This here is one of the reasons for the comments on the footage today!
Tamale Mirundi has said this:
“Tanga Odoi should go sell samosas” (…)”If he [Tanga] can’t organize LC1 elections” (…)”Let him go and sell samosas” (TheInsider, 2015).
Said this also:
“I am the lead supporter of mob justice. Mob justice needs no lawyers ” ([29/09 4:08 am] +256 788 xxxxxx: UGANDA)
Press Release from the NRM 29.09.2015:
Some small thoughts:
I understand that Tanga Odoi doesn’t accept the attacks from Tamale Mirundi! Who blast on anybody these days. If he can to stay relevant and “wisest” political man in the country; As he had said himself not to long ago. Tamale Mirundi can be wild and direct. Though Tanga Odoi is right in postphoning LC1 if he see’s that as fit for the moment. But that is if he is following the procedures that are set and not If he only fix them for certain candidates to be fitted into the fold. Then the matter is different if it is set later to fix candidates at the late stage. Because of this I will also show a earlier interview with Tanga Odoi on the Sole Candidacy between Amama Mbabazi and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in the NRM party. Peace!
TheInsider.co.ug – ‘Tamale tells Tanga to go sell samosas’ (29.09.2015) link: http://www.theinsider.ug/tamale-tells-tanga-to-go-sell-samosas/
NRM Press Release: NRM Press Release – LC1 Primaries (29.09.2015)
On the 25th September 2015 three amendments will be read for the parliament. These Amendments are the President Elections Amendment Bill of 2015, Parliamentary Elections Amendment Bill of 2015 and the Electoral Commission Amendment Bill of 2015. They are all interconnected and will be a part of the preparations to the election that is happening in 2016. All the Amendments comes from the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs Hon. Fredrick Ruhindi
The Main parts of the Presidential Elections (Amendment) Bill of 2015:
Parts of the bill with revise the requirement for a candidate to campaign in every district in Uganda and to stop the polling stations at 4:00PM on the polling day. Another main part of the bill is that nominations fee for the candidate will go from Shs. 8Million/= to the the new fee of Shs. 20Million/=.
The first issue with the candidate is that with the surge of districts make it difficult for a candidate to be in all the new districts before the polling day while campaigning. The second one is for fitting the economic environment that is different than in 2005. The third issue is that the polling time is set from 5:00PM to 4:00PM to give the Electoral Commission more time to count the votes.
And a new amendment to proof the voter’s identity:
“a fourth table located at least ten meters from the ballot boxes where every voter, after deposing the ballot paper into the ballot box, shall proceed and the thumb or other finger on the voter’s right hand determined by the commission marked with or applied with inedible ink as one indicators that the voter has cast the ballot”.
The Main parts of the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill of 2015:
First part of the bill is to get four representatives of persons with disabilities to be elected by Electoral Colleges Constituted in accordance to the four traditional districts: Central, Eastern, Northern and Western regions. The second part of the bill is on the nomination fee for the candidate will go from Shs. 200k/= to new fee of Shs. 1Million/=.
The Main parts of the Electoral Commission (Amendment) Bill of 2015:
First part of new amendment is: “The commission shall, not later then two weeks before polling day, transmit to every political party and organization and independent candidate taking part in the election, an electronic text based copy of each voters’ register which the commission shall use on polling day”.
Second part is that the Commission has to employ one a District Election Administrator and an Assistant Election Administration. The District Election Administrator has the supervision, is in charge and custody of the voters’ in the district, and also seeing through the manner of the voters registers. Important character that the Administrator need is integrity, high moral and also “a person taken to have behaved in a corrupt manner in relation to his or her duties if he or she commits any act of dishonesty in connection with his or her duties, whether or not it constitutes a criminal offence”.
Third part is: “the Commission shall, before the display of the copy of the voters’ roll publish in the Gazette and in the print media, a list of all the places at which a voters’ roll is required to be displayed under this section”.
The Presidential Candidate first gets more expensive to pay the nominee fee as a candidate it goes up Shs. 12Million from the 2005 to the total of Shs. 20Million and was at 2005 set to be Shs. 8Million. Everybody understands that’s a viable and big fee change and the argument is for the economic climate that has changed since 2005. If the value of the shilling has devalued that much in about ten year period that the candidate must pay over double of the fee, then the economic system has server issues.
The Second change is the time that is set from 5:00PM to 4:00PM on the polling station at the Election Day to give more time for counting. I am sure that this will be more of a statuary fix. The counting will have enormous ability to be manipulated after the votes are cast. The time set or fixed times is just an small tweak.
The third change in the Election laws are the thumb print that each voter has to get before casting the ballot. This will be sign of ink on the thumb proving that the voter has cast his or hers ballot. It’s a nice fix especially thinking about how the reports was a last election that people and military personal was bussed between voting stations to vote multiple times. With the ink on the finger it should be harder to dupe this one and the officials should easily see the print of ink on the thumb if a person tries to vote twice.
Fourth change is that a nomination fee for representatives for the disability goes up to Shs. 1Millon. There will also be four representatives one each representative from traditional districts: Central, Western, Northern and Eastern. This is in general a nice gesture to the community with applying that the Parliament gets people with special needs to the Parliament from now on.
Fifth change is that each political parties and independent should at least receive the voters register before two weeks before the polling day. This is good thing to give them time to see the registers and check it. Might even give feedback to the Electoral Commission on shortfalls for the registration of voters in districts and municipalities that is necessary, though two weeks are little, if the registers are big who would have the capacity to oversee and scrutinize the register?
Sixth change is the additional new staff each district need. The new staff by the law is now District Election Administrator and Assistant Election Administrator who will look over the Polling and Election in the District. The person who will be hired has to have a moral compass, integrity and not act in a corrupt manner. All of the ones that are put into law are not exceptional this is what they should be as members of society and also professional people delivering and serving their nation and government so that the citizens can be sure of a valid result. A result and poll that is efficient and following procedure so that the tally can be justified and also being correct. Because if the Election Administrator doing their job and picking the right people, not letting the Electoral Commission having ability to trick the numbers or anybody else. Then the ballots and elections would be less rigged and actual have trustworthy people doing their jobs. If not, this is just a nice on paper and we still see the same issues in the Districts and clear the ballots for a free and fair election in 2016.
Seventh change is the publication in the Gazette or in print media. Where the Voters roll will be published, that is just a good thing. And proving to the public that the results getting official and can be explained. That should have already been there and is basic of official and public order, with this the Electoral Commission proves that it does it actual job in the election.
This all should be seen as interesting and see if this get voted in. If this gets official law it will have some effect on certain aspects on the coming election and the later by-elections as well. Since the signs of the public and local display will be visual with the thumb print and the District Electoral Administrator getting a vital role in procedures of the polling. Also the establishment of higher nomination fees for Presidential Candidates and also Special Disability representative which is total 4 representative one from each traditional regions. That is a great sign of all of the laws.
I don’t want to write for the third time what the laws says, but the issue is that it’s really patchwork and also quick fixes. If they will play big in the election is time to tell. And see if the next Commonwealth Report of 2016 will be as harsh as it was on Presidential Election in 2011. Peace.
When you have been in charge for a long time and no strategies to secure your position, it might be natural start campaigning as a politician with the results and the achievements that been made. A good politician would address the public with the progress and build on what has already been built. But this long term politician and president Yoweri Kaguta Museveni doesn’t do that in the run-up to the presidential election in 2016. Instead, He uses a whole other tool to bring the masses and secure his position in the country. His words are fearmongering and sectarianism, and that only he can keep order of the army. Which can’t be true and doesn’t look wise of a supposed statesman of his caliber, instead he speaks to his fellow countrymen like they need his guns and rigging to be sure of security. These quotes will show from July to August this year of how he speaks of his own regime and the necessary firepower for his reign.
President Museveni said in the 16th of May through the statehouse channel that “I have been involved in the politics of Uganda for 51 years and I have experienced the cost of the politics of lies. So please I advise you to avoid them and stop misleading the population. I have heard some people use bad words like National Resistance Movement is bad for West Nile. Such a statement is poisonous and dangerous for national unity and development” (…) “When we overthrew Idi Amin ourselves, the Uganda People’s Congress with the support from Tanzania, we pleaded with the UPC leaders not to punish the people of West Nile because of the mistakes of Amin as an individual. The UPC leaders did not listen to us and instead imported criminality in West Nile because it was Amin’s home area leading to many deaths and forcing almost all West Nile people into exile in Sudan and DRC” (…) “I drove to Kaya myself near Oraba in Sudan when we had come into leadership and met two families. I asked them if they were Ugandans and they said yes and I asked them what they were doing in Sudan and the message went on. The others followed and today West Nile which was abandoned is one of the most populated areas of Uganda. So politicians please stop meddling in lies, just like the Bible puts it; say the truth it will set you free” (Uganda Statehouse, 2015).
According to him on the 21th July 2015: “We have built a strong army but it’s not a dictatorship and needs a well founded and clear headed leadership to be sure that the country’s future is safe. Even if you have a strong army without clear political leadership you can’t guarantee national peace and transformation therefore value your vote because it counts” (…) “We took a leadership decision to strengthen the army against the wishes of many other players because we had realized that insecurity was bred out of the weaknesses in the army and by 2003 we had defeated Kony and you can see the development taking place in Northern Uganda. We have totally defeated Allied democratic forces and arrested their leader Jamil Mukulu who should tell us why they have been killing Ugandans and they can never attack Uganda because they will pay a heavy price” (Waswa, 2015).
On 24th of June he said: “There is peace in Uganda. No one has the capacity to destabilize Uganda” (Uganda Media Centre, 2015).
The President said on 31th July 2015: “We have built a strong army but it’s not a dictatorship and needs a well founded and clear headed leadership to be sure that the country’s future is safe. Even if you have a strong army without clear political leadership you can’t guarantee national peace and transformation therefore value your vote because it counts” (Lutaaya, 2015).
On the 5th of August he said: “he historical agreed that as a way forward, I come and pick these nomination forms and I offer myself for the position of party chairman and NRM presidential candidates for the period 2015-2021” (Omara, 2015).
The President even said on 6th August: “No one should poison your minds with wrong ideology based on tribe” (…) “If evidence is adduced, your victory will be annulled.” (…) “Leaders should be chosen based ability on to uplift the standard of living of the people not on ethnicity” (…) “We defeated ADF and ensured peace. Leadership premised on tribes will destabilize the area” (Ayiswa, 2015).
On his own web page, he quoted on 6th of August: “Let leaders tell you what they want to do for you and their usefulness and leave your tribes because all tribes and people were created by God and none of us created any person. Not even the children that I have and all of you. We are not our own creation. We are all gifts from God; so don’t divide God’s people” (…) “I am not campaigning but when time comes, I will come here and tell you that NRM defeated rebels and brought peace to this region and I will ask you to vote NRM on those grounds not on tribal or religious basis because sectarian politics is evil. Uganda is peaceful, united and developing and nobody should divide Ugandans and spoil all the gains the country has realized” (Museveni, 2015).
Other part of his campaign:
He even sent messages to the people; the President had to send his message to the people literally. Even sent SMS to all the people owning phones in the country, and it wasn’t just to NRM members, but all the telecoms users of their service like the once using Airtel (Kaaya, 2015).
Now, here is a gist!
How the Police keeps the posters of the President on the walls everywhere:
Fred Enaga said: “The president is the fountain of honour and he enjoys absolute immunity for whatever actions and enjoys structural advantages. You cannot just pull down his pictures under whatever circumstances” (…) “But even then, he has not come out to make such pronouncement (that he will run in the 2016 presidential elections),” (Tumwine, 2015).
How his army men fears him or misunderstood love:
Army Chief Brig Elly Kayanja says: “I am fully aware of the regulation that stops us (soldiers) from engaging in partisan politics but personally, I cannot hide my love and loyality to NRM and to President Museveni”. Vincent Bamulangaki Ssempijja says this: “We fear Museveni so much because he was our bush war leader, so we cannot just easily talk to him” (…) “When he (Museveni) comes to a cabinet meeting, we discuss issues of government and, after that, none of us get the chance to talk to him. Its very few amongst us who can call him, and likewise, he also calls a few of us” (TheInsider.ug, 2015).
All of this sectarianism treats isn’t strong enough to put a kettle on and see if the water is boiling. Because that`s what he is said that if you vote for something else then his, then your diffusing and voting actual ethnic reasons then NRM. Which we all know by now is a bit foolish, even though a party has their strongholds in the country. That is normal anywhere in the world. Certain parties have a stronger vibe in one area than the next because of the leadership of the party in that area and the public will recognize that they have. So that isn’t sectarianism, more given credit to the locals that are credit due.
The security issue that he continues to ponder on that, isn’t un-suspected. In other part of the country it’s all that he has to show for while being in power. So that he also uses the strong-man and big-man has to control the UPDF and the army to keep things secure isn’t something that should come as lightning on a clear sky, instead should be as visible as rainwater in the streets after a rain-shower. It is true that the current president is the reason why the UPDF and UPF are so strong and also as massive as it is. But he can’t believe his own words that he is the ONLY leader who got the power to command this brigades, right? If so, then he has lost his plot. That he is the sole reason for the peace in the Northern Uganda and also that the ADF has lost it strength over time, also their main leader which is now having court-time for his actions. I am sure that their more than one person who should get credit, also the support from SPLA and FARDC to push LRA into C.A.R. where the UPDF is still continuing the hunt. That the generals in the UPDF admire and fear their commander in chief isn’t unexpected though they are kind of over the line when even the president himself has said earlier that UPDF generals should not join into politics and they obviously do!
And that he drops gig songs isn’t new. I will not discuss the second song from the President (since I, myself is not a big fan). That is utter nonsense. But what is worthy of the campaign is the SMS sent to all the ones with SIM-cards for certain companies and not only for NRM members. That means that the President has bought the airtime and lists of numbers that the company has and maybe even violated its nation privacy laws. No matter what laws you have it’s a shady way of spreading your own vision to world. Isn’t it enough that they print your own views day in and day out in the New Vision?
A Timeline for how the Police and other institutions have gone after the opposition in the recent months before the 2016 elections:
The Amama Mbabazi planned to start his campaign and have demonstrations on the 15th of June as a “Presidential Aspiration” in the NRM party in Kampala. The day before the Press Secretary of Uganda Police Fred Enanga that if Amama Mbabazi did so it would be: “Therefore, whoever is involved in organizing the demonstrations, or intends to participate in them will be in violation of the law, and will face criminal sanctions in accordance with the law”. IGP Kale Kayihura sent a letter preceding that the Amama Mbabazi campaigning that he needed to be careful about holding public meetings as a presidential aspiration on the 23rd of June. On the 24th of June a letter from the Mbabazi lawyers addressing the IGP Kale Kayihura wasn’t correct according to the law. Because a person in the NRM party should be allowed to ‘run’ for the “Presidential Aspiration” and hold public meetings to gain more popularity for his elections.
Even on the 8th of July the Uganda Communication Commission and their Executive Director Godfrey Mutabazi who wrote to all Medias in Uganda that they have to be careful with the messages and what kind of voices they spread to the press either if it is radio, tv, newspapers and other formats. On the 9th of July Dr. Kizza Besigye was arrested by the UPF when going from Kasangati in Wakiso Disctrict when he was supposed to start his political campaign for his presidential front runner for the FDC. He was admitted on a “preventative arrest” from the Police. Even the Insepctor General of Police Mr. Okot-Ochola on 13th of July wrote a warning letter the FDC on their public meetings and explaining to them how the “Public Order Management Bill” works.
“Team Amama Mbabazi for President 2016-2021” had one NRM Youth Leader named Vincent Kaggwa that lost his ranks and was missing from 18th of July until 20th of June because he wore a T-Shirt with Amama Mbabazi.
After rallies in Jinja and Iganga on the 21st of July, Dr. Kizza Besigye was supposed to have an interview on Radio Baba/87.7 Basogo Baino FM. Only minutes into it the transmitter for the radio station was turned off by the government. On the 8th of August Dr. Kizza Besigye was not allowed to travel from his home and into a meeting at the American embassy in Kampala.
Even in Lira when FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye had a rally in town. The police was all over town held the town under Siege the whole of 10th of August. In Padre the day after the FDC wasn’t able to hold a decent rally in the 11th of August the local police took the microphone from one of the FDC leaders holding it and Dr. Kizza Besigye wasn’t able to hold at the venue, instead the police went mad and trough tear-gas and beat the people attending. On the 14th of August the Lord Mayor of Kampala DP Erias Lukwago was blocked to attending as a speaker on a seminar on the Makerere University.
I have no plan of going into too deep waters with this time line. Since this is a picturesque and historical how the progression of the police and other institutions are going after the opposition parties and those who are going against him as the flag-bearer and presidential candidate in the NRM party. It’s obvious that it’s nearly daily for months now that the regime has tracked and gone against those who isn’t following the president and NRM regime, even if the comply to the rules and laws of the Public Order Mangement Bill/Act, still they will be incriminated or threaten and violate common sense with sending troops with tear-gas and beating people up for showing up to FDC rallies. Then also to top it all off they have without being judged in court taken people to custody for wearing a Team Amama Mbabazi shirt in Kampala. This should be seen as something foolish and not as actions of rule of law. The fear the president is spreading with his words and actions is astonishing.
With being in this day and age we should expect of something else of our presidents and prime ministers. This is a leader he has been educated back in the day, though seem to forget the lessons he had learned there. In his thesis written about Frantz Fanon he wrote: “The process of creating the subjective conditions is as hard as the organising of revolution itself. However, it can be accelerated by various devices. The most important thing is to win confidence of the masses. It is necessary for all the local cadres or ‘terrainers’ as they sometimes called, indeed for all the activists that seek to enlist support of the masses, to lead a pure, exemplary and, most preferably, ascetic life. The person seduce peasents’ wives or daughters, will never win the confidence of the masses. Though personal example, political propaganda – in the simplest language about the simple and, to begin with, parochial problems – and through demonstrating the power of the people vis-à-vis the enemy, the cadres are able to create the subjective conditions, a fully and politically conscious people, that are indispensable for the revolution” (Museveni, 1971).
When he could write this and stand behind this words while being a student and seeing how he comes with force and fear now. His mind can’t be the same as it was. We should expect something else from somebody that makes the population either eat the fear or he actually never won “the confidence of the masses”. The president has surely forgotten these words while he stated in his speeches and outlets during start of his campaign for Uganda Presidential Election in 2016. That the Police Spokesman is saying that people don’t have the right to take down posters from the walls. He should already know that it’s not right how he speaks and acts. Generals are even afraid of him. Even quoted some members of the MPs who feels the same when he is around! So he is not the example he supposed to be anymore. So if the people are politically conscious they should by his own-old-selves be able to brush his fears off, right?
And also the speeches and daily acts against opposition should be addressed by bigger multilateral institutions and nations so that this “so called” and “multiparty democracy” isn’t really an actual state of affairs the country and republic of Uganda should be proud of. The way that the NRM regime is hurting its radios and newspapers, how it goes against the FDC leaders and certain DP leaders. Even though who’s has become independent and not dependent on the “Mzee” or the President of Museveni. It’s the same natural and calm level of fear that the president Museveni are both speaking in his speeches and acting out with the UPF and the UPDF. If this is his way to regain his popular stance somebody or even a presidential advisor! The Presidential Advisor should ask him behind closed doors “have you lost the plot?”
Ayiswa, Issa – ‘Museveni warns those pedaling sectarian talk risk losing seats (06.08.2015) link: http://www.ofuganda.co.ug/articles/20150806/museveni-warns-those-pedaling-sectarian-talk-risk-losing-seats#sthash.TgvP4A2E.dpuf
Kaaya, Sadab Kitatta – ‘Uproar over unsolicited Museveni campaign SMS’ (10.08.2015) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/39174-uproar-over-unsolicited-museveni-campaign-sms
Lutaaya, Henry – ‘Museveni exploits incumbency ahead of 2016’ (31.07.2015) link: http://www.sunrise.ug/news/201507/museveni-exploits-incumbency-ahead-of-2016.html
Museveni, Yoweri – ’Sectarian politicians to be arrested, prosecuted” – Museveni’ (06.08.2015) link: www.yowerikmuseveni.com/news/%E2%80%9Csectarian-politicians-be-arrested-prosecuted%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-museveni#sthash.aJNiX7oP.dpuf
Museveni, Yoweri – ‘FANON’S THEORY ON VIOLENCE: ITS VERIFICATION IN LIBERATED MOZAMBIQUE’: which was an essay/thesis in “Essays on the Liberation of Southern Africa”, Tanzania Publication House (Released in 1971).
TheInsider.ug – ‘Army Chief, minister confess love, fear for Museveni’ (05.08.2015) link:
Tumwine, Albert – ‘We cannot pull down Museveni posters- Police’ (16.07.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/We-cannot-pull-down-Museveni-posters–Police/-/688334/2753854/-/lr6i1x/-/index.html
Omara, Chris – ‘The journey to 2016 and beyond under Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (YKM)’ (05.08.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/671825-the-journey-to-2016-and-beyond-under-gen-yoweri-kaguta-museveni-ykm.html
Uganda Media Centre – ‘“No one has capacity to Destabilize Uganda” (24.07.2015) link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/news/%E2%80%9Cno-one-has-capacity-destabilize-uganda%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-president-museveni#sthash.9ovML4Po.dpuf
Uganda Statehouse – ‘President Museveni warns politicians on lies and sectarianism’ (15.06.2015) link: http://www.statehouse.go.ug/media/news/2015/05/15/president-museveni-warns-politicians-lies-and-sectarianism
Waswa, Sam – ‘Museveni: UPDF Needs Clear-headed Political Leadership’ (21.07.2015) link: http://chimpreports.com/museveni-updf-needs-clear-headed-political-leadership/
Today the results came from the Electoral Commission in Burundi wasn’t unexpected. We all knew that would happen. It’s not really much to say. We all expected it and there wasn’t really much news value in that. Other than the Government of Burundi will go into an uncertain future. With People of Burundi will not recognizing that Pierre Nkurunzia is again for the third time president of the Country. The president can use the High Court judgement, but that doesn’t stop the foreign pressure or local dissidence. The situation will be fragmented and sore wound after the violence want give more legitimacy to the President of Burundi. EAC had Election Observation Mission on the Election Day and has followed the election apparently. While the African Union and European Union suspended their missions and observers to it. So that they wanted to show that they didn’t’ want legitimacy to the actions of the president. There been oppressive actions towards the opposition in the country after the Coup d’état in the country. I think that the Preliminary Statement of the Election is worthy for everybody who follow Burundi show read it. Enjoy. Peace.
The East African Community deployed an Election Observation Mission (EOM) to the Republic of Burundi for the 21 July 2015 Presidential Election. Hon. Abubakar Zein, a Member of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), was the Head of the Mission and has released the Preliminary Statement of the Mission as below:
The East African Community Election Observation Mission to the Presidential Election of 21 July 2015 in the Republic of Burundi – PRELIMINARY STATEMENT, Bujumbura, 23 July 2015-
- In response to the invitation by the Independent National Electoral Commission of Burundi (CENI); the Standing Decision of the East African Community (EAC) Council of Ministers to observe elections in all EAC Partner States and the Decision of the 3rd EAC Emergency Summit on Burundi of 6 July 2015, the EAC deployed an Election Observation Mission (EOM) to the Republic of Burundi for the 21 July 2015 Presidential Election.
- The EAC EOM was led by Hon. Abubakar Zein, a Member of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) and comprised 25 members drawn from the EALA, National Electoral Management Bodies, National Human Rights Commissions, Ministries of EAC Affairs, and Civil Society Organizations from four EAC Partner States namely the Republic of Kenya, the Republic of Rwanda, the United Republic of Tanzania, and the Republic of Uganda. The Mission deployed seven teams to observe the polling and counting processes in Bujumbura, Gitega, Ngozi, Kirundo, Mwaro, Muramvya, Karuzi, Muyinga, Rumonge, Bururi and Makamba Provinces.
- The EAC has followed the Burundi electoral process since January 2015 through consultative sessions by the EAC Eminent Persons (PEP), Pre-Election Assessment Mission (PEMi), the EAC Council of Ministers and EAC Emergency Summits. Through these initiatives, the EAC, while appreciating the state of affairs, identified challenges facing the electoral process and made appropriate recommendations. The Mission’s findings are also informed by the report of the aforementioned initiatives.
- This statement contains preliminary findings, recommendations and conclusions made by the Mission based on independent observation, interaction with electoral stakeholders including the CENI, political parties, civil society organizations, security agencies, and the media, among others. As the electoral process is still ongoing, this statement limits itself to the assessment made up to the polling and results counting processes. In due course, the Mission will avail a more detailed final report on the electoral process in Burundi through the EAC policy organs.
- PRELIMINARY FINDINGS
General Political Context
- The political context of the 2015 presidential election has been characterized by the controversy surrounding the incumbent President Pierre Nkurunziza’s candidature for a third term. This was viewed by some actors as a violation of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of 2000 and the Constitution 2005 of Burundi. Other actors maintained that the first term did not count thus, the incumbent qualifies to vie in the 2015 presidential election. The incumbent’s nomination on 25 April 2015 sparked demonstrations in Bujumbura and some parts of the country which turned violent.
- The confirmation of the incumbent’s candidature by the Constitutional Court resulted in the deterioration of security situation and the prevailing political impasse in the country. There were persistent violent protests and an attempted coup d’état on 13 May 2015 which resulted in scores of deaths and deterioration of the human rights situation in the country. From the foregoing background, there was an influx of refugees estimated to be around 150,000, some of whom were registered voters, to neighboring countries including the Republic of Rwanda, the United Republic of Tanzania, the Republic of Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
- Successive dialogues mediated by the Joint International Facilitation Team comprising the EAC, African Union, United Nations and International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) were convened between Government, opposition representatives and other stakeholders in order to resolve the political stalemate. There were three successive EAC Emergency Summits on the situation in Burundi, and subsequent appointment of President Yoweri Museveni of the Republic of Uganda to facilitate a High Level Political Dialogue in a bid to resolve the political stalemate. The Mission noted that the Political Dialogue was postponed on the eve of the election without consensus.
- The presidential election which was initially scheduled to take place on 26 June 2015 was postponed to 15 July 2015 following a request by the EAC 2nd Emergency Summit and eventually to 21 July 2015. The 3rd EAC Emergency Summit requested for a delay until 30 July 2015 in order to allow for dialogue and consensus building on contentious issues among all the stakeholders.
- Lack of political consensus on key issues on the electoral process during the High Level Dialogue including the election calendar, insecurity, the candidature of the incumbent president, return of refugees, media freedoms and civil liberties, perpetuated uncertainty and fear. This state of affairs contributed to some opposition candidates withdrawing from the presidential race.
Legal and Institutional Framework
- The 2015 presidential election is governed by the Constitution 2005 and a set of laws regulations and decrees. The Constitution provides for fundamental rights and freedoms which are important for the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Article 8 of the Constitution provides for election by equal and universal suffrage. The suffrage is also extended to the citizens in diaspora thereby guaranteeing their enfranchisement.
- Whilst the framework is adequate for the conduct of democratic elections in Burundi, there have been violations of the fundamental civil and political rights that limited citizen participation in the electoral process. For instance, the attempted coup d’état heightened the closure of several private media outlets thereby impacting on the rights to freedom of expression. Similarly, this denied the citizens an alternative source of information that is critical in making an informed choice in the election.
- The amendment of the Electoral Code 2014, introduced the use of a single ballot paper that replaced the multiple ballot system. The Mission is of the opinion that this reform is a positive measure as it is able to contribute to enhancing the secrecy of the ballot as well as the overall cost of administration of elections but needed to be accompanied by adequate voter education.
- The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) is the election management body in Burundi comprising five commissioners who are appointed by the President subject to approval of the National Assembly. While CENI enjoys constitutional independence, it does not enjoy the confidence of a substantial proportion of stakeholders. The desertion of the Vice President and one Commissioner as well as withdrawal of members of the Catholic Church from the CENI structures in May 2015 impacted on public’s perception on the credibility of CENI.
- The Constitutional Court has the jurisdiction to arbitrate election disputes for Presidential and legislative elections in Burundi. It is also tasked with announcement of final election results for presidential election. While the Court constitutionally enjoys independence and impartiality, the desertion of the Vice President of the Court impacted on public’s perception on the credibility of the Court.
Voter Registration and Voters’ Roll
- There were a total of 3,849,728 registered voters for the 2015 elections. The first voter registration exercise was conducted between November and December 2014. The CENI made efforts to enfranchise more voters in March 2015 through a partial voter registration upon the request of political parties and also allowed for inspection of the voters’ roll by the parties.
- The Mission noted that the two-step voter registration process was operationally cumbersome. The registrants were issued with a récépissé (waiting slip) and were later to be issued with a voter’s card. The two-step process affected the distribution of the voter cards as the cards had not been distributed by 26 May 2015, being the initial date of parliamentary and communal elections before the postponement of polls.
- All political parties and candidates should be allowed to campaign freely as per the law and with due regard to expression of fundamental freedoms of association, assembly and speech in line with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. According to the Electoral Code, the election campaign lasts for 14 days.
- The campaign environment was generally tense and characterized by fear and uncertainty. The political stalemate surrounding the candidature of the incumbent president, concerns relating to the security of candidates and their supporters and the subsequent postponement of polls impacted the electoral process and implementation of the campaign calendar.
- Some candidates to the presidential election participated in the political dialogue aimed at resolving the political stalemate, a process that took place during the campaign period. This impacted on the candidates’ ability to solicit for votes and for the voters to make informed decisions on leaders of their choice. This uncertainty was further accentuated by the reported withdrawal of some candidates from the presidential race, a few days before the polls.
- An already constrained media in a shrinking democratic space was further affected by the attempted coup d état. The media environment during the electoral process was affected by the ongoing political stalemate. During the period of the failed coup d’état, five private media outlets were destroyed on 13 and 14 May 2015, namely, Radio and Television REMA, Radio and Television Renaissance, Radio Isanganiro, Radio Publique Africaine (RPA), and Radio Sans Frontiere Bonesha FM. The limited access to alternative sources of information apart from the State broadcaster, especially during the electioneering period, limited space for pluralistic ideas and impacted upon the playing field among political competitors. This in turn constrained the options for voters to be adequately informed on the electoral process and make informed choices.
- The Presidential election in Burundi was held against a backdrop of a tense and violent pre-election period. April to June 2015 witnessed some of the most violent incidents, including a failed coup d’état. Arising from the observed pattern of behaviour over the period, and following a risk assessment mapping, it was noted that the Provinces of Cibitoke, Bubanza and Kayanza had experienced unprecedented violence over the three weeks preceding the presidential polls.
- On the eve of the polls, there were incidents of shooting, grenade attack and subsequent reports of three deaths in Bujumbura which heightened fear among the population. It was also noted that within Bujumbura city, the following areas were restive with unpredictable security environment: Cibitoke, Mutakura, Buterere, Ngagara, Jabe, Nyakabiga, Kanyosha and Musaga. The Mission did not deploy observers in the above captioned regions as a result of the unpredictable security environment. However, there was relative calm in other parts of the country.
Civic and Voter Education
- The conduct of civic and voter education had challenges and was exacerbated by insufficient funding. The withdrawal of funding by development partners impacted on the voter education which led to reprioritization of resources by the Government of Burundi. In this regard, the Mission noted that voter education initiatives were minimal despite CENI having introduced a single ballot paper of which voters needed to be adequately educated.
Polling and Counting Processes
- The EAC observers visited a total of 80 polling stations. The polling process was generally calm and peaceful. Whereas most stations opened on time, some opened later than the stipulated time of 6:00am. In some stations, voting had not started as late as 10.00 am. In Bujumbura, anxiety over insecurity and late arrival of election materials impacted on the timely opening of the polls.
- In most polling stations visited, polling personnel were present and election materials were in adequate quantity. The polling personnel generally managed the polling process in a professional manner. Apart from the CNDD-FDD party agents who were present in all stations visited by the EAC Observers, there was a notable absence of party agents of most opposition political parties despite the obligatory requirement by Electoral Code.
- Beside the EAC observers, the Mission noted the presence of domestic observers and international observers from the MENUB, ICGLR, as well as embassies of Tanzania, Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya. Most polling stations closed at 4pm as stipulated in the Electoral Code. The counting process took place immediately after the closure of the polls and registered no incident in all polling stations visited by EAC observers.
- The EAC observers noted that the voter turnout was generally ranged from low to average in most polling stations visited.
- Based on the above findings, the EAC Election Observation Mission to the 21 July 2015 presidential election makes the following recommendations:
a) To All National Stakeholders:
Pursue an all-inclusive and honest dialogue in order to find a sustainable solution to the political impasse prevailing in Burundi.
b) To the Government: Ensure that peace and security is guaranteed for all citizens of Burundi; Undertake measures to ensure that law and order is maintained in a manner that uphold respect for human rights;
iii. Ensure that there is adequate funding for the conduct of elections;
– Undertake measures to ensure safe return and reintegration of refugees in Burundi;
– Undertake capacity building measures to strengthen and enhance the efficiency of governance institutions to promote sustainable democratic development;
– Enhance the capacity of security agencies in respecting the fundamental human rights of the citizens while maintaining law order;
vii. Undertake measures to remove restrictions on media freedom and allow private media.
c) To Parliament:
– Pursue legal and institutional reforms aimed at safeguarding the independence of the CENI and the Judiciary;
– Delink the registration of political parties from the Ministry of Interior.
d) To CENI:
– Consider merging of voter registration and issuance of voters cards in order to enhance operational efficiency and minimize the challenges experienced in the 2015 electoral process;
– Undertake voter education in collaboration with relevant stakeholders to enhance public awareness and participation in electoral processes.
e) To the East African Community:
Continue engagement with all stakeholders to find a sustainable solution to the prevailing political impasse in the country.
f) To the International Community:
Sustain engagement with the Government and all national stakeholders in order to address the prevailing political, social and economic challenges in the country.
The people of Burundi have enjoyed relative peace since the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of 2000, which constitutes the bedrock for building democracy, sustainable peace and development in the country. The Mission notes that the electoral period has been characterised by anxiety and uncertainty. The Mission notes with concern that successive efforts to build consensus through inclusive dialogue among Burundi stakeholders have not been successful.
- The Mission noted that there was relative peace on the polling day. However, the principle of choice was generally hampered by among others, insecurity ( a general feeling of fear and despondency in some parts of the country), confinement of democratic space, civil liberties including freedom of speech, assembly, media, campaigning and the boycott by opposition parties.
- The electoral process fell short of the principles and standards for holding free, fair, peaceful, transparent and credible elections as stipulated in various international, continental as well as the EAC Principles of Election Observation and Evaluation.
- The EAC Observation Mission urges all stakeholders to maintain calm and to re-engage in candid and inclusive dialogue in order to find sustainable solution to the political impasse prevailing in Burundi.
- The Mission would like to thank and extend its profound gratitude to the people and the Government of Burundi, CENI and MENUB for their cooperation during the mission.
Issued at Royal Palace Hotel, Bujumbura this 23 July 2015
Hon. Zein Abubakar
Head of Mission
Recently there been reports that yet again the government of Uganda has decided to split a certain numbers of counties into 39 new counties and in the end make the total amount of Member of Parliament (MPs) to 424 (Kisakye, 2015). This can only been seen as a calculated plan to gain more MPs by the government party to reign over this new counties. I will go through who will have to fight for new constituency and votes in newly created counties that the government wishes. This will be after the list that was on the Observer. I will take district after district. An over time I think you’ll see a pattern.
Agago County MPs:
|John Amos Okot||NRM|
|Judith Franca Akello||FDC|
Amuria County MPs:
|Francis Musa Ecweru||NRM|
Manjiya County MPs:
Bukedea County MPs:
|George Stephen Ekuma||NRM|
|Rose Akol Okullu||NRM|
Bukomansimbi County MPs:
|Deogratius (Deo) Kiyingi||DP|
Bulambuli County MPs:
|Irene Nafuna Muloni||NRM|
Dokolo County MPs:
|Felix Okot Ogong||NRM|
|Cecilla Barbera Atim Ogwal||FDC|
Gomba County MPs:
|Rosemary Muyinda Najjemba||NRM|
|Kyabangi Katusiime Nakato||NRM|
Kilak County MPs:
|Betty Bigombe Atuku||NRM|
Dodoth East – Kaabong County MPs:
Bulamogi County – Kaliro District MPs:
Kibuku County MPs:
|Moses Saleh Wilson Kamba||NRM|
|Sarah Mwebaza Wanene||NRM|
Nyabushozi County MPs:
|Beatrice Rusaniya Namala Barumba||NRM|
Kibanda County MPs:
|Sam Owor Amooti Otada||Independent|
Chua County MPs:
|Henry Okello Oryem||NRM|
|Beatrice Anywar Atim||FDC|
Kole County MPs:
|Joy Ruth Acheng||UPC|
Kumi County MPs:
|Patrick Oboi Amuriat||FDC|
|Christine Hellen Amongin Aporu||NRM|
Kiboga West County MPs:
|Ann Maria Nankabirwa||NRM|
Kyaka County MPs:
|William Ngabu Kwemara||NRM|
|Flavia Kabahenda Rwabuhoro||NRM|
Mwenge North County MPs:
Luuka County MPs:
|John B. Ngobi Bagoole||Independent|
|Evelyn Naome Mpagni N. Kaabule||NRM|
Maracha County MPs:
|Ruth Molly Ondoru Lematia||NRM|
Kashari County MPs:
Ruhinda County MPs:
Matheniko County MPs:
|Dr. John Baptist Lokii||NRM|
Aruu County MPs:
|CD Oketayot Lowila||NRM|
|Samuel Otto Odonga||FDC|
Kooki County MPs:
Mawogola County MPs:
|Sam Kahamba Kutesa||NRM|
|Anifa Kawooya Bangirana||NRM|
Soroti County MPs:
|Michael George Mukula||NRM|
Okoro County MPs:
|Stanley Oribdhogu Omwonya||NRM|
Butebo County MPs:
|Stephen Oscar Malinga||NRM|
Tororo County MPs:
Kibaale County MPs:
|Frank Kagyigyi Tumwebaze||NRM|
Aringa County MPs: (Will be three more districts)
|Achile Manoah Mile||UPC|
|Abason Huda Oleru||NRM|
Bugahya County MPs:
|James Kiiza Rwebembera||NRM|
Koboko County MPs:
|Margreth Diri Bara||NRM|
Kassanda County MPs:
|Thembo George William Nyombi||NRM|
East Moyo County MPs:
In numbers of the MPs that is on the line and getting new districts to get votes for re-elections in the 2016 elections. This here will be decisive for them. AS you can see that even some district has big birds and people who have been in the wind for a long time like Otafiire from Ruhinda County. But now let me show the numbers:
|NRM (National Resistance Movement)||45||69%|
|FDC (Forum for Democratic Change)||8||12%|
|DP (Democratic Party)||2||3%|
|UPC (Uganda People’s Congress)||3||4.6%|
|Total Sum of MPS:||65||100%|
This should be call on how the NRM wish to split the votes in certain areas so that they can eat more of the votes in next election. That they can take more of the independent votes and also from the opposition parties like FDC.
Let me show the areas that are being split not just name of main counties. Since Uganda has been split to smaller and smaller fractions and now is hard to remember where the “original” bigger counties where before they got into the humongous number of 424. So let see here:
|Part of the Country||Total Couties:|
|Buganda||VI – 6|
|Ankole||IIII – 4|
|Kigezi||0 – 0|
|Toro||II – 2|
|Bunyoro||II – 2|
|Acholi||VI – 6|
|West Nile||IIII – 4|
|Lango||II – 2|
|Karamoja||I – 1|
|Teso||III – 3|
|Sebei||0 – 0|
|Bugisha||0 – 0|
|Bukedi||II – 2|
|Busoga||V – 5|
(Aringa County will become three counties – North/South and Yumbe)
If you can quickly see it’s the central regions that have a certain level of changes like in the Ankole, Busoga, Bunyoro and Buganda. The number of counties which is changing in the central/eastern is 17 of 39. Other areas that are also getting a renovation from the government are the Acholi, West Nile and Karamoja which is the Northern parts of Uganda. The total of areas that will be changed is 13 of 39. Those total 30 of the 39. So it’s easily to see where the main changes are happening. Sometimes in the heartland of the opposition parties than in the Movement territory, so if you think otherwise. Look at the numbers and see even if this is going after 69% of the MPs are NRM. We all know that around Mbale and up north has voted for DP more than NRM in history. FDC is also gaining more grown in eastern, central and western areas. Therefore NRM fearing this, FDC candidate even won in Amuru by-election in November 2014. So that the Government is making a change in the districts around isn’t surprising. But let’s look at the other part of this changes that I haven’t touched on yet. Not the number game, but the real election game.
This strategy is amazing. The way you split counties to reassure and get more loyalty from the new LDC then before. Therefore doing this so close to the election makes the 40 new counties and 40 new MPs. Also open up new constituency and voter’s numbers that need to be secure to get the MP for a county in. Thirdly and last point is that the history of voting in an area get diminish because the new counties. This will lead to smaller counties and need less people to vote the MP in the area. That can be either a gift or a curse. That the counties are getting to be smaller populations so that their easier to manipulate since their no current voting history in this counties. So that the loyalist will get more positions during next elections and also getting new LDCs that will supposedly to give the local community more control and also support the governments work in the areas. Like getting supervision over the primary school and police I guess. But we all know that this is more securing the NRM government more control over the areas and getting the loyal supporters of the Mzee becoming MPs and also making new counties to disfranchise the opposition if possible. That this areas are also in places where the Independent MPs are coming from and just a few big shots like Kahinda Otafiire. I look forward to see the results from the Presidential General Election of 2016. Hope you do as well in the new counties and see if the MPs from the 9th Parliament will arrive from the new counties.
Just a by the way – on the information flow:
The irony of it all, I couldn’t find the MPs on the Parliaments own site or government official sites online. I found the best by the sites that are targeted by the government. Like the lists from Uganda at Heart had an awesome and amazing list. Second list was from an anti-corruption NGO from Uganda. So the one that isn’t supposed to be friendly with the government is the one that has organized it the best and that is a rare instance. Because a brother expect to easily see who represent them. Taxation with representation, the parliament page of the Ugandan government isn’t sufficient or a page that is really working. Hope that Hostalite and make them a better page indeed. And the Parliament Watch site was ten times better. Where I could double check the result of the General Election of 2011 was from the elected MPs from the Electoral Commission of Uganda. I am grateful that one supposed to be unbiased governmental institution has certain information to the public so I could verify what I found at Uganda at Heart and also the information from Parliamentary Watch. Thanks! Peace.
Kisakye, Frank – ‘Govt creates 39 new counties, number of MPs rises to 424’ (15.07.2015) Link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/38782-govt-creates-39-new-counties-mps-rise-to-424
ELECTORAL REFORMS TO ESTABLISH A CREDIBLE ELECTIONS MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN UGANDA
1. Thank you Chairman and Members of the Committee for inviting the FDC to interface with you with regard to your ongoing work on constitutional reforms. As a Party, FDC is part of the non-partisan coalition – the Free and Fair Elections Campaign – whose goal is to advocate for the establishment of a credible electoral management system in Uganda. It is therefore in this context that we address this Committee today.
B. Our Messages to the Committee on Legal and Parliamentary Affairs.
2. As the Forum for Democratic Change, we are obliged to submit the views that are shared across by the citizens of Uganda, organizations and citizens’ formations that subscribe to the Free and Fair Elections Campaign. We are therefore here to deliver three specific messages:
i) Upon careful review of the Bill, we have resisted every temptation to characterize it as “stupid” like several members of this Committee have aptly characterized it. However, the purported Bill represents the growing arrogance and impunity that has come to characterize the Government under the NRMO regime. Consequently, in considering it during these public hearings and the plenary, your task is not so much to consider a bill that is both empty and devoid of substance but also to have the courage and confidence to cut through this arrogance and impunity.
ii) Secondly, the Free and Fair Elections Campaign has been mobilizing citizens across this country to demand for comprehensive electoral reforms to ensure that a credible electoral management system is established. We have previously delivered the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections to the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, as well as all the mandated Governmental of Uganda ministries and agencies. All these agencies have chosen to ignore us and present to you a Bill that does not contain any of our views. We are therefore here to, once again, on behalf of thousands of Ugandans who participated in the Free and Fair Elections Campaign process and thousands others that are signing in support of the Compact, to deliver to you our electoral reform proposals.
iii) Our third message is about the place of the 9th Parliament with regard to the reform process. We recognize that this Parliament is, itself, a result of electoral processes that had fundamental defects, which our proposals seek to address. This Parliament is still a vestige of the “Movement Political System” and the proposed reforms are, in a large part, intended to complete the transition to “Multiparty Political System”. That’s why a “National Dialogue” by citizens, in their most diverse formations, as was attempted in the process that generated the “Uganda Citizens’ Compact on Free and Fair Elections” is a vital and more legitimate source of getting the genuine views of Ugandans on these fundamental political issues.
iv) Finally, the tenure of the 9th Parliament is coming to an end in less than 10 months. For almost 5 years, the 9th Parliament has either by commission or omission failed to respond to the loud voices of the citizens of Uganda to ensure that the Executive introduces appropriate electoral reforms well in time before the scheduled elections in February 2016. Like the Government has done in 2005 and 2010, electoral reforms are brought late to Parliament and you are stampeded to enact peripheral reforms that do not address the structural problems inherent in our electoral system. We are therefore here to implore you not to be stampeded by the Executive once again and through this Committee, to invite the 9th Parliament to join us in demanding for elections after comprehensive reforms have been put in place.
C. About the Free and Fair Elections Campaign
3. The Free and Fair Elections Campaign (FFE Campaign) is a non-partisan effort by Ugandans Citizens in their various formations: political parties, civil society, religious organizations, professional associations, women’s and youth organizations, pro-democracy pressure groups and eminent Ugandans committed to fight for reforms that will result into the establishment of a credible electoral management system to guarantee free and fair elections in our country.
4. The FFE Campaign is a product of the failure by the Parliament of Uganda to do its fundamental constitutional duty and power to legislate for the good governance of our country as it is commended by article 79 of our Constitution. Like the 7th and the 8th Parliament, the 9th Parliament will go down in the annals of our history as abdicating this duty because of its failure to invest in reforming our electoral laws over its 5 year tenure and then scampering and pleading for time during these last days towards the general elections scheduled for 2016. Mr. Chairman and Members, you very well know that you have been around for 5 years and therefore the apparent stampeding of the reform process is your making and hence unwarranted.
D. The Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections
5. As you may be fully aware, the FFE Campaign started three years ago and has been focused on mobilizing citizens to push both the Executive and Parliament to their job and enact appropriate laws to establish a credible electoral management system for our country. The campaign moved with significant momentum in 2014 when numerous public rallies jointly organized by political leaders and civil society were organized across the country.
6. In the second half of 2014, 14 regional forums on free and fair elections were held in:
ii) West Nile
7. Each of these forums was attended by 200-400 political, religious, business and civic leaders representing a wide cross section of our society. An estimated 4,700 citizens directly participated in these forums while thousands engaged through popular radio talk shows. The FFE Campaign process culminated into the National Consultation on Free and Fair Elections, which took place on November 24, 2014. Over 1,300 participants representing political parties, professional and civic organizations, religious leaders and eminent Ugandans attended the National Consultation. Although the National Resistance Movement Organization (NRMO) did not send an official delegation, NRMO leaders (at least 17% of all representation from political parties) from across the country attended and participated fully in the deliberations.
8. The Free and Fair Elections Campaign also took into account fairly comprehensive proposals prepared and submitted by:
i) The Inter-Party Organizations for Dialogue (IPOD)
ii) The Citizens Coalition on Electoral Democracy (CCEDU)
iii) The National Consultative Forum (NCF)
iv) The Electoral Commission (EC), and
v) The Cabinet proposals contained in a matrix published in June 2014.
9. The National Consultation on Free and Fair Elections adopted the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections containing 17 electoral reform proposals and 1 proposals regarding its implementation. We believe that given the nature of the FFE Campaign process, the Citizens Compact reflects a national consensus on the fundamental reforms needed to create a credible electoral management system in the country. Accordingly, we are asking this Committee to recommend to the plenary to enact comprehensive electoral reforms covering the following:
i) Establishment of a new and independent electoral commission.
ii) Ensuring the integrity of the voting process.
iii) Clearly delineating the roles of security agencies in the electoral process and prohibiting the use of Government trained and political party led militia groups.
iv) Securing the integrity of the campaign process.
v) Addressing and dismantling the current system of patronage.
vi) Separating the state from the current ruling party and developing safeguards to ensure that this does not happen in future.
vii) Prohibiting gerrymandering through the creation of new administrative units and electoral constituencies.
viii) Restoring and securing the freedoms to organize and assemble that are continuously being eroded through legislative and administrative actions.
ix) Reforming the system of selecting presiding officers.
x) Securing the process of processing electoral materials.
xi) Ensuring the integrity of the tallying process.
xii) Securing the independence and boosting the integrity of the judiciary as an arbiter for election disputes.
xiii) Strengthen the internal democracy of political parties.
xiv) Preserving the mandate of the electorate regarding their elected representatives.
xv) Reviewing the representation of special interest groups with a view to ending special representation by the UPDF and workers.
xvi) Establishing a more reliable funding architecture for local governments to enhance their autonomy and capacity to deliver public services.
xvii) Restoring and entrenching presidential term limits.
10. Mr. Chairman and Members, on behalf of the thousands of Ugandans who participated in the public rallies, the regional consultation forums and the National Consultation on Free and Fair Elections, and the thousands of Ugandans that continue to sign up in support of the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections, we lay this Compact before you as the legitimate expression of growing national consensus on electoral reforms.
E. The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2015
11. As we have already stated, the purported Bill represents the highest degree of arrogance and impunity with which Government under the NRMO regime approaches matters of importance to our country. This Bill is both empty and devoid of substance. It ignores every common-sense electoral reform proposal contained in the numerous submissions by the Electoral Commission (EC), the Inter-Party Organizations for Dialogue (IPOD), the Citizens Coalition of Electoral Democracy (CCEDU), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Free and Fair Elections Campaign (FFE Campaign). Indeed, it is unfortunate that parliament has to spend Ugandan taxpayers money to enable you spend valuable time to conduct public hearings on this empty Bill. That is why we have chosen not to address any specific aspects of this purported Bill because we find it unwarranted.
F. Our Call to the 9th Parliament
12. We wish to implore this parliament to do everything possible to resist the current course that the Executive has put you on, to drive our country to yet another cliff. As Members may recall, our country has suffered numerous episodes of violence and conflict in the majority of cases triggered by contested elections. In 1980, the current president took up arms and subjected our country to a protracted military conflict leading to the death of an estimated 500,000 people and the decimation of state and civic institutions and the destruction of our economy. Since the promulgation of the 1995 Constitution, which sought to reset the governance button and return our country to sanity and good governance, the results of the elections held in 1996 and 2011 were highly contested because of disputes over a level playing field, which is rooted in our current electoral system and the absence of an independent electoral commission.
13. We end by reminding you and ourselves that this Committee and the Parliament of Uganda does not legislate for the Executive that gave you the purported Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2015. Both the Executive and the Parliament legislate for the Citizens of Ugandan. The Bill before you seeks to disenfranchise us, concentrate power in the office of the President and render this Parliament peripheral in the governance of our country. We therefore implore you to reject the purported bill, use your inherent legislative powers to enact and ensure full implementation of electoral reforms before elections are held. You are our representatives. Listen to us and the sense of reason as contained in the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections and other reform proposals submitted by various citizens platforms as already stated above. And when the history of this country is written again, it can be put on record that when that historical moment as to whether to move backward or forward, the 9th Parliament chose going to the future against going to the past.
For God and My Country
May 19, 2015
26 June 1961
Statement by Nelson Mandela explaining his decision to carry on his political work underground in accordance with the advice of the National Action Council (NAC).
The struggle is my life
The magnificent response to the call of the National Action Council for a three day strike and the wonderful work done by our organisers and field workers throughout the country proves once again that no power on earth can stop an oppressed people determined to win their freedom. In the face of unprecedented intimidation by the government and employers and of blatant falsehoods and distortions by the press, immediately before and during the strike, the freedom loving people of South Africa gave massive and solid support to the historic and challenging resolutions of the Pietermaritzburg Conference. Factory and office workers, businessmen in town and country, students in university colleges, in primary and secondary schools, inspired by genuine patriotism and threatened with loss of employment, cancellation of business licences and the ruin of school careers, rose to the occasion and recorded in emphatic tones their opposition to a White republic forcibly imposed on us by a minority. In the light of the formidable array of hostile forces that stood against us, and the difficult and dangerous conditions under which we worked, the results were most inspiring. I am confident that if we work harder and more systematically, the Nationalist government will not survive for long. No organisation in the world could have withstood and survived the full-scale and massive bombardment directed against us by the government during the last month.
In the history of our country no political campaign has ever merited the serious attention and respect which the Nationalist government gave us. When a government seeks to suppress a peaceful demonstration of an unarmed people by mobilising the entire resources of the State, military and otherwise, it concedes powerful mass support for such a demonstration. Could there be any other evidence to prove that we have become a power to be reckoned with and the strongest opposition to the government? Who can deny the plain fact that ever since the end of last month the issue that dominated South African politics was not the republican celebrations, but our plans for a general strike?
Today is 26 June, a day known throughout the length and breadth of our country as Freedom Day. On this memorable day, nine years ago, eight thousand five hundred of our dedicated freedom fighters struck a mighty blow against the repressive colour policies of the government. Their matchless courage won them the praise and affection of millions of people here and abroad. Since then we have had many stirring campaigns on this date and it has been observed by hundreds of thousands of our people as a day of dedication. It is fit and proper that on this historic day I should speak to you and announce fresh plans for the opening of the second phase in the fight against the Verwoerd republic, and for a National Convention.
You will remember that the Pietermaritzburg Resolutions warned that if the government did not call a National Convention before the end of May, 1961, Africans, Coloureds, Indians and European democrats would be asked not to collaborate with the republic or any government based on force. On several occasions since then the National Action Council explained that the last strike marked the beginning of a relentless mass struggle for the defeat of the Nationalist government, and for a sovereign multi-racial convention. We stressed that the strike would be followed by other forms of mass pressure to force the race maniacs who govern our beloved country to make way for a democratic government of the people, by the people and for the people. A full-scale and countrywide campaign of non-co-operation with the government will be launched immediately. The precise form of the contemplated action, its scope and dimensions and duration will be announced to you at the appropriate time.
At the present moment it is sufficient to say that we plan to make government impossible. Those who are voteless cannot be expected to continue paying taxes to a government which is not responsible to them. People who live in poverty and starvation cannot be expected to pay exorbitant house rents to the government and local authorities. We furnish the sinews of agriculture and industry. We produce the work of the gold mines, the diamonds and the coal, of the farms and industry, in return for miserable wages. Why should we continue enriching those who steal the products of our sweat and blood? Those who exploit us and refuse us the right to organise trade unions? Those who side with the government when we stage peaceful demonstrations to assert our claims and aspirations? How can Africans serve on School Boards and Committees which are part of Bantu Education, a sinister scheme of the Nationalist government to deprive the African people of real education in return for tribal education? Can Africans be expected to be content with serving on Advisory Boards and Bantu Authorities when the demand all over the continent of Africa is for national independence and self-government? Is it not an affront to the African people that the government should now seek to extend Bantu Authorities to the cities, when people in the rural areas have refused to accept the same system and fought against it tooth and nail? Which African does not burn with indignation when thousands of our people are sent to gaol every month under the cruel pass laws? Why should we continue carrying these badges of slavery? Non-collaboration is a dynamic weapon. We must refuse. We must use it to send this government to the grave. It must be used vigorously and without delay. The entire resources of the Black people must be mobilised to withdraw all co-operation with the Nationalist government. Various forms of industrial and economic action will be employed to undermine the already tottering economy of the country. We will call upon the international bodies to expel South Africa and upon nations of the world to sever economic and diplomatic relations with the country.
I am informed that a warrant for my arrest has been issued, and that the police are looking for me. The National Action Council has given full and serious consideration to this question, and has sought the advice of many trusted friends and bodies and they have advised me not to surrender myself. I have accepted this advice, and will not give myself up to a government I do not recognise. Any serious politician will realise that under present-day conditions in this country, to seek for cheap martyrdom by handing myself to the police is naive and criminal. We have an important programme before us and it is important to carry it out very seriously and without delay.
I have chosen this latter course, which is more difficult and which entails more risk and hardship than sitting in gaol. I have had to separate myself from my dear wife and children, from my mother and sisters, to live as an outlaw in my own land. I have had to close my business, to abandon my profession, and live in poverty and misery, as many of my people are doing. I will continue to act as the spokesman of the National Action Council during the phase that is unfolding and in the tough struggles that lie ahead. I shall fight the government side by side with you, inch by inch, and mile by mile, until victory is won. What are you going to do? Will you come along with us, or are you going to co-operate with the government in its efforts to suppress the claims and aspirations of your own people? Or are you going to remain silent and neutral in a matter of life and death to my people, to our people? For my own part I have made my choice. I will not leave South Africa, nor will I surrender. Only through hardship, sacrifice and militant action can freedom be won. The struggle is my life. I will continue fighting for freedom until the end of my days.
My 2 cents:
– This is just my thoughts. This speech is so powerful and amazing. The sad thing is that its now been one year and a day since his death. This speech I upload here today in rememberence of his peaceful and revolutionary mind. Peace.
“When the NRM captured power in January 1986, it found the following major problems;
- i) Severe shortage of basic necessities like soap, cloth, housing, sugar, blankets, salt etc.
- ii) Severe bottlenecks involving
– Shortage of transport
– Badly damaged roads both trunk and feeder roads
– Malfunctioning power and water supply
– Lack of agricultural inputs
– Unutilized capacity in the industry sector
iii) Disruption of life in most parts of the country leaving behind displaced people, orphans and widows.
- iv) High level of insecurity
- v) Huge money supply in the economy
- vi) High rate of inflation
vii) Very unfavourable balance of payments” (P.5, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011)
The Ten-point program:
- Restoration of Democracy:
Constitutionalism and fair elections was part of this point in the program. NRM and Yoweri Museveni made a new launched in 8. October 1995. That their holding elections every 5 years (P.6, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Restoration of security of all persons in Uganda and their properties: First they did disciplining the army – that got the NRA and UPDF together. Also restoring some safety and peace in the Northern Uganda with the operation to get rid of LRA and also stabilizing things in South Sudan. Keeping law and order with the run of things with UPF (P.11-15, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Consolidation of national unity and elimination of all sectarianism. President Museveni said himself on 12th of May 2006: “Ever since 1986, when the National Resistance Movement (NRM) ended decades of state-inspired extra-judicial killings that accounted for the death of 800,000 Ugandans between 1966 and 1986, we introduced popular democracy based on a no-party model. In order to defeat the almost one century old sectarianism that had been fomented among our people and had been partially responsible for the upheavals that gripped Uganda, we avoided the immediate re-introduction of multi-party democracy. This model was not well understood abroad although it healed our people from sectarianism based on religious sects and tribes. We ignored the pressures from outside until we were convinced that the mindset of people had changed.”(P:16, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Defense and Consolidation on National Independence: By doing this point was to get political independence. That wasn’t officially in place before 1986. Economic independence – that being the result of URA is now collecting 100 times more than it did from 1987 to 2010 (P. 19, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Laying a basis for building: an independent, integrated, self-sustaining national economy. This has been done by becoming a part of COMESA and EAC. Also 20 policies have become bills to this date. Make opportunity for private sector development. Also the growth the ICT/Telephone business and the Oil exploration will give the economy a boost (P.21-25, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Restoration and improvement of social services and rehabilitation of the war-ravaged areas. This has happen through the extensive expansion of the health care. Also the new standard in educational system in Uganda: “Article 30 of the 1995 constitution says that all persons have a right to education. Article 34 further states that “A child is entitled to basic education which shall be the responsibility of the state and the parents of the child.” The provisions notwithstanding, fewer than expected children were going to school. So while campaigning for Presidency in 1996, President Museveni noted that there were big numbers of children who were not attending school and/or dropping-out of primary school, largely due to failure by parents to meet education costs. He therefore promised that he would introduce free primary education if elected. Subsequently, the NRM government introduced (UPE) in 1997. Also the building of infrastructure of the road projects that has been over the last 20 years: “One of the major responsibilities for the NRM government is the construction and repair of roads. In order to properly plan for the road network in Uganda, the government formed the National Roads Authority which became functional on July 1st 2008 with the mandate of designing, developing and maintaining the national road network, currently at 20,000 km” (P: 25-32, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Elimination of all forms of corruption in public life: “misuse of power for personal gain”. It’s been passed since 1986 – 8 laws that been passed to secure the system of bribes, corruption and grafts in the country. The NRM government has also put 8 agencies that follow up the corruption in the country (P: 33-34, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Settling the peasants that have been rendered landless by erroneous “development” projects or outright theft of their land through corruption. “The land question has been in Uganda since the colonial times. Several legislations have been passed but they have not done much to solve the question. In the late 90’s and 2000’s, eviction of the so called squatters was so rampant that people always, petitioned the President for assistance”(P: 35, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Encouraging co-operation with other African countries and defending the human and democratic rights of our long-suffering African brothers. “Over the last 25 years, President Museveni has ensured that cordial relationships with other countries are a top priority. Uganda’s foreign policy has been promoted putting in mind other foreign interests and ensuring that other countries do not undermine Uganda’s interests”. The achievement that the NRM government has done by this point is the Tripartite plus Joint Committee with Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and DRC, Arusha Accord with peace in Burundi, Inter-Governmental Authority Development progress in Sudan and Somalia, EAC where Ugandan interested get a key place and the President involved with the peaceful resolution after the election violence in Kenya. Which is also the biggest trading partner (P: 37, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Following an economic strategy of a mixed economy – I.E. Use of state and private sector as well as cooperatives in the development process. “Since coming to power, the NRM government developed programs to address infrastructural and economic challenges” (…)”The vision is that ‘every household in Uganda is able to access basic necessities namely: food, shelter, clothing, health and education for material and social comfort and be able to earn an income”. Also the push and to organize SACCOS and cooperatives to get a mix of business and government (P: 38-42, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
Comment to the Ten-point program:
Point One: “The Movement dispatches vehicles to go around ferrying people to the polling station. Once people goes into the vehicles the buying votes begin (…) To ensure that the people who get the money deliver the votes, they insist that a Movement agent at the station votes on their behalf (…) In some villages like Kyeitembe and Nyakabirizi cows were slaughtered, and everyone who accepted to vote for the Movement was given a kilo of meat” (Kobusingye, 2010, P: 116).
Observer commented earlier this year: “A Human Rights Watch report recently claimed that some elements in the Ugandan contingent had sexually abused vulnerable Somali women and girls. The UPDF contested this claim but pledged to investigate. Earlier, The Observer had reported about army officers ‘selling’ places to soldiers seeking to be enlisted for the mission” (Observer, 2014)
(United Nation General Assembly, 2010)
Museveni himself has pointed out earlier this year: “Uganda started off her Independence, in 1962, on a very weak foundation. This was, mainly, because of bad politics pushed by opportunistic sectarian groups and manipulated by external interests. The sectarianism, as we have pointed out many times, was based on religion, tribes and gender chauvinism (marginalizing the women). There were only three women that I remember in the Independence Parliament of 1962 to take one example. Within four years of Independence, the then Prime Minister had to abolish the 1962 Constitution because of the contradictions that were getting ever sharper” (Museveni, 2014).
Commenting on the political independence: “Richard Nduhura (…) In 2001 he contested for a parliamentary seat against Reform Agenda’s Spencer Tiwomwe. Nduhura’s agents were engaged in gross electoral malpractices, including multiple voting, underage voting, ballot stuffing, and bribery of votes. Nduhura found to have voted for himself twice” (Kobusingye, 2010, P: 118). Hey, it happened in 1961, 50 years later you did the same, why complaining President? And on Economic independence – Al Jazeeras tiny clip is telling the story:
(P: 55, National Planning Authority, 2010)
(P: 56, National Planning Authority, 2010).
Discussing the points of education and infrastructure let me first address the educational policy. Baryamureeba says: “Uganda needs to consider reforming the education system if we are to focus on skills-development as a country. Primary school education should be reduced to six years and it should focus on setting a solid foundation or building blocks of the child’s education. At primary school level, children should master reading, writing and arithmetic” (…)”Primary school teachers are focusing on terminal national examination instead of imparting these essential skills. There are skills that are necessary at primary school level, but are not examined in the Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE). As a result, teachers focus less on such skills” (…)”All students, who complete primary education should be allowed to seek ordinary level education (O’level). At the end of O’level, students should sit the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE), which is a national examination” (…)”free education should be provided at primary school and O’level education only. Beyond this stage, education should be optional and the students should meet the costs. The Government needs to stop providing free education beyond Senior Four, because it is neither strategic nor sustainable” (…)”Then Grants Board should have clear guidelines of how these institutions can access funds and to what levels. This would reduce on strikes in these institutions as a result of demanding for more funds from the Government” (Baryamureeba, 2013). On infrastructure study on economic planning and building in Pallisa and Soroti: “The planning of roads should factor in the economic potential of areas as the current system under MoW only considers roads in bad situation. This will improve on accessibility to areas that have identified themselves as economically productive” (..)”The level of funding for roads should be increased both under machine based as well as labour based methods. The latter method was seen to be effective in contributing to income earning opportunities of the local communities which helps government achieve twin objectives of poverty reduction and road provision” (EPRC, December 2010).
Let mention a few: The Dr. Latigo scandal of 1986 – the Uganda Airlines payoff that made him lose his top position over the airline. Another one was Santana Vehicle Saga in 1988 where the Ministry of Defense wanted ‘Land-Rovers’ but this deal between Uganda and Spain made the deal for Santana’s. They had paid for 260 Land Rovers and not Santana’s so that $6,8m worth Santana’s shipped versus the $8m Land Rovers that the bid was set for(Mugabe, 2013). We also had the CHOGM 2007 the dealings with Mr Mahogany and Mbabazi that there was huge mismanagement of public funds that was we’re meant for the CHOGM 2007. Also the Global Fund 2008 the scandal of drug and malaria. The money went to phony organizations and also take-away money to PMU. Termangalo land scandal the deal between NSSF and Mbabazi that forced the fund to buy the land. The ID Scandal of 2010 where the Government borrowed a lot of money and never kicked off the project (New Vision, 2013).
This shows how little serious the 8 laws and the agencies that supposed to follow the monies that are giving and shared from the government to different entities. So I do think I will comment it further.
To prove some of the actions of the government that opposes the ideal of Point eight. “Agnes Kirabo, the FRA Coordinator, says there is no need for any apology to Ugandans or the President and that it is the President himself who should be concerned at the spate of the land grabbing vice considering that it is at the heart of failing his Ten Point Programme” (..)”Sources at ULA say that the ministry has in the past investigated their sources of funding and warned them against getting involved with Mubende issues where over 22,000 residents were evicted from their land, their crops destroyed, houses burnt from about 10 villages by security operatives to give way for a plantation forest by UK’s New Forest Company Uganda Limited (NFC) on the orders of President Museveni” (…)”Oxfam and ULA also rattled the government when they released a report indicating that 22,000 were evicted from their land in Mubende. When this reporter travelled to Mubende at the height of the crisis, officials at the Resident District Commissioner’s office which handles the land issues (showing the president direct involvement since RDCs answer mainly to the president) said that Oxfam had done a false report and asked the reporter to go back to Kampala” (…)”FRA, for instance, invited hundreds of peasants who testified about loss of their land to investors, government and army officials. The NGOs launched the land losers’ directory on the same day. The book is intended to document all land losers” (…)”Orombi noted: “UJCC welcomes the ongoing initiative by civil society organisations that have brought together ULA, FRA and UJCC whose main aim is to educate Ugandans on their rights and challenge oppressive systems and structures that have led to unlawful eviction of thousands of Ugandans from lands they have occupied for generations. (…)”But a more contentious one that has already pitted activists against President Museveni is the Amaru eviction of over 10,000-17,000 people from Apar into pabbo sub-county. Although president Museveni has in the past threatened to deal with those who claim that government is behind evictions, increasingly, he is personally directing more and more evictions including this one and the evictees themselves are coming out to criticise him”(Matsiko, 2012).
“In 1983 and 1984, six countries in the Horn of Africa – Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda – took action through the United Nations to establish an intergovernmental body for development and drought control in their region. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government met in Djibouti in January 1986 to sign the Agreement which officially launched IGADD with Headquarters in Djibouti. The State of Eritrea became the seventh member after attaining independence in 1993(IGAD, 2010)”. Somali Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saaid commented this: “The Ugandans have contributed significantly and a lot, and this is now a critical moment and in light of that we are of the view, if the media reports turn out to be true, it may be a challenge”. On the same note the Ugandan Foreign Ministry said in a statement: “Uganda’s withdrawal from regional peace efforts, including Somalia, CAR (Central African Republic) etc would become inevitable unless the U.N. corrects the false accusations made against Uganda, by bringing out the truth about Uganda’s role in the current regional efforts” (Biryabarema, 2012). “Ugandans lead a 5,000-soldier strong contingent of African Kony-hunters operating all over central Africa, and their presence in the CAR falls under a continental mandate” (…)”Paddy Ankunda, Seleka were targeted because they have somehow allied themselves with the LRA. “We know we don’t have that mandate but since [Seleka] are in bed with our enemy, we’ll treat them as such,” he said. “Seleka had never tasted our fire. I think it was important that they taste our fire so that they are careful.” (…)”in May, Ugandan foreign minister Sam Kutesa promised the United Nations that his country would contribute 400 peacekeepers to MISCA, the African Union-led peacekeeping force in CAR (in September to become the UN-led MINUSCA)” (…)”Given Uganda’s public description of Seleka as “the enemy”, can Uganda really be trusted to act as a guarantor for peace?” (Allison, 2014).
“President Museveni said that the issue of their remuneration was well appreciated by the Government. However, said that the NRM Government had decided to embark on national development through emphasizing building infrastructure, such as roads, so that they would be used by the population to get homestead income. He stressed that without roads and infrastructure in general, the country cannot grow.“Infrastructure such as roads and electricity were the foundation for development. Having it right in the economy would attract investments that would in turn increase employment opportunities and income generation in the country” (MediaCentre, 2014).
Now I have been beating every single point of the program. I just had to. Hope it was worth the time put in…I was thinking of adjusting the ten-point program versus Vision2040. But to address it properly would be too long and wouldn’t be sufficient in this form a blog. I sure have more evidence of how the NRM regime hasn’t lived up to the promises of the ten-point program. This is just a cup of tea. So hope it was sweat. Peace.
Allison, Simon (02.07.2014): ‘Analysis: Uganda sucked into CAR vortex’ Link: http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2014-07-02-analysis-uganda-sucked-into-car-vortex/#.VHzYfzGG-So
Bayoumy, Yara & Biryabarema, Elias (03.11.2012): ‘Somalia wants Ugandan troops to remain’ – Link: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/11/03/us-uganda-congo-un-idUSBRE8A207Y20121103
EPRC (December 2010): ‘Public expenditure tracking on road infrastructure in Uganda: The case study of Pallisa and Soroti Districts’ – Economic Policy Research Centre, Uganda
Prof Baryamureeba, Venansius (27.06.2013): ‘Uganda’s education system needs overhaul’, New Vision, Uganda.
Kobusingye, Olive (2010): The Correct Line – Uganda under Museveni, AuthorHouse, Milton Keyes, UK.
Matsiko, Haggai (06.05.2012): ‘Museveni angry over NGO report on land grabbing’, Independent.co.ug, Kampala, Uganda – http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/5726-museveni-angry-over-ngo-report-on-land-grabbing
MediaCentre.co.ug (02.08.2014): ‘President Commends Teachers for starting SACCOs’ Link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/press-release/president-commends-teachers-starting-saccos#sthash.jCGPrd9A.dpuf
Mugabe, Faustin (24.02.2013): ‘High-profile corruption scandals registered under NRM’ New Vision, Kampala, Uganda.
Museveni, Yoweri (2014): President Museveni’s statement: On the recent attacks by some schemers in Kasese and Bundibugyo, Minbane: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2014/07/08/president-musevenis-statement-on-the-recent-attacks-by-some-schemers-kasese-and-bundibugyo/
National Planning Authority (April – 2010): ‘National Development Plan – 2011/12 – 2014/15’, Kampala, Uganda.
NewVision UG: ‘Nine corruption scandals to look back at’ – Link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/mobile/Detail.aspx?NewsID=637209&CatID=1
IGAD (09.01.2010) – ‘About Us’ – Link: http://igad.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=93&Itemid=124
Observer (06.11.2014): ‘UPDF shows the way on discipline’ – http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=34799:updf-shows-the-way-on-discipline&catid=35:editorial&Itemid=61
Poverty Alleviation Department- State House: “Uganda – 25 years of nation building and progress” (Published: May 2011)
United Nation General Assembly – Human Rights Council (19.02.2010) – A/HRC/13/42, Detention Report.