Kahinda Otafiire – Bush hero finally being bushwhacked

Kahinda Otafiire

Reports on the elections that lead to the fall of Kahinda Otafiire lost his place as an MP aspirant for the General election in 2016. So he will not be the MP for the Ruhinda South-Mitooma District. He lost to another brother on the ballot who actually is in jail! But first I will address the person and few of his previous actions and issues that he has had in recent years in his position as a government official. So that if the public known all of this it’s a miracle that he is still been staying as a MP and representing this area for that long with all this stories. So hopefully the brother who is jailed and Aspirant for Ruhinda South – Mitooma District has more clean hands then Otafiire! Take a look.

Gen. Otafiire said this this summer:

I have been with President Museveni for more than 40 years and he has not sent me to my voters. How does he start sending you who have spent the shortest time with him?” (…)”You will be saved by your deeds because at the level of primaries, we are all equal and stopping someone from standing would send a bad signal to the people” (…)”Don’t forget that we have competitors in other political parties who are seeing whatever we are doing. Just identify your weaknesses and plan to be stronger rather than blocking other people who want to stand against you” (Zadock, 2015).

A week later he said:

“I don’t think I am stupid as I appear. With all due respect, you’re insulting my intelligence” (…)”I don’t remember writing that letter although it has a signature resembling mine” (…)”I know Kasango as an officer of court. The documents were signed by Justice John Keitirima, whom I know well. I had no reason to doubt” (Walubiri, 2015).

Some cool quotes from the brother:

“Tamale Mirundi should leave issues of the generals to the generals.” Commenting on Tamale’s verbal attack” (…)”I am 85kg, do you think I have become big because of corruption?” (…)”what was a wetland doing in the middle of a city?” questioning the Nakumatt vs Nema saga” (…)”Even Museveni knows I am fire” (…)”I don’t like this nonsense. That is my private life, it has nothing 2 do with my public life as Minister. Whether I am taking my family out or not is none of your business. You fellow can u concentrate on what concerns u and leave Otafiire’s family alone.” In response to Daily Monitor concerning his Christmas plans” (Ortega, 2013).

Nominated as one of the Most Corrupt of Ugandans in 2012 and he was awarded the spot of number 7:

“Taking advantage of his senior position in the elite network that effectively plundered diamonds, coltan, timber and Gold in eastern Congo, Otafiire set up lucrative business enterprises in the neighboring country and refused to pay taxes, as reveals the 2003 final report of the United Nations Panel of Experts on Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:” (…)”Members of the Ugandan network are typically tax exempt. The Panel is in possession of documents showing that the network uses its control over the RCD-K/ML rebel administration to request tax exonerations for imports of high-value commodities. The granting of numerous tax exonerations to UPDF Colonel Otafiire between late 2001 and early 2002 is one of numerous cases. Not only did Colonel Otafiire benefit financially but, eventually, those exonerations forced local competitors out of markets in Bunia and Beni, leaving the petrol trade largely under the control of the network” (…)”Even in his own country, Uganda, Otafiire is routinely accused of abusing power. Fourteen years ago, he was dragged to a parliamentary probe committee for allegedly stealing copper rivets worth billions of shillings from an Asian businessman. In 2007, Kahinda Otafiire abused his office as minister of local government when he fraudulently allocated the Nakawa-Naguru estate redevelopment project to Opec Prime Properties Ltd, according to a 2008 report of the Inspector General of Government” (Sseremba, 2012).

1980s Luweero Triangle tricks:

“Obote put it more succinctly to Andrew Mwenda:” (…)”Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, for example, revealed that the National Resistance Army rebels used to wear UPC colours and then go into villages in Luwero and kill people in order to make the people think these were actions of the UPC government. Otafiire was boasting of the “tricks” NRA employed to win support in Luwero, but was also revealing the sinister side of Museveni and his insurgents… Each time there was a reported case of mistreatment of civilians by the army, we arrested those responsible and punished them severely” (Kalyegira, 2010).

Messy water of 2005:

“Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, the Minister for Water Lands and Environment, last month fixed the price of water in rural areas at Shs 10 per 20-litre jerry can” (…)”Until last month, prices varied from one area to another, depending on operational costs. Because costs differ, there is fear that a uniform tariff will jeopardise the operations of the water systems and lead to their collapse. This is because the companies can only continue running the water systems if there is a profit to make” (…)”However, Otafiire this week dismissed such fears, saying that the new water tariff aimed to make accessible it to every one. “It was a bad policy. I am the minister and I have changed it,” he said of attempts to develop a business model. “Water is not for commerce. If we can give free medicine, why not free water?” He said only two water schemes with electricity-powered systems would get government grants to subsidise their power expenses” (Kavuma, 2005).

Kenya Probe 2007:

“KENYAN police are investigating a possible link between Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire to a large consignment of sugar currently impounded in Mombasa over tax evasion, but the Local Government minister has denied involvement in the racket” (…)”The huge consignment, worth about Shs 850 million was impounded at Mombasa seaport several months ago after authorities realised its destination papers had been falsified to avoid paying taxes due” (…)”If the racket succeeded, said Port CID Chief Mr John Nyanzwii, then the owners would have evaded the 100 per cent duty paid for imported sugar and the import duty due to the Uganda Revenue Authority. The sugar would have appeared to have originated from Kenya” (…)”Although police authorities in Mombasa had information that the Sugar belonged to Uganda’s local government minister, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, he denied the allegations in a phone interview with Daily Monitor last week” (NFV Zone, 2007).

Car Crash in 2008

THE Minister of Water, Lands and Environment, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, crashed his car on Saturday morning and drew a gun at a journalist who came to the accident scene.The incident took place on Kinawataka Road, off the Old Portbell Road at 2:30 a.m. Daily Monitor photo-journalist Mr Mike Odongkara was put at gunpoint by an angry Otafiire and manhandled by policemen who were called to the scene to rescue the minister” (Odangkara, 2008).

Threating to leave NRM in 2010:

“I might have to join another party. I won the elections but my name is not on the list [of party flag bearers released this week]. They are chasing me away. What do you want me to do?” (…)”“If you were in my shoes, what would you do?” (…)”You cannot petition someone who does not want you” (Kiggundu, 2010).

Shell case of 2012:

“Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Kahinda Otafiire yesterday failed to show up in court to explain his side of the story in a case in which petroleum giant Shell (U) Ltd sued him over alleged breach of contract“ (…)”Gen. Otafiire, through Benzina (U) Ltd, allegedly negotiated a land lease deal with Shell (U) but later failed to honour it” (…)”The petroleum company now wants a Shs1.2 billion refund for refusal to deliver land to it, which it says resulted in loss of business.” (Wersaka, 2012).

In 2013 Otafiire had issues in the parliament:

“Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs has been thrown out of Parliament for Government’s failure to appoint substantive DPP as Cases pile up and suspects spend longer time on remand without trial” (…)”Appearing before the parliamentary budget committee to present the DPP budgetary estimates for this financial year, MPs today ordered Major Gen Kahinda Otafiire out from Parliament accusing government of delaying the appointment of the substantive Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP)” (Investigator, 2013).

Shopping in 2014:

The Minister of Justice was shopping at the Joy Supermarket in Mbuya who is a city suburb on the outskirts of Kampala. After shopping in his trolley he came to the register where he asked the price for each of the picked items in the trolley. The whole shopping spree cost the minister 160, 000 shillings. He started first buy paying it with 50,000 bills. Before picking coins from another pocket there he started to count and used time to make a jam in the star while getting enough coins to pay the balance missing of 10, 000 in small change (Ugandadrone, 2014).

Kahinda Otafiire. P2jpg

What happen in today’s NRM Primaries:

Retired Maj. Gen Kahinda Otafiire storms the tally center in company of security personnel for the Ruhiinda county polls and orders everybody out; and says they must leave everything inside in the hands of one of the security boys; Kahinda Otafiire came along while saying his votes have been rigged. The people and the officials are reportedly refusing to leave the centre.

Gen. Kahinda Otafiire is seriously being given a run for his money according to the pre-liminery report. Capt. Mugabe Dononzio Kahonda is leading with the difference of 4773.Mind you Kahonda did not vote because he is in the prison on allegations that he forged academic documents. Otafiire is also reported to fall behind Hosea Muhanguzi.

Kahinda Otafiire lost to Rtd. Cap. Kahoonda in Ruhiinda County while he is still incarcerated in prison.

Reasons for the fall of Otafiire:

“Gen. Kahinda lost because of his rejection for Mitooma not become a district. This resulted into the district chairman Benon Karyaija who is very popular to part ways with him and become arch enemies. The former Mitooma district NRM chairman Tito Nsigireho, district speaker silver Tumukuratire, finance secretary Bamusiime Muhwezi have all been against Otafiire since 2010 when they defeated him and Mitoma was granted district status from Bushenyi district. Still in Mitooma district, Thomas Tayebwa won in Ruhinda North with over 80%. He was contesting against one Musinguzi. Ruhinda North is a new constituency that was curved of Ruhinda this year” (Muhwezi, 2015).

If this wasn’t interesting then I don’t know; we can see that with the fix of somebody else as flag-bearer in the district, especially since the district was split of the districts in the area. Also with losing the loyalty of patrons in the area, that cost him a lot of votes. So I am sure that Mr. Otafiire can become Minister Without Portefolio or something in the 10th Parliament. Now we have seen that the future handpicked loyalist of the Party, not because the locals in Ruhinda want him anymore. Peace.  

Reference:

NFVZone – ‘Kenya Police Probe Otafiire Over Sugar’ (20.11.2007) link: http://www.nfvzone.com/news/2007/11/20/3108994.htm

Kalyegira, Timothy – ‘Rwanda: How RPF and NRA perfected the human atrocities to blame it on Hutus’ (18.03.2010) link: http://rwandarwabanyarwanda.over-blog.com/article-rwanda-how-rpf-and-nra-perfected-the-human-atrocities-to-blame-it-on-hutus-46935719.html

Kavuma, Richard M – ‘Otafiire upsets water experts’ (25.08.2005) link: http://www.worldwatercouncil.org/fileadmin/wwc/Sections_for/Journalists/Water_Media_Program/wmp_resources_kavuma_25.08.05.pdf

Kiggundu, Edris – ‘Gen.Otafiire threatens to quit NRM’ (23.10.2010) link: http://www.observer.ug/component/content/article?id=10614:genotafiire-threatens-to-quit-nrm

Muhwezi, Wilber – ‘PRISONER CAPT. KAHONDA DEFEATS GEN.KAHINDA OTAFIIRE’ (27.10.2015) link: http://mknewslink.com/prisoner-capt-kahonda-defeats-gen-kahinda-otafiire/

Investigator – ‘Otafiire thrown out of parliament over DPP’s appointment’ (08.08.2013) link: http://news.ugo.ug/otafiire-thrown-out-of-parliament-over-dpps-appointment/

Odongkara, Mike – ‘Otafiire crashes car, pulls gun at journalist‘ (08.05.2008) link: http://mikeodongkara.blogspot.no/2008/05/otafiire-crashes-car-pulls-gun-at.html

Ortega, Ian – ‘Kahinda Otafiire Quotes (Compilation)’ (31.07.2013) link: http://bigeye.ug/kahinda-otafiire-quotes-compilation/

Sseremba, Yahya – ‘10 Most Corrupt Ugandans’ (19.04.2012) link: http://campusjournal.ug/index.php/special-report/investigation/471-10-most-corrupt-ugandans

Ugandadrone – ‘Kahinda Otafiire causes jam in a supermarket counting coins’ (15.12.2014) link: http://ugandadrone.com/kahinda-otafiire-causes-jam-in-a-supermarket-counting-coins/

Zadock, Amanyisa – ‘Stop deceiving voters, Otafiire tells aspirants’ (05.06.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Stop-deceiving-voters-Otafiire-tells-aspirants/-/688334/2740506/-/ure9e3/-/index.html

 

Walubiri, Moses – ‘I am not as stupid as I appear – Otafiire’ (14.06.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/670963-i-am-not-as-stupid-as-i-appear-otafiire.html

 

Wersaka, Anthony – ‘Otafiire shuns Shell case mediation’ (18.05.2012) link: http://www.kigalikonnect.com/article/otafiire-shuns-shell-case-mediation.html

 

PLO Lumumba – “We are Co-Authors of our misfortune”

Interesting, right? Enlightenment, right?

Peace!

#RhodesMustGo: Statement on the Marikana Campaign (18.08.2015)

Rhodes-Statue

Following the wave of decolonial rage incited and ignited by the #RhodesMustFall movement, we have been consistently misunderstood, misrepresented, silenced and intimidated by wolves in sheep’s clothing- the colonial institutions we are learning to deconstruct.

In the shadow of the anniversary of the massacre of Marikana, #RhodesMustFall will relentlessly drive forward the project of decolonisation to its logical conclusion. The University of Cape Town, as an integral part of the machinery of colonialism, is deeply implicated in the events of Marikana, and we are here, if only to break that machinery into pieces.

The massacre of Marikana lies at the center of the problem of South Africa. The collusion of the state and white monopoly capital has not been clearer since the negotiated settlement that formed the nightmare that is contemporary South Africa- the ‘new’ dispensation.

On Thursday, August 16th, South African Police Services killed 34 protesters at a platinum mine, owned by the Lonmin company, and located in a town called Marikana. This display of police brutality was targeted at protestors who were fighting for a living wage.

The tragedy of this expression of state violence must be historicised and contextualised. In amidst the nuances and contradictions of the details of the massacre, the #RhodesMustFall movement echoes the call to target the roots of the tree, and by the roots, we explicitly refer to the violence of a) South Africa, b) the state, and c) it’s police, as an underpinning and unholy trinity of our nation’s (dys)function.

As a movement standing for the notion that ‘Rhodes’- as a symbol of the colonial situation of our nation- must fall, it is with bittersweet irony that we discover that the London Stock Exchange listed company, Lomnin, was a former division of the company known as LonRho (London Rhodes).

‪#‎RhodesLivesOnInMarikana‬

Without decolonisation, these structures will continue to demolish post-1994 reforms as they move forward with their colonial objectives. In the words of the revolutionary, Frantz Fanon, we remember –
“Colonialism hardly ever exploits the whole of a country. It contents itself with bringing to light the natural resources, which it extracts, and exports to meet the needs of the mother country’s industries, thereby allowing certain sectors of the colony to become relatively rich. But the rest of the colony follows its path of under-development and poverty, or at all events, sinks into it more deeply.

So what does this have to do with UCT?”

#RhodesMustFall, as we have articulated since our inception, has identified the University of Cape Town as amongst the key spaces and institutions that uphold the criminal status quo in which we find ourselves today. Through the legacy of the likes of Cecil John Rhodes, we have endeavoured to dig up the thinly veiled web of wealth, domination and violence that UCT has continuously benefitted from since its establishment.

In this, our next phase, we vow to hold the university accountable for its relationship to the unending violence against black bodies in Azania. It is an open secret that the University of Cape Town has, for several years, invested millions in mining corporations, in particular, Lonmin, through its retirement annuities. This has remained unchanged since the tragedy of Marikana.

We therefore encourage the public to work collectively in requesting the financial records of this institution because in moving forward, transparency is key.

The enormous financial contributions made by the mining sector to the university have, of course, come at a cost. The impact on knowledge production is most visceral in the engineering, economics and politics departments who house many programmes that propagate a neo-liberal conception of development and society that does little more than prepare them for careers and professions that exist to preserve the status quo and generate white monopoly capital. We note with disdain the particular deficiencies in the UCT economics department that has been established as a factory for the kinds of uncritical capitalistic thinking that will ensure that the events of Marikana will be repeated.

And of this we are certain:

Without decolonisation, Marikana will happen again.

As a self-avowed elite institution, UCT has garnered and fostered close relationships with multinational corporations who arrive at our doorstep with Trojan horses at career fairs, and on our donor acknowledgement boards. Many UCT graduates are granted safe passage into these organisations, while during education as students, are structurally and violently denied the information and history of the ground upon which they stand. The consequence is the repeated misdirection of potential skill, energy and passion away from the benefit of the majority of South Africans and toward the ends of white monopoly capital.

To further demonstrate the complicity of the ivory tower of UCT, we call to attention the presence of Judge Iam Farlam, the chair of the Marikana inquiry commission, on the university council. The #RhodesMustFall movement calls for the immediate removal of Judge Ian Farlam from council. This arises firstly out of a conflict of interest, as evidenced by the connections between Lonmin and UCT, but crucially as a response to the conclusions drawn by Judge Farlam in his report as highlighted below:

“The evidence shows -(a) that the tragic events at Marikana are rooted in widespread labour disputes in the area, particularly, at Lonmin’s Karee mine and at the nearby Impala Platinum Mine (‘Implats’) which were characterized by violence, intimidation and loss of life and the undermining of agreed collective bargaining processes; and (b) that the tragic events that occurred during the period 12 to 16 August 2012 originated from the decision and conduct of the strikers in embarking on an unprotected strike and in enforcing the strike by violence and intimidation, using dangerous weapons for the purpose”.

The conclusion listed above clearly places the root responsibility of the escalation of Marikana’s violence onto a disinherited black working class, which itself chooses to overlook the continual violence of the establishment of the mines themselves, and their historical role in the class formation and racialisation of African peoples. This is a tragedy of devastating gendered consequence, but this truth is unsurprisingly invisibilised by the power structure whose mobility is reliant on constructed and upheld ‘black dysfunction’.

Judge Ian Farlam failed to hold to account the state’s involvement in the massacre of Marikana and failed to identify the root of the violence that resulted in the murder of 34 mine workers. His decision and participation in this case must be problematised, as he sits on a governance structure that makes financial decisions regarding investments of Lomnin, (amongst others) the company involved in, and criminally complicit in this case.

The #RhodesMustFall collective reminds the UCT community in particular, that we are presently participating in the exploitation of our own workers. The struggle of the workers here is no different to those at Marikana. They demand a decent living wage of R10 500, as outsourced workers who are struggling for dignity, as they continue to prop up a university that celebrates its position as ‘the top in Africa’. We understand it as one whose ‘success’ lies purely in its upholding of the status quo.

In closing,

#RhodesMustFall demand the immediate renaming of the Jameson Memorial Hall to Marikana Memorial Hall, the removal of Judge Ian Farlam from council, a statement from the Vice Chancellor condemning the massacre, and the report and submission of a dossier detailing UCT’s relationship to mining corporations in Southern Africa.

Izwe Lethu,
M’Afrika

#RhodesMustFall

Gen. Muhammade Buhari – First Speech after Military Coup, 31 December, 1983 and General Ibrahim Babangida – Speech on 27. August 1985 after overthrowing Gen. M. Buhari

Buhari

General Muhammadu Buhari’s first speech after the Coup d’etat 31. December 1983:

In pursuance of the primary objective of saving our great nation from total collapse, I, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari of the Nigerian army have, after due consultation amongst the services of the armed forces, been formally invested with the authority of the Head of the Federal Military Government and the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It is with humility and a deep sense of responsibility that I accept this challenge and call to national duty.

As you must have heard in the previous announcement, the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1979) has been suspended, except those sections of it which are exempted in the constitution. The change became necessary in order to put an end to the serious economic predicament and the crisis of confidence now afflicting our nation. Consequently, the Nigerian armed forces have constituted themselves into a Federal Military Government comprising of a Supreme Military Council, a National Council of States, a Federal Executive Council at the centre and State Executive Councils to be presided over by military governors in each of the states of the federation. Members of these councils will be announced soon. The last Federal Military Government drew up a programme with the aim of handing over political power to the civilians in 1979. This programme as you all know, was implemented to the letter. The 1979 constitution was promulgated.

However, little did the military realise that the political leadership of the second republic will circumvent most of the checks and balances in the constitution and bring the present state of general insecurity. The premium on political power became so exceedingly high that political contestants regarded victory at elections as a matter of life and death struggle and were determined to capture or retain power by all means. It is true that there is a worldwide economic recession.

However, in the case of Nigeria, its impact was aggravated by mismanagement. We believe the appropriate government agencies have good advice but the leadership disregarded their advice. The situation could have been avoided if the legislators were alive to their constitutional responsibilities; Instead, the legislators were preoccupied with determining their salary scales, fringe benefit and unnecessary foreign travels, et al, which took no account of the state of the economy and the welfare of the people they represented.

As a result of our inability to cultivate financial discipline and prudent management of the economy, we have come to depend largely on internal and external borrowing to execute government projects with attendant domestic pressure and soaring external debts, thus aggravating the propensity of the outgoing civilian administration to mismanaged our financial resources. Nigeria was already condemned perpetually with the twin problem of heavy budget deficits and weak balance of payments position, with the prospect of building a virile and viable economy.
The last general election was anything but free and fair. The only political parties that could complain of election rigging are those parties that lacked the resources to rig. There is ample evidence that rigging and thuggery were relative to the resources available to the parties. This conclusively proved to us that the parties have not developed confidence in the presidential system of government on which the nation invested so much material and human resources. While corruption and indiscipline have been associated with our state of under-development, these two evils in our body politics have attained unprecedented height in the past few years. The corrupt, inept and insensitive leadership in the last four years has been the source of immorality and impropriety in our society.

Since what happens in any society is largely a reflection of the leadership of that society, we deplore corruption in all its facets. This government will not tolerate kick-backs, inflation of contracts and over-invoicing of imports etc. Nor will it condone forgery, fraud, embezzlement, misuse and abuse of office and illegal dealings in foreign exchange and smuggling. Arson has been used to cover up fraudulent acts in public institutions. I am referring to the fire incidents that gutted the P&T buildings in Lagos, the Anambra State Broadcasting Corporation, the Republic Building at Marina, the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Capital Development Authority Accounts at Abuja and the NET Building. Most of these fire incidents occurred at a time when Nigerians were being apprehensive of the frequency of fraud scandals and the government incapacity to deal with them. Corruption has become so pervasive and intractable that a whole ministry has been created to stem it.

Fellow Nigerians, this indeed is the moment of truth. My colleagues and I – the Supreme Military Council, must be frank enough to acknowledge the fact that at the moment, an accurate picture of the financial position is yet to be determined. We have no doubt that the situation is bad enough. In spite of all this, every effort will be made to ensure that the difficult and degrading conditions under which we are living are eliminated. Let no one however be deceived that workers who have not received their salaries in the past eight or so months will receive such salaries within today or tomorrow or that hospitals which have been without drugs for months will be provided with enough immediately. We are determined that with the help of God we shall do our best to settle genuine payments to which government is committed, including backlog of workers’ salaries after scrutiny.

We are confident and we assure you that even in the face of the global recession, and the seemingly gloomy financial future, given prudent management of Nigeria’s existing financial resources and our determination to substantially reduce and eventually nail down rises in budgetary deficits and weak balance of payments position. The Federal Military Government will reappraise policies with a view to paying greater attention to the following areas: The economy will be given a new impetus and better sense of direction. Corrupt officials and their agents will be brought to book.

In view of the drought that affected most parts of the country, the federal government will, with the available resources, import food stuffs to supplement the shortfalls suffered in the last harvest. Our foreign policy will both be dynamic and realistic. Africa will of course continue to be the centre piece of our foreign policy. The morale and combat readiness of the armed forces will be given high priority. Officers and men with high personal and professional integrity will have nothing to fear.
The Chief Justice of Nigeria and all other holders of judiciary appointments within the federation can continue in their appointments and the judiciary shall continue to function under existing laws subject to such exceptions as may be decreed from time to time by the Federal Military Government. All holders of appointments in the civil service, the police and the National Security Organisation shall continue to exercise their functions in the normal way subject to changes that may be introduced by the Federal Military Government.
All those chairmen and members of statutory corporations, parastatals and other executive departments are hereby relieved of their appointments with immediate effect.

The Federal Military Government will maintain and strengthen existing diplomatic relations with other states and with international organisations and institutions such as the Organisation of African Unity, the United Nations and its organs, Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, ECOWAS and the Commonwealth etc. The Federal Military Government will honour and respect all treaties and obligations entered into by the previous government and we hope that such nations and bodies will reciprocate this gesture by respecting our country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Fellow Nigerians, finally, we have dutifully intervened to save this nation from imminent collapse. We therefore expect all Nigerians, including those who participated directly or indirectly in bringing the nation to this present predicament, to cooperate with us. This generation of Nigerians, and indeed future generations, have no country other than Nigeria. We shall remain here and salvage it together.May God bless us all. Good morning.

Babangida-MILLITARY-DICTATOR

The Coup d’etat speech from Ibrahim Babangida: 

This was in 27. August 1985:

Fellow Nigerians,
When in December 1983, the former military leadership, headed by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, assumed the reins of government, its accession was heralded in the history of this country. With the nation at the mercy of political misdirection and on the brink of economic collapse, a new sense of hope was created in the minds of every Nigerian.

Since January 1984, however, we have witnessed a systematic denigration of that hope. It was stated then that mismanagement of political leadership and a general deterioration in the standard of living, which had subjected the common man to intolerable suffering, were the reasons for the intervention.

Nigerians have since then been under a regime that continued with those trends. Events today indicate that most of the reasons which justified the military takeover of government from the civilians still persist.

The initial objectives were betrayed and fundamental changes do not appear on the horizon. Because the present state of uncertainty, suppression and stagnation resulted from the perpetration of a small group, the Nigerian Armed Forces could not as a part of that government be unfairly committed to take responsibility for failure. Our dedication to the cause of ensuring that our nation remains a united entity worthy of respect and capable of functioning as a viable and credible part of the international community dictated the need to arrest the situation.

Let me at this point attempt to make you understand the premise upon which it became necessary to change the leadership. The principles of discussions, consultation and co-operation which should have guided decision-making process of the Supreme Military Council and the Federal Executive Council were disregarded soon after the government settled down in 1984. Where some of us thought it appropriate to give a little more time, anticipating a conducive atmosphere that would develop, in which affairs of state could be attended to with greater sense of responsibility, it became increasingly clear that such expectations could not be fulfilled.

Regrettably, it turned out that Major-General Muhammadu Buhari was too rigid and uncompromising in his attitudes to issues of national significance. Efforts to make him understand that a diverse polity like Nigeria required recognition and appreciation of differences in both cultural and individual perceptions, only served to aggravate these attitudes.

Major-General Tunde Idiagbon was similarly inclined in that respect. As Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, he failed to exhibit the appropriate disposition demanded by his position. He arrogated to himself absolute knowledge of problems and solutions, and acted in accordance with what was convenient to him, using the machinery of government as his tool.

A combination of these characteristics in the two most important persons holding the nation’s vital offices became impossible to content with. The situation was made worse by a number of other government functionaries and organisations, chief among which is the Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO). In fact, this body will be overhauled and re-organized.

And so it came to be that the same government which received the tumultuous welcome now became alienated from the people. To prevent a complete erosion of our given mandate therefore, we had to act so that hope may be rebuilt.

Let me now address your attention to the major issues that confront us, so that we may, as one people, chart a future direction for our dear country. We do not pretend to have all the answers to the questions which our present problems have put before our nation. We have come with the strongest determination to create an atmosphere in which positive efforts shall be given the necessary support for lasting solutions.

For matters of the moment which require immediate resolutions, we intend to pursue a determined programme of action. Major issues falling into this category have been identified and decisions taken on what should be done.

Firstly, the issue of political detainees or convicts of special military tribunals. The history of our nation had never recorded the degree of indiscipline and corruption as in the period between October 1979 and December 1983.

While this government recognises the bitterness created by the irresponsible excesses of the politicians, we consider it unfortunate that methods of such nature as to cause more bitterness were applied to deal with past misdeeds. We must never allow ourselves to lose our sense of natural justice. The innocent cannot suffer the crimes of the guilty. The guilty should be punished only as a lesson for the future. In line with this government’s intention to uphold fundamental human rights, the issue of detainees will be looked into with despatch.

As we do not intend to lead a country where individuals are under the fear of expressing themselves, the Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation Decree 4 of 1984 is hereby repealed. And finally, those who have been in detention under this decree are hereby unconditionally released. The responsibility of the media to disseminate information shall be exercised without undue hindrance. In that process, those responsible are expected to be forthright and to have the nation’s interest as their primary consideration.

The issue of decrees has generated a lot of controversies. It is the intention of this government to review all other decrees.

The last twenty months have not witnessed any significant changes in the national economy. Contrary to expectations, we have so far been subjected to a steady deterioration in the general standard of living; and intolerable suffering by the ordinary Nigerians have risen higher, scarcity of commodities has increased, hospitals still remain mere consulting clinics, while educational institutions are on the brink of decay. Unemployment has stretched to critical dimensions.

Due to the stalemate, which arose in negotiation with the International Monetary Fund, the former government embarked on a series of counter-trade agreements. Under the counter-trade agreements, Nigerians were forced to buy goods and commodities at higher prices than obtained in the international market. The government intends to review the whole issue of counter-trade.

A lot has been said and heard about our position with the International Monetary Fund. Although we formally applied to the fund in April 1983, no progress has as yet been made in the negotiation and a stalemate has existed for the last two years.

We shall break the deadlock that frustrated the negotiations with a view to evaluating more objectively both the negative and positive implications of reaching a mutual agreement with the Fund. At all times in the course of discussions, our representatives will be guided by the feelings and aspirations of the Nigerian people.

It is the view of this government that austerity without structural adjustment is not the solution to our economic predicament. The present situation whereby 44 per cent of our revenue earning is utilised to service debts is not realistic. To protect the danger this poses to the poor and the needy in our society, steps will be taken to ensure comprehensive strategy of economic reforms.

The crux of our economic problems has been identified to centre around four fundamental issues:
1. A decrease of our domestic production, while our population continues to increase.
2. Dependence on import for both consumer goods and raw materials for our industries.
3. A grossly unequal gap between the rich and the poor.
4. The large role played by the public sector in economic activity with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.

These are the problems we must confront.

ON FOREIGN POLICY:
Nigeria’s foreign policy in the last 20 months has been characterised by inconsistency and incoherence. It has lacked the clarity to make us know where we stood on matters of international concern to enable other countries relate to us with seriousness. Our role as Africa’s spokesman has diminished because we have been unable to maintain the respect of African countries.

The ousted military government conducted our external relations by a policy of retaliatory reactions. Nigeria became a country that has reacted to given situations, rather than taking the initiative as it should and always been done. More so, vengeful considerations must not be the basis of our diplomacy. African problems and their solutions should constitute the premise of our foreign policy.

The realisation of the Organisation of African Unity of the Lagos Plan of Action for self-sufficiency and constructive co-operation in Africa shall be our primary pursuit.

The Economic Community of West African States must be reborn with the view to achieving the objective of regional integration. The problems of drought-stricken areas of Africa will be given more attention and sympathy, and our best efforts will be made to assist in their rehabilitation within the limits of our resources. Our membership of the United Nations Organisation will be made more practical and meaningful. The call for a new International Economic Order which lost its momentum in the face of the debt crisis will be made once again.

Nigeria hereby makes a renewed request to the Non-Aligned Movement to regroup and reinvigorate its determination to restructure the global economic system, while we appeal to the industrialized nations to positively consider the debt plight of the developing countries and assist in dealing with the dangers that face us. We shall remain members of the various multilateral institutions and inter-governmental organisations which we belong to and do what must be done to enhance the membership and participation within them.

Fellow Nigerians, this country has had since independence a history mixed with turbulence and fortune. We have witnessed our rise to greatness, followed with a decline to the state of a bewildered nation. Our human potentials have been neglected, our natural resources put to waste. A phenomenon of constant insecurity and overbearing uncertainty has become characteristic of our national existence.

My colleagues and I are determined to change the course of history. This government is determined to unite this country. We shall not allow anything to obstruct us. We recognise that a government, be it civilian or military, needs the consent of the people to govern if it is to reach its objective. We do not intend to rule by force. At the same time, we should not be expected to submit to unreasonable demands. Fundamental rights and civil liberties will be respected, but their exercise must not degenerate into irrational expression nor border on subversion.

The War Against Indiscipline will continue, but this time, in the minds and conduct of Nigerians, and not by way of symbolism or money-spending campaigns.

This government, on its part, will ensure that the leadership exhibits proper example. Criticisms of actions and decisions taken by us will be given necessary attention and where necessary changes made in accordance with what is expected of us.

Let me reiterate what we said in 1984: This generation of Nigerians and indeed future generations have no other country but Nigeria. We must all stay and salvage it together. This time it shall be pursued with deeper commitment and genuine sincerity.

There is a lot of work to be done by every single Nigerian. Let us all dedicate ourselves to the cause of building a strong, united and viable nation for the sake of our own lives and the benefits of posterity.

Finally, I wish to commend the members of the Armed Forces and the Nigeria Police for their mature conduct during the change.

I thank you all for your co-operation and understanding.

God bless Nigeria.

The EFF statement on the hollow recitals of the freedom charter by the ANC:

10 January 2015

The Economic Freedom Fighters notes the attempts by Mr. Jacob Zuma, the President of the ANC to restate the Freedom Charter as if it is the programme of the ANC, while all evidence is out there for all to see that the ANC has abandoned the Freedom Charter. In the speech delivered during the rally in Cape Town, Mr. Zuma recurrently mentioned key clauses of the Freedom Charter and ‘economic freedom’, yet made no concrete commitments and programme on how the ANC government will realise the Freedom Charter and economic freedom.

The EFF is aware that the whole intention of the ANC January 8 statement was an attempt to try to copy and therefore undermine the radical and militant programme of the Economic Freedom Fighters, because our programme is the only programme that finds true resonance with the people of South Africa. The EFF remains the only radical and militant movement which unapologetically pursues a radical economic revolution programme which will change the lives of our people. An attempt by the ANC to imitate the radical programme of the EFF only through rhetoric will always be exposed as pure farce because the ANC government is implementing a neo-liberal, right wing and capitalist programme called the National Development Plan: Vision 2030.

The NDP: Vision 2030 is the official programme of the ANC, adopted in their 53rd National Conference, and any talk of the Freedom Charter is meant to mislead the people of South Africa. What we know about the Freedom Charter, which the ANC government will never implement are the following:

  • The Freedom Charter says ‘the mineral wealth beneath the soil, the banks and monopoly industries shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole”, and this has been correctly understood in the former liberation movement as Nationalisation of Mines. What we know is that the ANC will never nationalise Mines because majority of its senior leaders are privately benefitting from privately owned Mines.
  • The Freedom Charter says ‘all other trade and industry shall be controlled to assist the wellbeing of the people”. What we know is that the ANC is committed to free-market capitalism and will never control trade for the benefit of the people.
  • The Freedom Charter says ‘land shall be shared amongst those who work it’. What we know as a fact is that the ANC has dismally failed to redistribute land and will continue to buy land from those who stole it, despite their admission that the willing-buyer willing-seller approach to land redistribution has dismally failed.
  • The Freedom Charter says, “all shall have the right to occupy land wherever they choose”. What we know is that the ANC government will never allow even landless people to occupy land wherever they choose, but will instead send murderous police to evict people from the land as they did in Lenasia and Lwandle.
  • The Freedom Charter says ‘the doors of learning and culture shall be opened”. What we know is that the ANC government has dismally failed to provide free quality education as post secondary level and have not built adequate capacity to absorb the entirety of students who exit the secondary schooling level.
  • The Freedom Charter says, “slums shall be demolished, and new suburbs built where all have transport, roads, lighting, playing fields, creches and social centres”. What we know is that 21 years since the first inclusive elections with the ANC in power, more than 15% of the South African population lives in slums and informal settlements.

These key tenets of the Freedom Charter and many others are not contained in the National Development Plan, which is the official government plan of the ANC and the right wing political parties in Parliament.

The EFF speaks about the Freedom Charter because our Founding Manifesto says,

“The EFF draws inspiration from the radical, working class interpretation of the Freedom Charter, because, since its adoption in 1955, there have been various meanings given to the Freedom Charter. The EFF’s interpretation of the Freedom Charter is one which says South Africa indeed belongs to all who live in it, and ownership of South Africa’s economic resources and access to opportunities should reflect that indeed South Africa belongs to all who live in it.
The EFF’s interpretation of the Freedom Charter is that which says the transfer of mineral wealth beneath the soil, monopoly industries and banks means nationalisation of mines, banks and monopoly industries”.

The rhetorical commitment to the Freedom Charter by Mr. Zuma is nothing but an attempt to divert attention from the genuinely radical economic freedom programme and struggle of the EFF. This is done because the ANC has run out of ideas. It is evidently clear that with age and many years of existence, the ANC is not maturing, but suffering from memory loss and lack of creativity and innovation. The ANC cannot think and always rely of imitating even Kwaito musicians hence their slogan of ANC Kuze Kose and ANC Y’tjukutja because they take ideas of Kwaito musicians, not vice versa. They even tried to imitate the runaway success of the EFF’s red beret and overalls.

The EFF remains the only hope for the people of South Africa and will inspire many generations to come because when we take over political power, we will capture the State, and redistribute the economy for the benefit of all. Once again, the EFF has proven that we are the vanguard of the working class and revolutionary ideas in South African society and those who copy us should do so with care because we will always expose fake imitatations that are not genuine.

ISSUED BY THE ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS
LEHLOHONOLO FANA MOKOENA (Acting National Spokesperson)
Cell Number: +27817244799
Websitehttp://www.effighters.org.za/
Emailcommunications@effighters.org.za
Facebook: Fana L Mokoena || Twitter: @EconFreedomZA and @fanamokoena