Seventh Day of Presidential Rallies in Uganda and a letter on illegal fishing and reports of a kidnapping ++

FDC Cranes 15.11.15

There been a slow Sunday. Seems like many of the camps has little to offer today, I am sure it will be more on tally tomorrow. Especially considering the KCCA ruling will happen tomorrow. The others is the continuation this next week of the other candidates. Will be NRM based today, but Go-Forward was dealing with getting venues and their new radio. FDC was silent and celebrating soccer result to the Cranes. Abed Bwainka, nothing? TIC Candidates, not much! And so I can go on. To little meat on the barbeque and little food. But try to enjoy this meager supper.

NRM rally:

The Dream Live Team with Maurice Ochol and Suhail Mugabi was heading to Zombo for the rally.  After Zombo rally he has later had a rally in Nebbi.

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s best quote today: “People who live along the border should take you along to campaign for me” and the second best in Madi: “Is there internet here?”

NRM 15.11.15 Nebbi

Only in the NRM:

“President ‪Museveni at Rhino Camp Arua: 242,000 children in primary school in Arua more than the whole population of Zombo”.

NRM Youth League deflects to Go-Forward:

“A section of NRM party youth members from the districts of Mbarara, Isingiro, Ibanda, Sheema and Ntungamo have defected to the Go-Forward camp, declaring to support Mr Amama Mbabazi for presidency in the next general elections” (…)”The Ankole region DP/Go-Forward coordinator, Mr Didas Lukyamuzi, said they are ready and willing to work and support those that show allegiance to Mr Amama Mbabazi in his presidential bid” (Mugume, 2015).

NRM Membership Cards 15.11,15

NRM Member Cards dumped:

There was certain members who dropped their member cards at Kololo. This former members was from Kassanda South in Mubende District.

Jessica Alupo Independent 15.11.15

Going Independent:

Jessica Alupo has now planes to run as an independent in the race for the ballots and polls in the 18th February. She will try for a Place as Woman MP in Katakwi District.

TDA Logo

NOTICE OF 21ST MEETING OF THE TDA SUMMIT

This if to inform all members of the Summit of The Democratic Alliance that the 21st meeting of the Summit will take place on Tuesday November 17, 2015 starting at exactly 8:00 am. We are conscious of the busy schedule of the campaigns but you are encourage to ensure that all members are represented at the meeting. All the best wishes on the campaign trail to all candidates and campaign teams sponsored by TDA members. – TDA Secretariat

Message from the FDC after Rakai district rally:

“This is Kyotera in Rakai District. They have never let us down. We want to say thank you Abakoki for the love and support you show to the People’s President Dr. Kizza-Besigye and FDC in General. Liberation is soon. We are taking back our power. We shall over come. Kigwa Leero”.

FDC Message on the KCCA Act:

“‪Dr. Kizza Besigye’s Campaign Message is that Ugandans no longer have power/rights in their country, then ‪#Frank Tumwebaze introduces a law to stop People in Kampala from electing their own leaders/Lord Mayor”.

Parliamentary race of Toroma County:

“The new entrant in the race is former Kampala International University (KIU) student, John Moses Odeke. The 27 year old, graduate of Human Resources revealed to the Investigator that the “cries” of the people of Toroma forced him to give a shot at the race” (…)”Odeke says the cries of the people of Toroma basing on poor performance on the part of the incumbent Amodoi Cyrus Imalingat prompted his desire coupled with the love for his people. “I want once in parliament to ensure that issues of Health, security, education and sports, agriculture, religious institutions, youth and women are revamped,” he said. Odeke who is an agriculturalist notes that the infrastructure in Katakwi is so bad. ‘Now with the current rains, roads become impassable, gardens are water logged,” he said” (Jaramogi, 2015).

Unknown kidnappers of Charles Kafeero Mutaasa:

Unknown kidnappers have kidnaped Charles Kafeero Mutaasa who is the Chairperson of the Red Top National Youth Activist in Uganda. He was kidnapped by unknown people, possibly suspected security agents at around Kidnapped Monday at around 11.12pm, at Church road, Kamwokya. However today there has been a new development, he was dumped at Northern bypass strapped up in ropes and saved by boda boda cyclists. At the moment he is at case clinic Buganda Road, under intensive care because he was beaten to pulp. We welcome any information that could help us raise a case against his kidnappers.

Go Forward 15.11.15

Go-Forward change the tour:

“Go-Forward officials said: “a formal letter to the Electoral Commission shall be dispatched on Monday morning” and that “We are working with the teams on ground to book venues for each of these locations” (Aine, 2015).

JinjaRoad Roundabout Kampala

Erias Lukwago comments today:

He said today: “If the program was laid out by Electoral Commission I wonder why the Police came in” (…)“I am doing my civic duty and am not duty bound to respond to police directives” (…)”It is my supporters suggestion the Nakawa plan for their concern of government frustrating me” (…)”I am yet to consider standing in Nakawa, but for now I am preparing for nomination tomorrow”

Cars 051115 Frank Tun.. P2

Hon. Frank Tumwebaze Statement today:

“My equally humble appeal goes also to our media partners, who by virtue of their impartial-umpire-role can help their audiences to probe with rigor the substance of the issues from each presidential candidate , ask what they stand for and how realistically their promises translate to the social economic well being of the citizenry” (…)”But what can also be true as I suspect, is that the same camp of the man desperately craving for sympathy could have hired those same goons to do it themselves so as to portray the Museveni camp in bad light. There is much reason to suspect and believe that. Every day in every campaign including this very one, President Museveni’s posters get defaced especially in kampala. We however don’t make a mountain of weird allegations about it. The masaka posters’ story was not the only one. There was the famous ping-pong the lawyers of mbabazi tried to create with the DPP over their own created and headline seeking story that their man was to be arrested for offenses they listed on the eve of his nomination. Fortunately mbabazi was not arrested as they had desperately wanted and the DPP rebuked them to stop playing political gimmicks with his independent office” (…)”The various candidates in this campaign must address how they intend to manage and mitigate certain adverse effects that arise from wrong monetary and fiscal policies ; like inflation. Good Monetary and budgetary policy settings are always aimed at low and stable inflation and sound public finances that are conducive to long-term growth. Sometimes these policies will also help to contain shocks, but there can be trade-offs. Monetary policy that has ensured a firm anchoring of inflation expectations will allow a stronger response to shocks and helps guard against deflationary spirals in the wake of large negative shocks” (Tumwebaze, 2015).

Official: UPC has strike a deal with NRM

There is now official and not a rumor anymore. That means that UPC and Jimmy Akena is parting way with their heritage and selling their soul to the NRM and to  their now Presidential Candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Somewhere is Milton Obote turning in his grave. 

Read more about it: 

Weird team-up between UPC and NRM; getting crazier by the moment; beating history

Something else: 

Musevenis-letter-on-illegal-fishing1

Musevenis-letter-on-illegal-fishing

Think this mediocre supper is enough. Hope you have patience will pick up more goodies and more juicy stuff on another day. Peace.

Reference:

Aine, Kim – ‘Mbabazi changes campaign programme’ (15.11.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/mbabazi-changes-campaign-programme/

Mugume, Colleb – ‘Youth defect to Mbabazi camp’ (15.11.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Youth-defect-to-Mbabazi-camp/-/688334/2956316/-/vof70a/-/index.html

Jaramogi, Patrick – ‘Former KIU Student John Moses Odeke To Tussle Out With NRM Incumbent For Toroma County In Katakwi’ (15.11.2015) link: http://theinvestigatornews.com/former-kiu-student-john-moses-odeke-to-tussle-out-with-nrm-incumbent-for-toroma-county-in-katakwi/

Tumwebaze, Frank – ‘Let us Probe for issues in this campaign and reject idealistic propaganda’ (15.11.2015)

Weird team-up between UPC and NRM; getting crazier by the moment; beating history

Akena M7

There has been talking of a weird marriage in Uganda. Therefore I have to address it. First by the history between these parties, the parties I talk about are the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). There has been rifts between the and that for several reasons. It started decades ago. Decades ago between people who is gone and the still sole-candidate of the NRM then NRA. NRM got help to reach power by collaborating with UPC and their then leader Milton Obote. That is history that has vanished from the surface. If it wasn’t from the okay from Julius Nyerere the leaders wouldn’t have toppled the then dictator Idi Amin. But this story here isn’t about that marriage between them. It’s about the recent events happening in the last two days. Firstly I will address certain history and also pointers from the President Musveni himself. Then secondly see more narrow history and events that shows how strange it is to see UPC goes in talks with NRM. That NRM and President Museveni actually thinking of it, is countering everything for why they went against in 1980s and defiance against them in 1990s.

m7-1970

History – UPC and NRM:

“Museveni’s decision to fight the newly elected government followed that of former Amin soldiers who had already regrouped in the then Zaïre and southern Sudan and were executing a low-intensity insurgency involving sporadic incursions into the West Nile region” (…)”Following his decision, other fighting groups emerged, also seeking to topple the new government. Lack of organisational capacity for some, and for others failure to articulate a broad political agenda beyond simply toppling Obote, prevented them from developing into effective military threats to the government. However, owing in large part to experience gained from its predecessor FRONASA, Museveni’s National Resistance” (…)”Movement evolved into a broad-based movement able to galvanise a wide cross-section of society behind it. Several attempts at forming a broad united front failed (Bwengye 1985)” (Golooba-Mutebi, 2008).

“The 1980 controversial elections, organized on the multiparty basis, failed to produce a clear winner, sparking off another wave of instability and civil strife. Between 1981 and 1986, the country suffered a guerilla war fought by a National Resistance Army (NRA), spearheaded by Yoweri Museveni. The guerilla war partly failed Obote’s second Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) government efforts to return the country to normalcy”(…)” In the 1980’s parties existed but their members were constantly harassed, in many cases accused to be alleged collaborators with the National Resistance Movement (NRA) that fought in the UPC government. Despite these extraordinary constraints, parties remained resilient in Uganda’s politics. This disapproves the claim by Museveni that parties are only good for industrial societies (Museveni 1992)” (Makara, 2010).

“Consequently, the December 1980 elections were held under a tense atmosphere of considerable controversy, mistrust, political violence and threats of civil war. The UPC government which came to power after the elections was therefore faced with a crisis of legitimacy. In February 1981, Yoweri Museveni who had threatened to ‘go to the bush’ and wage war if the elections were rigged, launched a guerrilla war against the UPC government” (Omach).

“The National Resistance Movement (NRM) is a movement to resist UPC or what UPC stands for, i.e. national-democratic liberation. The earliest incidence of this resistance is given to us by none other than the founder of the NRM, Yoweri Museveni” (Adhola)

He recounts:

“We were staunchly anti-Obote. On 22 February 1966, the day he arrested five members of his cabinet, three of us, Martin Mwesigwa, Eriya Kategaya and myself went to see James Kahigiriza, who was the Chief Minister of Ankole, to inquire about the possibility of going into exile to launch an armed struggle. Kahigiriza discouraged us, saying that we should give Obote enough time to fall by his own mistakes. We saw him again a few weeks later and he gave us the example of Nkrumah, who had been overthrown in Ghana by a military coup two days after Obote’s abrogation of the Uganda constitution. Kahigiriza advised us that Nkrumah’s example showed that all dictators were bound to fall in due course. Inwardly we were not convinced. We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes. Later I went to Gayaza High School with Mwesigwa to contact Grace Ibingira’s sister in order to find out whether she knew of any plans afoot to resist Obote’s dictatorship. She, however, did not know of any such plan. We came to the conclusion that the old guard had no conception of defending people’s rights and we resolved to strike on our own (Museveni, Y. 1997:19)” (Adhola).

NRA M7

Some more NRM – UPC:

The national-democratic forces made great gains in the struggles of the mid-60s. The war the NRM waged has simply served the reactionary forces. Upon coming to power, Museveni immediately moved against his most serious enemy, the Uganda Peoples’ Congress. His aim was to completely obliterate UPC. To this effect, immediately upon coming to power, the NRM decreed, through Legal Notice Number 1/1986, a ban on political parties. This ban was rationalised through a series of assertions that amounted to irrational reasoning” (Adhola).

Recent history:

“The NRA/M used scaremonger tactics to sow seeds of discord and undermine support for Paul Ssemogerere in the southern part of Uganda. Paul Ssemogerere’s alliance with the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) and his statement that he would not oppose return to Uganda of former President Milton Obote, were used by the NRM to scare people from voting for him. Thus instead of using democratic elections to resolve conflicts, the NRM leadership used the elections to entrench the north-south divide and to maintain the southern consensus on which it relies to remain in power. The results of the presidential elections reflected the regional north-south divide. Thus, although Yoweri Museveni won the presidential elections with about 75 per cent, he lost by a wide margin in war ravaged northern Uganda. The same voting pattern was repeated during the 2001 and 2006 elections, which indicated a deepening of the north-south rift” (Omach).

Milton Obote statement in 1990:

“My 1987 Paper is now a “prohibited document” in Uganda and Kagenda Atwoki, the Administrative Secretary of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) is now on trial for being in possession of it. Atwoki had been reported by the BBC as having said that Museveni’s well known wars were wars by the regime against the people. He was arrested and detained but was later charged with “being in possession of a prohibited document” despite the fact that the Paper had never, to date, been gazetted as “prohibited” in accordance with the Uganda law of sedition. Atwoki remains charged illegally but the real reason for his suffering is because he dared to expose Museveni’s massacres” (…)”he ban on political activities applies only to the UPC. The definitive political target of Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) and its armed core the NRA is the “Removal of UPC/Obote’s dictatorship by force of arms”. The document was issued in 1987. Having observed the DP leaders at close quarters throughout 1986 as members of his Cabinet, I have confirmed that the NRM/NRA and the DP had one common target: the destruction of the UPC, not by the ballot but by force. Having found that the DP was, so to speak, a toothless bulldog, Museveni ordered the production of Appendix One in 1987. The destruction of the DP is in Paragraph 3.3 of that document but even that fact has not diminished the attachment of the DP leaders to Museveni’s regime” (…)”After he had overthrown the Okello Junta, Museveni wasted no time in ordering an onslaught onto members of the UPC throughout Uganda especially in the Eastern Region. As an excuse to kill, arrest and beat, terrorize and brutalize UPC members in Busoga, Bukedi, Bugisu, and Sebei, Museveni’s functionaries invented what they called “Force Obote Back Again” (FOBA) Movement. No such movement ever existed but thousands of UPC members were killed, arrested and detained, terrorized and brutalized for allegedly belonging to it. It is a sad commentary that the DP leaders and members not only gleefully welcomed but also assisted the NRA in the persecution of UPC members. Today, the ordeal covers and affects all in the East and North irrespective of Party affiliations; and as their members groan and die together, of course with UPC members, Ssemogerere and other leaders of the DP see nothing untoward with Museveni’s regime. Being a Minister in Museveni’s regime would appear to them to be of greater importance than the groans and deaths of thousands upon thousands of fellow citizens” (Obote, 1990).

Press release from 2001:

“The rampant and wanton intimidation, abduction, killing and deliberate and ferocious, installation of a sense of fear in the minds of the citizens perpetuated by the armed supporters of Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Museveni’s record of killings is recorded in the districts of Luwero triangle where he supervised the murder of most UPC leaders, chiefs and supporters and hid them in mass graves. He later commissioned Capt. Zizinga to exhume their skulls and parade them as victims of the UNLA. He has recently stated his intention to continue displaying the skulls in Luwero perhaps to permanently remind Ugandans and the world of his exploits” (…)”Instead of sorting out the political mess that he has created in Uganda, he has resorted to misinformation. He has again tried to drag UPC and its leader Milton Obote in his problems. On the occasion of opening the Workers House Museveni was at it again. He claimed that UPC took workers money to build Uganda House” (…)”UPC is not a body corporate and does not own Uganda House. In the Consent Judgment signed by Museveni’s government and MOF, the owner of the house is clearly stated to be MOF” (…)”All lawful and peaceful avenues to challenge the illegitimate actions of the monolithic regime as UPC has always advocated have now been closed and all indications are that as a last resort survival strategy the people of Uganda may resort to violent and illegal actions to restore Uganda to constitutional order and to stop further political disintegration. Since UPC is debarred from organising at the grassroot level, it is not in a position to dissuade or deter any persons who may be driven to take the violent or illegal path” (UPC, 2001).

This here has been the historical part between them. I will now bring recent events in the UPC to show the frictions and weakness of it. To prove how volatile it is and wonder what argument the leadership of UPC has to support and make a coalition with NRM, instead of the other opposition parties in the The Democratic Alliance with the likes of JEEMA, UFA; DP, PPP and FDC.

So let’s see something in narrow history that gives the fractions growing in the UPC:

In 2011:

“Yesterday the UPC party president Mr. Olara Otunnu made changes in the National Party Officials and dropped two people namely; the Party Secretary General Mr. John Odit and the Secretary for Policy and National Mobilization, Mr. David Pulkol” (…)”What is more astonishing is that the party president has chosen to sack Odit and Pulkol at a time when they are just returning from a field trip together with other party officials where regional meetings aimed at strengthening our party structures have been successfully held in Busoga, Bugisu, Bukedi, Sebei, Teso, Karamoja, Lango, Acholi and Westnile. Bunyoro, Toro, Ankole and Kigezi meetings cannot be stopped and must take place by 22nd December 2011 as scheduled. Likewise, the Buganda grassroots elections, which Otunnu has severally tried to block in vain, will continue undisturbed till we are sure the job is fully done.”  (…)”Aware that Otunnu has since his election as party president been a man of mixed signals, secrecy and clandestine movements we would also like to use this occasion to disassociate ourselves from his activities for the sake of building, a reliable, dependable, transparent and law abiding party. As people who have worked with Mr. Otunnu we would like to painfully state, especially for the benefit of all party members, that Mr. Otunnu has never liked and does not love UPC. This could possibly explain why he forgot to vote for himself moreover after using 100% of all the available party funds then for his presidential campaigns alone” (UPC, 2011).

In 2015:

“Following the ruling of Hon. Justice Yasin Nyanzi of the High Court of Uganda (civil Division) on an application for Interim order filed by Olara Otunnu and Five others Misc.application No 412/2015 arising out of Civil Suit No 238 of 2015 made on 30th October 2015, in which Amb. Olara Otunnu (Ex-UPC Party President) had sought an injunction against the UPC Leadership of Hon Jimmy Akena from performing his duties and functions, the decision of UPC members across Uganda as affirmed in the UPC District Conferences presidential Elections and the UPC Delegates Conference of 30th May 2015 and 1st July 2015 respectively was reaffirmed by the High Court of Uganda. This therefore clears the confusion created by the Ex-President of UPC Amb Olara Otunnu about the legitimacy of the Leadership Hon Jimmy Akena. The Leadership of Party President Jimmy Akena extends an olive branch to all Party members who had been caught up in this confusion to rally behind the party” (UPC, 2015).

There is as you seen been steady frictions between the parties for several reasons because of the leadership of both parties. This is natural especially when at one set of time the one party was ruling and it actually the party that was ruling in 1960s and later in 1980s before the bush-war put the other party to be the ruling party. The rhetoric from them both is natural, because those both want to power and now the NRM-Regime is clinging to power. There have even been more movement from the NRM towards the UPC then you might expect.

So that Olara Otunnu said this in November last year:

“It is not about a little piece here, a little leg there, you fix this, and you bridge this gap, no. The system as it is now; the status quo is completely without any legitimacy. It is a system which is integrated, married into State House machinery and controlled by Yoweri Museveni at State House. We want to dismantle that and put in its place a new system which can guarantee free and fair elections” (…)”But there are Museveni elements within UPC and have been using UPC colours; using UPC shelter to cause problems within the party and to push Museveni’s agenda within the party” (NewVision, 2014).

Otunnu

On Olara Otunnu leadership and Museveni:

“The UPC members in the northern Kole District have abandoned their party leader, Dr Olara Otunnu, claiming he lacked the capacity and vision to carry the mantle for the people of Uganda” (…)”“We are not going to base our support on partisan politics, we want leaders who can lead the people of Uganda and this time around, we don’t see any one, apart from Mr Museveni. He should rule until he dies,” said Aboke Sub-county official Boniface Odyek” (Oketch, 2014).

So with the fall of Olara Otunnu of the UPC has been a steppingstone for the Jimmy Akena.” Son of the late Dr. Milton Obote and Lira Munipality MP Jimmy Akena has been voted as the new Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) President.  Delegates from 62 districts in Uganda chose to entrust the party leadership with the son of the party founder “ (…)”Akena’s victory implies that the Obote family once again takes charge of Uganda’s oldest political party. Akena replaces Olara Otunnu who failed to unseat President Museveni in the 2011 elections” (Ortega, 2015).

So that the son of Milton Obote is now in talks with Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and his NRM to have a merger/union or marriage between them during this 2016 is a special one. Especially with the history between the parties; NRM has since day one tried to dissolve the UPC. UPC has never had the same interest of NRM, for the simple reason Museveni never wanted the Uganda UPC wanted to have. Because the Uganda UPC wanted to have was a certainty that NRM and Museveni was not the Mzee and the commander in chief.

The rhetoric and history between should alone tell the tale. It’s so significant if the son of UPC founder Milton Obote – Mr. Jimmy Akena takes his father’s party into an agreement with his arch-enemy Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. That is significant!

Kabaka in the Bush with NRA P2

Milton Obote was even years after defending his party and ways. All of choices in his two short terms wasn’t also that wise; for instance with taking powers away from the kingdoms and their kings. That gave the public and power reach the levels that made the country react to it. That gave an edge to NRA/M. They could promise securities and reinstate the kingdoms.

If we go further into the recent; the way the fall of Olara Otunnu seems like Jimmy Akena has taken it with force and had to get it verified by court. That doesn’t seem like a healthy party structure. Museveni has taken and seen these fractions inside the party.

If that wasn’t enough; Olara Otunnu was working together with the TDA and other oppositions. Even if his maiden party hasn’t had that coming and their Head Chief sees it differently… Jimmy Akena has said this in September: “TDA wants UPC to use its colour orange, instead of our colours. There is no way UPC can do without the red colour” (…)“If we cannot agree on what we are struggling for, it’s going to be hard to unite” (Apunyo, 2015).

Jimmy Akena said this later in September: “I have come to protest UPC’s alleged endorsement of any candidate in the TDA race” (…)”Our party withdrew from TDA long time ago. We didn’t want our name dragged into something we didn’t know” (Kazibwe, 2015).

So that the party went out of the alliance they also lost a lot of goodwill from the other opposition parties. Also they still don’t have a clear mandate for presidency because Jimmy Akena didn’t even put the effort in become a President or filling in the Nomination. So that their have to have an agreement with somebody else to gain traction in 2016. This is all ironic coming how the UPC organization and members has blamed Olara Otunnu for the way the results was after 2011.

Jimmy Akena is not looking solid either if he sells his father’s heritage to becoming the NRM bedfellow. NRM has not the interest of the UPC. UPC is supposed to be a genuine party with its own interest. The same is it with NRM. Also the same with the parties that is a part of the Democratic Alliance which also supposed to have their own agenda and goals in the coming general election that we all know about.

UPC is allowed to go into alliance for their benefit. But they should also think of what their gaining because the NRM is just a vessel of loyalist of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The man who has since the beginning of the 1980s has been totally against the UPC, because himself want sole power and sole-candidacy. Therefore it took years after 1986 before the Movement system was strong enough and the legitimacy was there, then he “released” the parties again. One of them apparently happens to be UPC, which he has had a passion trying to destroy. That was because this party was in his way to power.

Akena

So Jimmy Akena must have been greased especially with the moles that Olara Otunnu was talking about November 2014. Akena might be one of them. Still strange from an outsider knowing the history between Mzee and UPC; which the UPC wants to collaborate with NRM. Seems for a ten-years ago something fitting in a sci-fi novel or John Grisham spy-novel.

But now we are here. And if they sign an agreement with NRM; then the UPC has sold it soul to the NRM. NRM has only to get more legitimacy from somebody especially with nearly all the rest of the parties joined hands toward the Presidential candidate of Amama Mbabazi. That must be a torn and also with FDC’s strongman who is getting a vivid following of Dr. Kizza Besigye. That he is talking and negotiating after the Kofi Annan Foundation in London.

NRM must have felt weaken by the TDA. UPC must have felt left alone when they did leave the TDA. NRM had not an invitation to join the TDA. That was because the TDA has one function to get the NRM-Regime away from Power. UPC doesn’t have the same power as the ruling parties and have suction in most areas of the country. That is what UPC is buying. UPC can’t be that weak, except they are being greased or offered something they can’t refuse.

UPC and Akena will never be forgiven if they agree with NRM. Not because all the people’s in NRM is greedy. But many of them are and many are there just to earn the coins. They had proven since 1986 that at one-point they lost the Taxation with Representation. UPC will be like a branch to the Movement System and LDCs instead of their own. Museveni is ruling with Iron Fists. Akena will only gain money and might even position in the coming rigging elections. But the pride of being a strong opposition he is not. That we can also see with the way of handling the TDA and the new coming deal in the NRM. Peace.

Reference:

Adhola, Yoga – ‘UGANDA PEOPLE’S CONGRESS AND NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT’ link: http://www.upcparty.net/memboard/UPC%20and%20NRM.pdf

Apunyo, Hudson – ‘Akena explains why UPC is not in TDA’ (14.09.2015) link: http://www.elections.co.ug/new-vision/election/1000620/akena-explains-upc-tda

Golooba-Mutebi, Frederick – ‘COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA

AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING’ – Working Paper No. 27 – Development as State-making (January 2008) – Crisis States Working Papers Series No 2,  LSE Destin Development Studies Institute

Kazibwe, Kenneth – ‘Akena Storms TDA; Denounces Mbabazi Endorsement’ (25.09.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/akena-storms-tda-denounces-mbabazi-endorsement/

Makara, Sabiti – ‘Deepening Democracy Through Multipartyism:The Bumpy road to Uganda’s 2011 elections’ (11.04.2010)

NewVision – ‘‘Museveni has moles in UPC’ – Otunnu’ (30.11.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/662364–museveni-has-moles-in-upc-otunnu.html

Obote, Milton – ‘NOTES ON CONCEALMENT OF GENOCIDE IN UGANDA’ (April, 1990) link: http://www.upcparty.net/obote/genocide.htm

Oketch, Bill – ‘Uganda party endorses Museveni for life presidency’ (06.11.2014) link: http://www.africareview.com/News/Uganda-party-endorses-Museveni-for-life-presidency/-/979180/2513500/-/ehxho6/-/index.html

Omach, Paul – ‘Democratization and Conflict Resolution in Uganda’ link: http://ifra-nairobi.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/1Omach.pdf

Ortega, Ian – ‘Late Obote’s Son, Akena Declared UPC President’ (02.06.2015) link: http://www.independent.co.ug/news/136-the-news-today/10303-late-obotes-son-akena-declared-upc-president

UPC- ‘Press Statement: MUSEVENI’S RECORD AND LEGACY: DRIVING UGANDA TO CATASTROPHY’ (09.05.2001) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/museveni_record.htm

UPC – Press Statement – (4th November 2015) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/Press4Nov2015.pdf

UPC – ‘Press Release: Defying Olara Otunnu in defence of UPC’ (13.12.2011) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/13dec11.htm

Press Release: United States Contributes US$9 Million To WFP To Support Refugees In Uganda (06.10.2015)

Nyakabande TC

KAMPALA – The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) today welcomed a contribution of US$9 million from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to provide food assistance for more than 320,000 refugees living in Uganda.

“This generous contribution has arrived just in time, as a funding shortfall was threatening to force WFP to reduce rations for refugees, including the new South Sudanese arrivals,” said acting Country Director Michael Dunford. “Those cuts will not be necessary now, and we are extremely grateful to USAID for its lifesaving support for people fleeing conflict in neighbouring countries and seeking refuge in Uganda.”

Dunford said WFP will use the funding, received through USAID’s Office of Food for Peace, to purchase more than 13,000 metric tons of cereals and beans within Uganda for more than 300,000 refugees.

The support will also allow WFP to provide cash to 20,000 refugees in areas where markets are able to meet the demand. As well as meeting the immediate food needs of refugees, cash assistance has the added benefit of allowing some flexibility for the refugees to buy nutritious foods that may not be part of WFP’s food basket and to manage their household food resources themselves.

This contribution brings USAID’s 2015 WFP support to refugees in Uganda and extremely vulnerable populations in Karamoja to an estimated US$26 million.

Uganda currently hosts more than 490,000 refugees, mostly from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Sudan and Burundi. Roughly two-thirds of the refugees in Uganda depend on WFP to meet their basic food needs.

WFP’s assistance for refugees is closely coordinated with the Government of Uganda through the Office of the Prime Minister, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and NGOs.

Press Release: UWONET, ACFODE, FOWODE and CEWIGO Joint Press Statement on the recently passed obnoxious Amendments (05.10.2015)

1000-shillings-model

Ring fencing political posistions not healthy for Uganda’s Democracy and Gender equality: 

On October 2, 2015 the Electoral Commission announced the amendments passed by Parliament of Uganda to Presidential and Parliamentary Acts in preparation for the 2016 elections. Among the announcements was the increment in nomination fees for aspirants in the 2016 elections. Barely two months to the nomination of members of Parliament and Local Councilors MPs passed nomination fees which in the opinion of women of Uganda is intended to bar many upcoming women and youth from accessing political positions of leadership. According to the amendments, MPs are expected to pay nomination fees of 3,000,000/- up from 200,000/- in 2011.

It is a fact that most women and youth are challenged by limited resources and face an uphill task to raise money to contest in an election. The majority of civil servants are teachers some of whom are preparing to contest in the forthcoming elections. On average, a secondary school teacher in Uganda takes home about 450,000/= per month while their counterparts in primary school earn about 250,000/=. The newly passed nomination fee for MPs and local councilors is simply out of reach for the majority of Ugandans who would want to serve the country. It is common knowledge that aspirants must prepare for their election and fundraise.

However, this can be done more easily if candidates are not caught un- aware about critical items they must raise money for like nomination fees especially within an unrealistic time frame. In addition, political parties which at times assist candidates with nomination fees do not have resources since majority hardly receive any funds from their members.

The President of Uganda H.E. Y.K Museveni has on a number of occasions professed the importance of quality men and women in leadership. In 1995, affirmative action was passed by Parliament to give women, youth and people with disabilities an opportunity to participate in leadership by redressing imbalances created by history and tradition. This law therefore goes against these principles and is a back track on the importance of providing equal opportunities for men and women in leadership bearing in mind the limited economic opportunities in Uganda.
We are therefore calling on all political parties to reject this amendment in its totality.

We call for a revision of the amendments in order to enhance participation of citizens especially women and youth in the forth-coming elections.

UNITED WOMEN CAN!

Dr. Tanga Odoi address Tamale Mirundi after the NRM Secretariat postponed Local Council Primaries

This here is one of the reasons for the comments on the footage today!

Tamale Mirundi has said this:

“Tanga Odoi should go sell samosas” (…)”If he [Tanga] can’t organize LC1 elections” (…)”Let him go and sell samosas” (TheInsider, 2015).

Said this also:

“I am the lead supporter of mob justice. Mob justice needs no lawyers ” ([29/09 4:08 am] +256 788 xxxxxx: UGANDA)

Press Release from the NRM 29.09.2015:

NRMLC1 2015

(NRM, 2015).

Some small thoughts:

I  understand that Tanga Odoi doesn’t accept the attacks from Tamale Mirundi! Who blast on anybody these days. If he can to stay relevant and “wisest” political man in the country; As he had said himself not to long ago. Tamale Mirundi can be wild and direct. Though Tanga Odoi is right in postphoning LC1 if he see’s that as fit for the moment. But that is if he is following the procedures that are set and not If he only fix them for certain candidates to be fitted into the fold. Then the matter is different if it is set later to fix candidates at the late stage. Because of this I will also show a earlier interview with Tanga Odoi on the Sole Candidacy between Amama Mbabazi and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in the NRM party. Peace!

Reference:

TheInsider.co.ug – ‘Tamale tells Tanga to go sell samosas’ (29.09.2015) link: http://www.theinsider.ug/tamale-tells-tanga-to-go-sell-samosas/

NRM Press Release: NRM Press Release – LC1 Primaries (29.09.2015)

Statement By H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni President of Uganda as the Co-Chair of the Summit for the Adoption of the Post-2015 Development Agenda at the U.N. (25.09.2015)

Museveni UN 25092015 P1

At UN Summit for the Adoption of the Post-2015 Development Agenda

New York 25 September, 2015

Your Excellencies Heads of State and Government,
Your Excellency Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark and co-chair of the Summit,
Mr. Secretary-General,
President of the General Assembly,
Honourable Ministers,
Distinguished participants,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am pleased to co-chair this important Summit as we gather as a community of nations to adopt a new development agenda that will guide our development efforts for the next 15 years.

This historic Summit is the culmination of months of tireless efforts and unprecedented commitment by Member States and stakeholders to formulate a universal, inclusive and transformative development agenda.

I would like to pay tribute to H.E. Sam Kutesa for his leadership and accomplishments as President of the 69th Session of the General Assembly and thank all of you for supporting Uganda in that responsibility.
I also congratulate and convey appreciation to the President of the 70th Session, H.E. Mogens Lykketoft and the Secretary-General, H.E. Ban Ki-moon for their leadership.
Today heralds the dawn of a new era in our collective efforts towards eradicating poverty, improving livelihoods of people everywhere, transforming economies and protecting our planet.

Together, we are sending a powerful message to people in every village, every city and every nation worldwide ─ that we are committed to taking bold steps to change their lives, for the better.

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which we will adopt today, is ambitious in its scope and breadth. In the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the social, economic and environmental dimensions of sustainable development are addressed in an integrated way. The agenda also carries forward the unfinished business of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Over the last fifteen years, we have attained significant achievements through implementing the MDGs. Globally, more than one billion people have been lifted from extreme poverty and improvements have been made in access to education, health, water and sanitation, advancing gender equality and women’s empowerment.

In Uganda, we have been able to reduce the percentage of people living in extreme poverty from 56% in 2000 to 19% currently. We have also attained universal primary education, promoted gender equality and empowerment of women and continue to reduce child and maternal mortality. From our experience, it has been clear that to sustainably achieve the MDGs we must have socio-economic transformation.

It is, therefore, refreshing that in the successor framework, the SDGs, key drivers of economic growth, have been duly prioritized. These include infrastructure development especially energy, transport and ICT; industrialization and value-addition; human resource development; improving market access and greater participation of the private sector.

While the SDGs will be universally applicable, we also recognize national circumstances, different levels of development and the needs of countries in special situations, particularly the Least Developed Countries (LDCs), Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs), Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and African countries.

Taking urgent action to combat climate change and its severe impacts is also prioritised in the new agenda. We should redouble efforts towards reaching an ambitious legally-binding agreement on climate change in Paris in December that promotes the achievement of sustainable development, while protecting the planet.

The new agenda also rightly underscores the important linkages between development, peace and security and human rights. We have to intensify efforts to combat transnational crime, terrorism and the rise of radicalization and violent extremism around the world.

We should reject pseudo ─ ideologies that manipulate identity (by promoting sectarianism of religion and communities) and eclipse the legitimate interests of peoples through investment and trade. Where identity issues are legitimate, they should be expeditiously handled.

Museveni UN 25092015 P2

Excellencies,

We should all be proud of what has been accomplished so far as we usher in this new development agenda. However, the critical next step will be to ensure its successful implementation on the ground.

In this context, integrating the SDGs into our respective national and regional development plans, mobilizing adequate financial resources, technology development and transfer as well as capacity building will be critical.

We have to ensure full implementation of the comprehensive framework for financing sustainable development, which we adopted in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda to support achievement of the goals and targets of Agenda 2030.
One of the major challenges many developing countries continue to face is accessing affordable long-term financing for critical infrastructure projects.

In this regard, it will be vital to promptly establish and operationalize the proposed new forum to bridge the infrastructure gap and complement existing initiatives and multilateral mechanisms to facilitate access to long-term financing at concessional and affordable rates.

The efforts of developing countries to improve domestic resource mobilization, boost economic growth and address major challenges such as unemployment should be supported by development partners as well as international financial institutions and regional development banks. We also need to do more to promote Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), support entrepreneurship especially for women and youth and enhance the contribution of the private sector and other stakeholders to sustainable development. Through prioritization, the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) themselves can also contribute to their own infrastructure development.

In order to build effective, inclusive and accountable institutions at all levels, we have to ensure that the voices of developing countries and regions are heard and that they are treated as equal partners in multilateral decision-making. At the international level, we need urgent reform of the United Nations ─ particularly the Security Council ─ and other multilateral institutions to reflect the current geo-political realities.

We need a renewed global partnership for development in which all the commitments made, including on Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), trade and investment are fulfilled.

While the Agenda represents the collective aspirations of all peoples, its success will hinge on its ability to reduce inequalities and improve the lives of the most vulnerable among us, including women, children, the elderly and persons with disabilities.

After months of intense negotiations and steadfast commitment, we have before us an Agenda that represents our best opportunity to transform our world.

We have heard the voices of people spanning the globe; from eager children asking for access to a quality education to young women seeking better maternal health; from rural villagers whose farmlands have been ravaged by droughts to the coastal fishermen on Small Island States who fear their entire existence will soon be swallowed up by rising sea levels.

We continue to witness the influx of refugees and migrants into Europe from Africa and the Middle East, which is partly caused by conflict and lack of economic opportunities.

These voices may speak many language and dialects, but in the end their message is the same ─ please help us to live happier, more prosperous lives, while also protecting the planet for our children and grandchildren.

After adoption of this Agenda, it is incumbent upon us all to take the development aspirations laid out in this document and turn them into reality on the ground; for our people, our communities and our nations. This agenda will create global prosperity different from the past arrangements of prosperity for some through parasitism and misery and under-development for others.

I thank you for your attention.

Press statement – SPLM/SPLA Posistion on Four Neighbouring States Meeting on 10th August 2015 in Kampala (14.08.2015)

splm-io-press-statement-on-kampala-proposal

Uganda – NRM Electoral Commission Roadmap for Internal Party Elections (06.08.2015)

NRC CEC Roadmap 2015P1NRM CEC Roadmap 2015P2

Press Release: NRM will not Tolerate Independents (22.07.2015)

NRM Secteriat Independent2.1

Press Freedom in the East African nations with ratings of the environment in 2014 (+ reports that the Ugandan regime turned off the transmitter of the Radio Baba in Jinja yesterday)

Dr. Kizza Besigye Jinja Iganga-Jinja Rallies 21.07.2015

Yesterday on the 21.07.2015 the NRM regime cut off the radio transmitter for the “Baba Radio” or as it’s really named 87.7 Basogo Baino FM in Jinja after Dr. Kizza Besigye had a great rally earlier in the day in Iganga and Jinja. Therefore it made me go through the report on ‘Press Freedom in 2014 – Harsh Laws and Violence Drive Global Decline’ that is coming from the NGO Freedom house. Today on 22.07.2015 Mr. Innocent Anyole is sacked from his job after trying to interview Dr. Kizza Besigye this sacking happen by Radio Director Hon. Moses Grace Balyeku, the NRM Chairman of Jinja and MP for Jinja West Constituency. He sure followed party line and broke the wing of the man who introduced FDC man Dr. Kizza Besigye. Well, let me introduce the Press Freedom in East Africa according to the global rankings of the Freedom House and their report on how it was in 2014.

This report has three important levels of how the media is and which place in society it has:

  1. Free
  2. Partly Free
  3. Not Free

The difference between them comes to how great power the countries government controls the media or let them be. How the laws and treatment of journalist and media institutions is and how the events surrounding them have been in the recent year.

I will focus on the East African Countries and those in the “area” around how the quote and place this countries in the report. Because I write about the South Sudan, Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia and Uganda. These are the countries that will be taken. Not the whole world but the basic places that I usually cover in my blog somehow. So it shouldn’t be surprise to anyone.

Before addressing the numbers and rankings of the nations, let me take the quotes on some of the nations from the report as well:

“Ethiopian authorities stepped up arrests of independent journalists, including the Zone 9 bloggers, leading more than 30 to flee the country during the year, according to CPJ” (…) “In Kenya contained several vaguely worded clauses curtailing press freedom, including the threat of three years in prison for journalists who fail to obtain police permission before reporting on terrorism investigations or operations, or for coverage “likely to cause public alarm, incitement to violence, or disturb public peace” (…) “Somalia’s score improved from 82 to 79 due to the increased ability of private actors to open media outlets and the greater distribution of media, especially radio, throughout the south-central part of the country” (…) “South Sudan’s score declined from 62 to 68 due to the government’s near-complete disregard for constitutional and legal protections for freedom of the press in 2014, as well as the lack of such protections in rebel-held areas; a marked increase in restrictions imposed on journalists by the security forces; and heightened censorship, self-censorship, and retaliatory attacks on journalists”.

From here I will address the rankings of the East African nations coming when it comes to press freedom and the numbers that they have gotten from the expert committees that gone through reports and the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX). The stories this numbers are telling and the situation that the media has on the ground is staggering. Therefore it’s a story that has to be told. Now will explain the criteria of the global ranking that is made of scoring process, the value of the levels and what they mean for each country and last the main groups of questions that the researchers and analyst in cooperation with IFEX. That has crunched the numbers with the questions and reports from sources from the whole world.

Criteria:

Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states:

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers”

Scoring Process:

“The research and scoring process involves more than 90 analysts—including outside consultants and members of the core research team headquartered in New York—who prepare the draft ratings and country reports” (…) “the other members of the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX) network for providing detailed and timely analyses of press freedom violations in a variety of countries worldwide, on which we rely to make our judgments”.

Scale Point for the levels:

“A country’s final score (from 0 to 100) represents the total of the scores allotted for each question. A total score of 0 to 30 results in a press freedom status of Free; 31 to 60 a status of Partly Free; and 61 to 100 a status of Not Free”.

Questions that makes the score:

The scores are put into three categories: Legal Environment (0-30points), Political Environment (0-40points) and Economical Environment (0-30points).

daily-nation-east-african-newspapers

Placing of the East African nations: 

Rank Country Score Status
164 Burundi 74 Not Free
172 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) 79 Not Free
180 Ethiopia 83 Not Free
124 Kenya 57 Partly Free
172 Rwanda 79 Not Free
172 Somalia* 79 Not Free
152 South Sudan 68 Not Free
115 Tanzania 54 Partly Free
123 Uganda 56 Partly Free

*Somaliland got ranked 115 – Score of 54 and was set to be ‘Partly Free’

What this means:

This tells something about the environment that the press in the East African nations goes through. Of the eight nations three is ‘Partly Free’: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. This means that certain levels of freedom is on the media, but has certain levels of strings on the press. It’s worse in the rest of the nations because they are on the level of ‘Not Free’: Burundi, DRC, Rwanda, Somalia and South Sudan. And they did make Somalialand as a separate territory as a ‘Party Free’ whiles the country as a whole is set as ‘Not Free’. Therefore in that setting certain areas of Somalia federation has more freedom then the rest.

What that is shocking for me is how low scores countries of Uganda has compared to Ethiopia. Ethiopia has been strict on media and journalist. Especially to those who are abiding opposition in the country. Uganda has many outlets, still the big ones has over time been disorganized by the regime like the Daily Monitor. That has not happen with similar media in Kenya. Though the laws for media there is isn’t similar reports on shut downs of radio station and papers when the regime disagrees. Rwanda I am sure that the government is strict on the media, because the news from there is usually in the mood of the regime. Burundi if it wasn’t for protests and deflectors, there would be less news and information on the regime of Pierre Nkuruziza. DRC and Kabila haven’t put this into motions after all the issues that have been in the last decades. The regime has control and want to be sure of the information that is put out. Therefore when you hear something negative it’s from the UN bodies or MONUSCO but not the press of the DRC or journalists. Tanzania has its freedom but also strangles on the media. The party has been running the country since independence so the feelings is that their intertwined and feel like they are together, instead of actually being critical of the politicians and society. But it should be worried that the different countries and how big the difference between the top and bottom of the scale in the East African. From Tanzania who got 54 points and the worst was Ethiopia got 83 points – the close competition was Rwanda, Somalia and Democratic Republic of Congo got all 79 points on the scale. 60 Points scale is the max for the ‘Partly Fee’ media nations. So that the environment is on a far level from partly and even longer way to being free. The thing that is worrying is that it’s less than 5 points from ‘Partly Free’ to ‘Not Free’ with Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania. It’s just small tweaks and harassment of the media and in 2016 report will degrade this nations and how the media has a place in these countries. Though it doesn’t look to good, but hopefully I and others can be surprised. Until then let hope that the media get into a place where they can actually monitor their areas and speak their minds without fear or legal repercussions. Peace.

Reference:

Dunham, Jennifer, Nelson, Bret & Ahekyan, Elen – ‘Press Freedom in 2014 – Harsh Laws and Violence Drive Global Decline’ – April 2015 – Freedom House