after campaign meetings in order to emphasise how the UPE promise had been well received” (Stasavage, 2006).

We could see it was his own initiative, as the President knew what would strike a chord, making sure the kids was educated and had a better future. The same resonates today, but the state has forgotten that. They are not caring, they build a giant program, a big school system of Primary Schools, but not allocated or planned the upkeep of them. That is why the state of the schools are going down and the level of poor public schools is rampant. The districts and sub-counties are not getting enough to keep the schools in functions or even the buildings up. That is why we can find pictures of schools falling apart and looking like they we’re forgotten the day after they finished building it.

From a report from the Ministry of Education and Sports in 1999 said this: “Uganda spent only US$8 per pupil in the early 1980s, and in financial year 1997/98 US$32.50 was spent per pupil” (…) “ UPE is one of the surest means that will lead Uganda to the attainment of the Jomtien Conference (1990) pledge of providing basic education to our primary school going population. As we provide that ìminimum package of knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes required by every person to enable him or her live as an independent, productive and effective citizen in a societyî the individual is empowered to meet her or his daily needs and aspirations, those of the community and the nation, which are focused on modernisation. Uganda is confident that by the target year 2003, Universal Primary Education will have been achieved for all its children” (Ministry of Education and Sports, P: 19, 21, 1999).

So in 1999, the State was hopeful, today in 2018, UPE is not for all children. Not if you listens to the words and the statement from Museveni. It’s Private Schools for the wealthy and the UPE for the POOR. Therefore, Museveni is claiming to classes and two system, which is really demeaning to the ones going to the UPE schools. This is his fault that the schools are bad. He introduced the system, he made it and built it. However, he forgot to the upkeep. He forgot the pledges of the past, even the goals of his own ministry in 1999. It is nearly 20 years since or 19 years ago. Therefore, if Museveni has forgotten it is natural, I don’t remember what I wrote a year ago. However, he promised this and used his Presidency to promote this. The UPE is one of the few grand achievements of Museveni. Even I can say that. But now its rotting and that is because the State has stopped funding it. It is their own decisions not upgrading or even maintenance of the buildings. It is weird that the NRM went into this, build this giant school program and had no plans for maintenance of the Schools or the Salaries of the teachers.

It is easy to start something, but when it continues, you needs to allocate, secure and also funds for day-to-day business. That is forgotten and today, Museveni has given it up. If not he doesn’t care about the UPE he introduced officially in 1997 and pledged during the 1996 Campaign. I say that because, well they have gone from using over 20% of the yearly budget in the 1998 to around 2000, but now the state has allocated as little as 10%. So it the Primary Schools are neglected, because the State has decided to neglect them. It is because the state has built a lot of them, but not funds to maintenance of them. Museveni knows this, but doesn’t say it. That is why the schools are for the poor, because the President even keeps the Government Primary Schools poor themselves.

I just have to ask the President, you used years and your time in the beginning of your time as President to build up the Universal Primary Education, have you officially given it up? Should the Ugandan population give it up too?

If you I can put the whole situation into one simple explanation: Museveni wanted to give the public a giant castle, he pledged to give the public that giant castle. He actually built the giant caste and made sure the public could use the castle. However, with time he didn’t have the funds or the money to maintain the castle. The walls and barricades are failing, the walls are weaker, the structure needs fixing. The servants, the people who are inside the castle are not getting paid and even educated to keep the walls steady. So, the stones and the building are looking more like a ghost-town than a castle. Museveni could have had a castle, instead he has a rundown ghost-town.

There are too many UPE schools that are rundown without proper buildings, which has been neglected. The same has the teachers and the pupils, who them all are living through it. Their future is depending on it and they are forgotten. Now the President tells, the ones who can afford it should go to the Private Schools instead. The poor has enough with the UPE schools. That just shows how he has given up the 1990s project.

Isn’t this a sign that you as a leader should have retired, since you have actually given up one of your achievements?

Peace.

Reference:

Opio, Sam Caleb – ‘I’m going to fulfil all my outstanding pledges – Museveni’ (04.03.2018) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-am-going-fulfill-all-my-outstanding-pledges-Museveni/688334-4327940-view-printVersion-27vqxt/index.html

Stasavage, David – ‘The role of democracy in Uganda’s move to universal primary education’ (2005) Cambridge University Press

Ministry of Education and Sports – ‘THE UGANDAN EXPERIENCE OF UNIVERSAL PRIMARY EDUCATION (UPE)’ (July 1999).

Opinion: The Liberation Day can only be celebrated with Mzee and with no one else!

The NRM Day, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) day, the Liberation Day. The day that the National Resistance Army liberated Uganda. Are in the making and being prepared so that the President can hold his speech and be crowded by his soldiers, his Crime Preventers and who ever he has bought out from obscurity in the recent months.

So the news today, was rare or unique. It is more of the same. That other people are not allowed. It is just like when he hold the State of Nation Address, all channels and broadcast on TV and Radio had to send his speech. The same can surely also happen in this instance. Because the only man who is clearly free and can be opinionated is Museveni. The rest have to follow his suit and his orders. The State House commands. So that the President and his men, are now putting orders on how they are celebrating the 32nd Liberation Day isn’t surprising. It follows a pattern of control from above, from His Excellency, who cannot be that excellent, when he has to micro-manage every detail and get everyone in-line for every event. Every function and every order, has to be rubber-stamped by him. It’s just his despotic mind, who speaks democracy, but orders everyone around and wants everybody to accept his hollow mind. That is just the way it is, so when Daily Monitor says this today:

“The government has cautioned the opposition and any other groups against any plot to hold parallel liberation day celebrations. The caution was sounded by the minister for presidency Esther Mbayo during a press conference at media centre ahead of the celebrations slated for Friday January 26, 2018. She said every time government organizes a national function, there are groups that threaten to organized parallel arrangements. She said this will not be tolerated this time round. “I am just warning whoever is organizing to stage a parallel function to desist from it because the long arm of the law will catchup with him,” minister Mbayo said. She said there will be only one national function accepted that day and it will be held at Boma grounds in Arua Municipality. “So whoever wants to stage parallel arrangements should stand warned,” Mbayo said” (Jumbe, 2018).

This is the memo, the gist and the story. That the Minister Mbayo is warning and coming with stern signals of how to behave. The public can only have one key celebration, nothing in Kololo or on another field. The only one matter at Boma Ground in Arua. The rest has to cease, where the President is, is the only place to be liberated, the others have to follow orders and be under the spell of the President. No freedom, no celebration in Kampala, Jinja or Mbarara, no no, only celebrate in Arua at Boma Ground.

The Liberation Day celebration only matters at the function of the President. If he isn’t there, it doesn’t matter. It is not about liberation, if the supposed liberator isn’t there. The kingpin of the NRA has to be at the function if it supposed to have any value. President Museveni have to show up and be graceful, spill his beans and everyone got to listen to his wisdom. If not, they are not liberated. The liberation was for him and his men, not for the republic. The people was just tools for his liberation. Therefore, a party is only a party, if he started or joined the party. Peace.

Reference:

Jumbe, Benjamin – ‘No parallel liberation day celebrations shall be allowed – govt’ (26.01.2018) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/No-parallel-celebrations-shall-be-allowed-govt/688334-4276634-ioin6/index.html)

Opinion: The UPM’s Aims and Objectives are grand, but did Museveni deliver them?

During the last few days, don’t remember when, but Moses Byamugisha on Social Media showed two pictures, which is a part of the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) Membership Card from 1980. This is the first party of now President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. It might seem as forgotten past, a past that we should just forgot, but I can’t, it is certain proof of important words and ideas, that still should be worked for. UPM and the agenda that Museveni worked for back-then. Is still worth doing today, even if President Museveni is just working for himself and his cronies. Not working for the betterment of society, that part of him is already gone.

I will first list of the ‘Aims and Objectives’ of the UPM Membership Card. Its 16 points, which seems like points, the Republic still needs and should work for.

16 Points:

1. Unity

2. Democracy

3. National Independence

4. Social Progress

5. Clean Leadership

6. Peace, Security and tranquility

7. Rehabilitation and reconstruction of the nation

8. National Common Language

9. Workers and Peasants participation in the decisions making process of the Party and State machinery

10. Building of a proper defence and security systems

11. Encourage and sustain collective leadership

12. Create condition that will make every citizens have a right to education and medical care

13. Follow and adhere to a policy of a viable mixed autonomy for Uganda

14. Follow a policy of non alignment on a basis of mutual benefits and subscribe to OAU and UN Charters

15. Subscribe to the Basic Human Rights as enshrined in the UN Charter

16. Give moral and material support to the orphans and widows and other victims of the Fascist rule and liberation war

All of this was subtle and good ideas, needed ones that hasn’t lost their power or need. The Republic needs first aim Unity, not only hire and develop the Western parts of Uganda. Just like the troubles of just hiring people from the northern of Uganda under Obote and Amin. Therefore, this is still needed, as the Ankoli and areas around has gotten more and become more important, than the rest of the republic. Bunyoro is getting vital because of coming oil industry. Not because Museveni cares about it deeply.

Second aim, Democracy still needs to be worked upon. By all means because of the Life Presidency, enacted by the National Resistance Movement (NRM). The Second Party of the President, all follows his whip and is non-democratic from the choices of Members of Parliament and their votes. If they don’t follow orders, like voting for life presidency, then they will not only be labeled rebels, but also punished through the party organization. The NRM isn’t democratic, neither is the state. There are lacking democratic decision making and the elections are rigged. Its not the will of the people, but the will of Museveni.

The third aim, don’t need comments, but fourth and fifth needs it. The ‘Social Progress’ and ‘Clean Leadership’. Needs to be address, it is better then back in the day, but having three decades to advance. The NRM should have come much longer, than it has. The Social progress has not evolved, its only for a minority group. Biggest part of society is stagnated and falling behind with unemployment and lack of development. Clean leadership is long gone with Presidential Handshake, pay-off of Members of Parliament, misusing opposition parties and trading position because of loyalty and not merit. Therefore, the NRM have failed with perfection here.

Aim six and seven are questionable at best. ‘Peace, Security and Tranquility’. Peace they do have, but the security and tranquility, not so much. The Security Organizations are more criminal than thieves, they are killers and hired goons themselves. Police are investigated by CMI and UPDF. There are lacking lines and trust to the Courts. The Northern Uganda is done with civil war, but the army has still created uncertainty in Kasese and Rwenzori as they are battling their own. Killings are happening and unsolved by the authorities. Even assassinations of big men within the Security Organization themselves.

The aim eight, ‘National Common Language’ have been effective and worked, as English and Luganda is well-known and most can understand either one or both. The NRM has worked smoothly with this. One of the few things, the NRM actually has achieved. The Uglish is fantastic.

Aim nine, peasants and workers are not really a part of making decisions and taking part of the party. The decisions are made in the State House. It is made by the President and not by Party. The Party is a front and its only there so the President can pay-off his loyal allies. Its seemingly so, when the NRM-O and NRM CEC are made for his best interest. Not to create a better republic.

The tenth aim which is ‘build a proper defence and security systems’. The Military is at its strongest and used as hired mercenaries in Equatorial Guinea and doing United Nations missions in both Somalia and Central African Republic. Its also the main reason for still the current president. He uses the military, because he doesn’t have the popularity. The Security Systems are fragmented and used against each other. Using military intelligence against the police. There is nothing that is certain and you are boggled at how and when something strike. When a crime will be solved and by who.

The eleventh aim to ‘encourage and sustain collective leadership’ is at best questionable at this day and age. The NRM have clearly forgotten this one. They have maybe never worked for this after 1986. That he has talked against sectarian and tribal leadership is well-known, but his achievement is questionable. Since he hasn’t promoted collective leadership, he has promoted his own leadership and the ones loyalty to him without ambition. It is reason why Vice-President Ssekandi are still there and Prime Minister Rugunda are there. They don’t want to get at the king, but if they get ambition to succeed him. Then they get demoted. Check history and you’ll see this.

The twelfth aim for ‘universal education and public health care’. There many more schools under the NRM. Though they are not well-kept or the up-keep is worth mentioning. The literacy rate has been rising in the three decades of rule, but the school system is far from perfect. Since teachers in the districts has side jobs because of lacking salaries, girls skip schools over lacking pads. That was even promised in the General Election of 2016. Still, the NRM haven’t delivered. They promised UPE, but never totally delivered on that promise.

Health care is a place where people are left to die. That is why MPs are getting treatment abroad, the daughters of the President giving birth in Europe. The Health Care is abysmal, lacking medicine, copy medics, X-Rays not working and awaiting between 2013 to 2018 before buying and putting up a new Cancer-Treatment machine. Only one for the millions of citizens of the Republic. There been a blood-drive, because of lacking blood for treatments in the hospitals. The air-machines has gone empty like in Jinja. The NMS hasn’t been able to buy in needed equipment. The Health Care is something the NRM really haven’t delivered anything to be proud of. They have build some buildings called hospitals, but they cannot treat people’s illness there.

The thirteen aim is about autonomy, but that is delivered from the State House. There has been growing amount of districts 118 if my calculation is right. So there has been changes, but it hasn’t given service delivery. Neither or anything visible changes. It is more district centre and more cronies paid-off making the civil service bloated, but not delivering services to the public. So the NRM has delivered dozens of new district and local government entities, but not that they matter. They only matters to the ones who get a paycheck and who is “running” them. But not for the public.

The fourteenth aim is about taking part of African Union and United Nations, the fifteenth aim was also about following their international standards and laws. In the beginning of the NRM rule, as long as he was a part of the new breed of leadership. It was seemingly important to respect international laws and enact those standards. With time this has withered, as he wants to rule on own accord and not let anyone question his reasoning. Therefore, he has become hostile to foreign interference, the ICC and all other who can question his acts and his use of military in foreign countries. Because of the fear of the repression from foreign entities, the former love-affair has become hatred and that has been shown over time.

The sixteenth aim has been done in some instances, that someone has gotten land and gotten measly awards. The State haven’t made functional programs, but more public givings and sudden awards as part of public display together with honors at liberation celebrations. Not really trying to give funds and such. NRM Historicals of all kinds, NRA soldiers and familes, haven’t been compensated, neither has the losers. They have gotten retaliation. So there are many families in disarray and lost of promises.

The whole republic has seen all the empty promises and the prospects of the Museveni era. He has had 32 years to create a state in his vision. The UPM isn’t that far from the 10 Point Program, that I have also dismantled, actually twice.

This here is another proof of how he promise big, but doesn’t deliver. Don’t be surprised, he is all talking big game, but never showing it on the touchline. He might be in the box, but never score. Peace.

Uganda: PM Ruhakana Rugunda letter to Ministers – “Restriction on Clearance of Public Officers to Travel Abroad and Authoriy to Purchase Foreign Exchange (16.01.2018)

Opinion: Besigye launches ‘Tubalemese Campaign’; What about those unfinished ones and will the public be behind him?

I am not a critic of Dr. Kizza Besigye, I am a supporter and a well-wisher of the cause of the man, who is one of the founding men behind, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and a hardliner against the President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni regime. This should be well-known, so before you critique me over this, let it be known. I just want the best for the cause and for the total destruction of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government. That would be golden and the best. To destroy what is there and then rebuild. Since the Ugandan government is rotten to its core and its roots are rotten, because the President want to direct order everything from the State House.

In November 2015 before the General Election of 2016, the then newly elected Presidential Candidate for the FDC, Besigye launched the ‘Defiance Campaign’. A campaign that has been suspended by the authorities, have gotten him house-arrested and also gotten many of his allies detained. This campaign really showed the impunity of the state against the opposition. Also, how much the state uses their resources to take control, instead of actually having a real democracy. The Campaign of Defiance really undressed it once and for all. With all the roadblocks, the closed off stadiums and rallies, all the activity that has been stopped and the live-bullets together with tear-gas. The proof of the impunity can be traced to the Campaign of Defiance, combined with the swearing-in of Besigye as People’s President. As he was taken to Moroto and was charged with treason. A charge he still has to this day and a court case that is still not dismissed.

In May 2017, Besigye launched the ‘My Land My Country’ Campaign against the Constitutional Amendment that was pointed to make it easier for the government to expropriate land for public use or development. A Constitutional Amendment that the President has had a Radio Campaign for late last year, while Besigye himself was blocked from doing similar. This campaign has come on the back-burner as the other Constitutional Amendment and campaigning against that took the most of the energy of the opposition in November and December 2017.

So now in January 2018, the People’s President has launched another Campaign, the Tubalemese, which could be seen as inspiration from the National Super Alliance (NASA) campaigns after the turbulent days after the second presidential election in October 2017. The newly inspired campaign seems like and sounds like what the NASA is doing in Kenya. That meaning FDC is taking advice and following the Odinga paradigm. Since the Besigye plans and former campaigns has not made fruits or made the juice. It has not created a ripple effect. After a while it has died down and nothing sustainable gained.

We cannot see anything significant happen out of the defiance campaign, the momentum and the popularity of Besigye. Didn’t make changes or make it possible for a transition from Museveni. Since the fear of smearing and weapons of the President could hurt the ones who turns against him. Museveni is without mercy and without any of a rebellion. Therefore, as long as the campaigns have been made with half-heartly, he have let them happen and when they are spinning. He uses the police force and the courts to stifle them. That is why its sad to say, at the top of the Defiance campaign, the Besigye leadership and people around him didn’t push it further. They just stopped and let it go.

Besigye lost his traction, the My Land My Country, never really got anywhere and the campaigns haven’t made progress. There been more substance of the giving of foods to Isingiro and other districts, than what the campaign on land could ever gain. The FDC and the newly elected leadership should focus on one campaign, use the newly elected leadership on the front-line together Besigye. Not let him stand there alone in the darkest hour, but support him when the rain start to fall. They are there in the sunshine and when they need his popularity. However, when the darkest hour comes, they flee like insects to find either food or light.

Besigye deserves credit, he deserves support and his persistence and hard-work should be recognized. He has fought for the cause for so long and with such bravado. Not like he has given up or given in. However, Lukwago are there and uses his position. Certain others do to, but there should be more people around to show the respect for the cause. Besigye needs ground support and needs to see the public swing in his favor. The fear of repression has to stop at one point.

If this campaign is no more than a public display and a PR stunt. The public deserves better and Besigye deserves so as well. I want him to succeed. However, so many other campaigns has run into the sand. So much squabble and fighting that has not changed the system or taken away any power for the President.

But we do know if the President and his security agents feels the pressure, the opposition will be arrested on phony charges, his leaders around him too. They will not be allowed to breathe, the Kasangati home will he a prison and he cannot even go out an buy meat at the market. Besigye knows this and the public knows this too. However, if they want Besigye to succeed. They need to stand behind on the barricades, they need to walk with him. Not only in spirit, but in action. Peace.

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