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Museveni acts more and more like Obote II: A Bush-War Wasted! Part II

As the time is going and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni are just acting like the predecessors. This is making the supposed Bush-War in the 1980s pointless. As the President promised changes from the ones ruling before him. The NRM was supposed to be the golden age and greatness of the Republic. He come with pledges of respecting the peasants and create a democracy, instead it is the same type of tyranny of the past. There is now no difference between Museveni and Obote II. These regimes are acting the same and similar towards the opposition and media. Even American Journalists got two nights detained in the 1980s. Now the same is happening to local journalists in and around the Arua By-Election.

What I will now show, two stories or reports from the Obote II regime. Which shows similar resembles with today. All of the actions of the current day towards the Members of Parliament, are like of the previous President, these being Mubarak Munyagwa, Robert Kyagulanyi, Francis Zaake, Kassiano Wadri, Gerald Karuhanga and Paul Mwiru. All of these are now in the dire straits, they are in the midst of oppression, torture and detention, either with at Military Barracks or unknown locations. Therefore, there are two many similarities with Obote.

AI Report 1983:

According to Amnesty International’s information, most people arrested in 1981 on grounds of national security, were arrested by the army. Same arrests appear to have been arbitrary or indiscriminate, but the majority were apparently directed at particular individuals. Most people arrested by the army were taken to army barracks and detained there, contrary to the law. Many were held for weeks or months. In very few cases were people known to have been transferred without delay to police custody. Detentions in military barracks were not recorded for police or legal purposes, and were not officially acknowledged. Such detainees had no legal protection in practice and the courts had no effective jurisdiction over them. In time, many of the detainees who survived were released or transferred to police custody, but it appears that torture was systematic, and many of those in military custody “disappeared” or were known to have died, particularly at Makindye and Kireka barrack” (Amnesty – ‘Memorandum to the Government of Uganda on Anmnesty International mission to Uganda in January 1982 and further exchanges between the government and Amnesty International’ April 1983)

One Story:

Those suspected of supporting the guerrillas were viciously hounded. Mr Mukasa’s wife was beheaded by government soldiers in 1981 and his brother was shot dead. After two years in exile near London, Mr Mukasa returned to Uganda only to be arrested by Obote’s security service which mistook him – Mr Mukasa says – for Godfrey Binaisa who had been president for a short period between Amin and Obote. Mr Mukasa still bears scars from the torture sessions in the Nile Hotel. His interrogators dripped burning plastic down his right leg to make him talk. Not surprisingly, he has not been back to the hotel since. “The Nile Hotel was a slaughterhouse”, I was later told by Brigadier Jim Muhwezi who, as head of internal security, now has an office in the adjacent conference centre. “A number of my friends were interned and died there. It’s hard to believe the beautiful gardens were once littered with bodies.”” (David Orr – ‘KAMPALA DAYS; Ghosts that lurk in shadows of hotel’s gory past’ 20.05.1996 link: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/kampala-days-ghosts-that-lurk-in-shadows-of-hotels-gory-past-1348320.html).

As we see the similarities between the past and present. We see that the Bush-War is wasted, the freedom fighter is taking away people’s freedom. The liberation, wasn’t really liberating. The Orwellian nightmare is in the Republic. Museveni does whatever it takes stay in power. No torturing, harassing and charging fellow MPs with treason. All deliberately to send a message and intimidate the public. This is what Museveni has done since 1986. Now it is just appearing before our eyes.

President Museveni are now acting like Obote II towards the public, sending mambas, soldiers and police to intimidate the public. They are killing civilians and detaining civilians on military barracks. No matter who you are in the republic, Museveni can take you down and make sure your begging for mercy. If your killed by his Soldiers or his Presidential Guards, it will not have any consequences, they can do whoever and get rid of whoever. It doesn’t cost anything, for the President it is just collateral damage for the cause. The cause, which is just staying in power.

That is the reality. Nothing else. There is no difference between Obote II and Museveni. Peace.

Museveni acts more and more like Obote II: A Bush-War Wasted!

With the recent by-elections in Rukungiri, Bugiri and now in Arua. There been so much election violence and even killings in all three. There been enough of the army and mambas in the street, to intimidate the public. While the army and police are busy arresting opposition leaders and also activists. Therefore, the levels of arrests are over dozens, scores and in such levels that it has to hit about 20 and above to be right. This is what happens under President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. He is acting like President Milton Obote did in the 1980s. The second term of Obote was filled with arbitrary arrests, violence, torture and killings by the authorities. Now in the 2018, the Museveni regime is acting like them.

In 1982:

The President allows a legal opposition party (the Democratic Party), and Obote seems to be trying to make parliamentary government work. However, opposition MPs for a time were arrested and detained. In a new-year amnesty, Obote allowed four MP detainees to be released; some 1,000 other detainees were released recently as well. The MPs, who had been accused of ‘‘connection with acts of violence,” were received personally by Obote” (John Worrall – ‘Uganda registers modest gains under Obote’ 04.01.1982 link: https://www.csmonitor.com/1982/0104/010442.html).

In 1983:

Obote, moreover, has denied that any civilian detainees are being kept in military barracks. Yet he has not allowed officials of the International Committee of the Red Cross to inspect the suspected military barracks. “There are no detainees in military barracks,” Obote said in an interview. “There are no detainees who are tortured or murdered or killed in any way in government custody.” A 1982 report by the human rights group Amnesty International and a U.S. State Deparment report released earlier this year support allegations of civilian detentions, widespread abuses of human rights and killings carried out by soldiers in the military barracks. Well-informed western diplomats, one Ugandan government official who declined to be identified and political opposition leader Ssemogerere said abuses directed at civilian detainees is continuing in the Army’s barracks” (Leon Dash – ‘Brutality Marks Army’s Conduct in Uganda’ 29.11.1983, link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/11/29/brutality-marks-armys-conduct-in-uganda/342af52f-fbdc-4491-a399-208124c677db/?utm_term=.a95022d4262a).

Later 1983:

Soon after Obote’s inauguration speech, civil war erupted when two groups of his political competitors, both of whom charged Obote with fraudulently winning the December 1980 election, retired to the countryside surrounding this capital of Kampala and began waging a guerrilla war. The Army has recently managed to put the insurgents on the run, but political assassinations and the detention without trial of nonviolent politicial critics of the government have escalated as the war has died down. On Oct. 25 unknown gunmen abducted Mary Luswata, the chairman of Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress party in a district 80 miles from here, plus three members of the party’s youth wing and three party supporters. They were found shot to death two days later nearby” (Leon Dash – ‘Violence Poisons Political Process Within Uganda’ 01.12.1983, link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/12/01/violence-poisons-political-process-within-uganda/1d4a504d-d186-4100-ba19-971dbaa4c577/?utm_term=.321bf5362f86).

Militarism under both rulers:

Although a small incident, (and indeed much larger incidents might have been cited), it has all the ingredients of militarism. “We fought for you” singles oult the “military” contribution to liberation to the denigration of all other kinds of contribution (including political) which people made towards the downfall of Obote’s dictatorship. It also becomes a “license” in the hands of the men in uniform to treat “you civilians” with derision and contempt. Although NRA’s record, compared to the that of Obote’s UNLA, has been generally impressive, this was so as long as they were in the bush, and did not enjoy “state power”. Now that they enjoy state power, their “militarism” is coming to the surface. Earlier in the same week that the above incident happened at Walukuba, soldiers burst into the house of the editor of the Weekly Topic (a paper that is critically sympathetic to Museveni), and searched his house, as also the office of his brother, a former Member of Parliament. Later they arrested a few people in the area who previously had UPC connections. All this was done without informing the Resistance Councils of the area, thus undermining their authority and relevance in matters of “high security”. When criticized, the NRA is consistently defended by Museveni on the same grounds that “they fought for you”. It is clear that Museveni derives his legitimacy and authority more from his army than from the political efforts of “the civilians”. The RCs with all their weaknesses analysed earlier, are nonetheless never likely, under Museveni, to acquire political control over the army, and hence militarism is likely to remain, as under Obote, the hallmark of Museveni’s regime” (Yash Tandon – ‘Elements of Continuity and Change Between Obote and Museveni: Some Lessons from Obote’s Rule for Musevents Government’ 01.01.1987, link: https://escholarship.org/content/qt667686n5/qt667686n5.pdf).

We can see now, that the ones that President Museveni overthrow for the betterment of the republic, he has become alike. He might not have arrested 1000 opposition leaders at the same time, but over the years he has detained, arrested and charged more than I can count. He has done the same during the recent days and even within this year. The NRM are acting as the previous leadership did. They are torturing opposition MPs, they are arresting them and also showing violence towards the public.

Right now, there are more and more similarities between Obote II and Museveni of now. The 1980s Uganda and current Uganda isn’t that much different. Only, that the public have smart-phones and the reports are spread without the central government control like in the 1980s. That is why we will know quicker and the reports will make sense. This is information sharing the authorities cannot control. That is why we knew of the violence in Rukungiri, Bugiri and in Arua.

Museveni’s ways of control is looking more like Obote… therefore, the bush-war is more and more pointless. As he is acting like the ones he overthrow. Not only overstaying and being an arrogant prick, but also being reckless, relentless and destroying people’s lives to stay in power. Using state sponsored violence to control the public.

The Ugandan people deserves better, all the lives lost are now just pawns in the eyes of the ones who had hope in the 1980s for something better for their kids. They fought and celebrated the fall of Obote II, but instead they got someone who was as brutal as him. Using the same force and same methods to stay in power.

It isn’t beautiful, not planned to be. It is just a cynics way of staying in power. Peace.

Footage: Luweero the Killings Fields of Uganda (Interview from 1985)

The regime of Milton Obote (1980 to 1985) was characterized by an excessive disregard for human rights. Government troops massacred civilians, especially in the “Luweero triangle” in Buganda. The U.S. State Department estimated that between 100,000 and 200,000 civilians were slaughtered in the Luweero triangle by the government troops. Peter Otai, Ugandan Minister of State for Defense, was interviewed by Peter Sisson in April 1985.

NEWSWEEK/AUGUST 13, 1984 – Starvation and Slaughter in Uganda

One of the world’s most massive – and deadly – violations of human rights in recent years may now be occurring in the Luwero triangle of Uganda, according to State Department sources in Washington. That area is a center of the Baganda tribe and also the site of an ongoing insurgency against the Ugandan government. North Korean-trained Ugandan soldiers are reported to have killed thousands of Baganda. The death toll from the slaughter and from starvation is estimated to range from 100,000 to 200,000, but international refugee organizations have been prohibited from distributing food in the triangle, which is located north of the Ugandan capital of Kampala.

In remembrance of Dr. Andrew Kayira and the possible plot of the NRA to assassinate him on the 6th of March 1987

Andrew Kayira

Today it has been 29 years since the assassination of Dr. Andrew Kayira, the former rebel and government minister at his time. He even had an alliance with the NRA then military rebel-group of President Museveni and at one point even helped with his rebel-group attacking central barracks and taking weapons from the governmental forces of the then Obote II government. At one point he even had an alliance with Col. Gaddafi of Libiya who sent weapons from Burundi through Rwanda to both NRA and the UFM rebel groups to regain more support in Sub-Saharan Africa. This here is telling a story of why he possibly was killed, by who and some insights into the reports. Also the way the newly NRM tried to shut-up media who covered it after the coup d’état in 1986 when they controlled the media and wouldn’t release the information in 1988 when articles came out for the first time about the assassination of Dr. Kayira. Here take a look!

Report from 1983:

“the Ugandan Freedom Movement (UFM) led by Andrew Kayira, a minster in the short-lived Lule government which succeeded Amin, and member of the opposition Democratic Party’s militant, unconstitutional wing” (…)”Kampala is now relatively quiet and secure, and the UFM leader Andrew Kayira is reported to have left the country” (Crisp, 1983).

Treason Charge on the 8th March 1987:

“Former Energy Minister Andrew Kayira was killed by gunmen, some of whom were wearing army uniforms. He was acquitted two weeks ago of charges of treason. Journalist Henry Gombya said the men, armed with knives and guns, came to his house Friday night. Kayira had been living there since his release. Gombya said he hid in the bush and his wife and three children locked themselves in a bathroom. Kayira tried to hide in a bedroom but was found and shot in the head, arms and thighs, the journal ist said. Kayira, who was named energy minister last year, was arrested five months ago with 25 other prominent people. They allegedly were involved in a conspiracy to overthrow the government of President Yoweri Museveni” (Orlando Sentinel, 1987).

NRA M7

Museveni ordered it:

“It is believed that he ordered the assassination of Kayiira. Kayiira was killed in March 1987, and his movement began to fall apart soon thereafter. As director of military intelligence, Kagame would have supervised  the assassination plan; certainly, say Ugandan, it could not have occurred without his imprimatur also” (De Hoyes, 1997).

What was the Pre-Text for the assassination of Dr. Kayira:

“Despite Kayira’s integration into the NRA and his subsequent appointment as Minister, it seems the NRA Government mistrusted him, resulting in his eventual arrest in October 1986. He was accused of treason for allegedly plotting to overthrow the Government of President Museveni, though he was acquitted and released by court on February 24, 1987. On 9 March 1987, Kayira was assassinated by unknown gunmen. After his death, his followers disintegrated. Some went into exile, others were integrated into NRA, while others deserted” (Refugee Law Project, 2014).

What the Scotland Yard Report says happen:

“On 6th March, 1987, at about llp.m. Dr Kayira and his friend, Mr, Henry Gombya, a B.B.C stringer, were having dinner with Gombya’s wife Victoria Naava ,24 , and three other girls Josephine Babirye, 19, Julian Nabwire, 14, and Annet Namatovu, 23, when about 10 armed men stormed the compound and attacked the persons present” (Scotland Yard).

Andrew Kayira P2

Witness report from Scotland Yard:

“According to Gombya, whilst the attackers were shouting at the occupants and kicking the door/ he in panic split Shs40 million which he had in his bedroom into two halves and threw Shs20 million into the banana plantation from the balcony leading from his room and left the remaining money in the bed for the suspects to steal. He then jumped from the balcony/ a height of 12 feet and ran down the driveway and on the second attempt managed to climb over the gate. He then hid in a banana plantation” (…)“Whilst this was happening the attackers were shouting to Dr Kayiira to open his bedroom door, which he did at the same time asking them what they wanted. Witnesses’ state that when Gombya escaped and was running towards the gates he was seen by one of the gunmen who raised the alarm and was told not to pursue him as the “UFM man” was in the house. This would suggest that the gunmen knew that Dr Kayiira was staying at the house” (…)”Police were eventually notified at Kabalagala Police Post some two miles away and arrived shortly after 7:30am. A photographer and scenes of Crime Officer arrived soon afterwards. Scenes of Crime examination was always going to be difficult as prior to police arrival villagers and other persons from the surrounding areas had descended onto the premises and went inside the house to satisfy their curiosity, and pay their respects” (Scotland Yard).

Aftermath:

“Investigations by the Kampala C.I.D under the direction of Simon Mugamba (Director of C.I.D) and Senior superintendent Fideiis Ongom (Officer in charge) commenced and quickly established that Gombya had requested from Mr Henry Kateregga, a Kampala businessman Shs40 million very urgently” (…)”As a result of their investigations the police were contacted by a man named Emmanuel Sebbunza, 17, who informed police that he had been involved with the people responsible for the killing of Dr Kayiira and although not at scene at the time of the offence, he assisted them in its preparation” (…)”He further stated that he had been paid money for both his assistance and to keep quiet about who took part. He states that the motive was robbery as the persons involved in the offence knew that Dr Kayiira was at the house and further that a large amount of money was in the house. He states however that it was believed that Dr Kayiira had the money. Mr Sebbunza further stated that arrangements for the offence were made at the shop of Muzeyi & Sons, Kampala, belonging to Mr John Katabazi, 28” (Scotland Yard).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Museveni action after the takeover of power:

“On Thursday 26th March 1987, at the request of President Museveni-the Ugandan President I (Detective Chief superintendent Thompson) attached to the serious crimes Branch New Scotland Yard, together with Detective Inspector Sanderson, scenes of crime officer attached to the Metropolitan Police Laboratory travelled to Uganda to assist the investigating officers because of the strong suggestions that the murder of Dr Kayiira was a ‘political’ one” (Scotland Yard).

Gomboya Statement:

“The majority of the attackers were dressed in NRA uniforms while others were dressed locally. Suspicion immediately fell on NRA soldiers when on the Saturday morning as hundreds of people were flocking my house to view the body of Kayiira which was still lying in a pool of blood in his bedroom” (…)”I told commander Kazoora that in my view, those who had killed Kayiira were likely to have been government enemies. I further told him, “If these people now return and shoot me dead, the government would find it quite difficult to prove it was not behind my death.” (…)”Mr Ssemogerere expressed surprise that “anyone would suggest that I was involved in the killing of your friend”. As he put it, on that day when Dr Kayiira was killed Mr Ssemogerere was the only Cabinet minister who came to my house and saw Dr Kayiira’s body lying in a pool of blood” (…)”The arguments went on almost the whole night until I finally made up my mind that the safest way for me would be the airport. I reached this decision for mainly one fact, Earlier in the day I had contacted my BBC colleague in Nairobi Mike Wooldridge whom I told about my fears concerning my safety. I told Mike that I had received information from the Uganda CID that I would be arrested as a murder suspect” (…)”He found this difficult to believe until I told him I had been to Mr Ssemogerere’s house to brief him about this new development. It was then that Mike volunteered to call Dr Besigye and find out from him whether I would really be arrested” (…)”The answer he got from Dr Besigye was; I want to assure the BBC and Henry that we have no intention of arresting him nor have we even suggested he be suspected In any way in this killing”. Dr. Besigye further told Mike Wooldridge that I was free to go anywhere but added “He may be needed to give evidence” (…)”Mr Wooldridge replied that since Dr Besigye had assured me I was not wanted he did not see any reason why I should not rest. Mike agreed with me that it would look like as if I was running away if I did not use the airport. Since in my heart I knew I was quite an innocent man who had just lost a great friend I did not see why I should try to leave the country as a criminal. My decision took everybody present by surprise!” (…)”But soon after my first interview the Uganda Foreign Affairs Minister Mr Ibrahim Mukiibi called the British High Commissioner in Kampala Mr Derek March to protest at what he called “the way your deputy helped a Ugandan journalist Henry Gombya to escape from Kampala”.Mr Mukiibi further told the British High Commissioner that I was “wanted” back in Uganda in “connection” with the killing of Dr Kayiira” (…)”The Investigating team also received evidence from some NRA soldiers from the 19th Battalion in Lubiri barracks which points to involvement of top NRA leadership and its lieutenants in the murder. According to these soldiers/ the murder of Dr Kayiira was planned days before his release. When the Directors of public prosecution (DPP) and CID jointly told government that there was no evidence to incriminate Dr Kayiira and several of co-accused in the alleged plot of treason this brief was received with a lot of reservations” (Scotland Yard).

M7 Makerere 1986

One Conclusion:

“There was also no evidence that Dr Kayiira put up any resistance. In addition, Gombya who was the owner of the money and other property in the house was not the prime target as he was ignored by the attackers when escaping. On the strength of the evidence the motive of the attackers was very clear: they wanted to kill Dr Andrew Kayiira. This gives credence to the 2nd hypothesis” (Scotland Yard).

Analyzed report:

“Despite President Museveni’s friendship with Dr Kayiira there had been recent mistrust of him by the President as a result of which Dr Kayiira was arrested in October 1986 for alleged;y ploting against the government, and subsequently releases by the court on February 24, 1987, due to lack of evidence” (…)”The release of Dr Kayiira surprised somee people and the subsequent murder of Kayiira led to strong rumours that his death was politically motivated and had been caused by the government’s hand” (…)”It was because of the above facts and the political overtones that the subsequent murder of Dr Kayiira was quickly seized on by various factions to suggest that his death was not only politically motivated, but might even have been carried out by President Museveni’s soldiers on the President’s orders. This charge is emphatically denied by the President” (Scotland Yard).

Fall Guy:

“It seems a British police report has been doctored to make it seem like I am a suspect or somehow involved,” said Mr Gombya, who fled Uganda after the killing and now lives in Farnborough, Hampshire. “Who carried out the shooting? I don’t know. Who ordered it? I believe it was President Museveni, and I’m not afraid to say it … I’m the fall guy.” (…)”There was speculation [at the time] about whether it was a politically motivated murder or a criminal attack,” said Peter Penfold yesterday. He was a diplomat at the British high commission in 1987. “I suppose both scenarios were plausible.” (Lewis, 2007).

Arrests after Article 1988 Uganda Front Page of ReportArrests after Article 1988 Uganda

I hope that gave some insights to the matter and that the truth will hopefully come out one day and that the men behind the killing of this man will get their punishment has he died for political reasons. This here is just one of many, still important as there been many killings and many assassinations under the NRM-Regime and their NRA. This one is significant as this was a way of getting rid of opposition forces and solidifies the regime after the civil war. Peace.  

Reference:

Crisp, Jeff – ‘National Security, Human Rights and Population Displacements in Uganda with special reference to events in Luwero District, Jan – Sept. 1983’ (October 1983) – British Refugee Council

De Hoyes, Linda – ‘Why London supports Rwanda’s confessed mass killer Paul Kagame’ (05.12.1997) – EIR News Service

Lewis, Paul – ‘I’m the fall guy for Ugandan murder, says ex-BBC man’ (20.01.2007) link: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2007/jan/20/bbc.uganda

Refugee Law Project – ‘COMPENDIUM OF CONFLICTS IN UGANDA – Findings of the National Reconciliation and Transitional Justice Audit’ (2014) – Makerere University

Orlando Sentinel – ‘Treason Charge: Former Energy Minister Andrew Kayira was…’ (08.03.1987) link: http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/1987-03-08/news/0110340050_1_treason-overthrow-the-government-arms-and-thighs

Scotland Yard – ‘SCOTLAND YARD REPORT THE MURDER OF DR ANDREW LUTAAKOME KAYIIRA: DEMOCRATIC PARTY VERSION’

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