My letter to President Museveni on the recent polls and actions during the general election 2016

UPM Poster

19th February 2016, Oslo

Dear His Excellency (H.E.) President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni!

I write to you in this moment as you are in the midst of another turmoil called Ugandan elections. I know you are trying to ensure your kind of peace and your kind of democracy. Though we are many who disagree at what levels of freedom and validity of your concern of the ballots that the people of Uganda has casted during the last 48 hours in the country.

As you was the man who went to the bush for rigging after the 1980s. When the political platform Uganda Patriotic Movement which you founded Mr. President; was shattered in a well manufactured election by President Obote and his cronies. The same you are delivering today. The different are the amount of people, electronics, cellphones, parties, candidates, districts, cars and strength of the army. As you have seen the different the country is since you seized power in 1986.

You have gotten a Police Force and Special Force Command who kills and destroys; and in the end, doesn’t give assurance of safety; as the “mambas” and tear-gas thunder through streets; as they demolish and kills the democratic values the country supposed to have.

Museveni Butiaba 07112015

You as commander-in-chief and a fellow army-man even before the polls, in the weeks before pictures of you shooting rifles and later calling out that you was the only one who could keep Uganda safe; doesn’t speak of integrity of the laws and systems you put in place or the governmental structure you have been in charge of; if the legacy of your rule is that you couldn’t let anybody else become President in the country and have the ability to control the army. As if you have secrets in the army you don’t want the society to know.

Mr. President your continuation of detaining opposition leaders, presidential candidates, human-rights-activists, journalists and such does not speak of the free society for the peasants you wanted to liberate in the 1980s. It seems more like the society you wanted to free, have you now made in the same image as the your predecessors did. It does not speak of freedom or liberty seeing army men walking down with AK47 in broad-day light and taking ballot-boxes His Excellency! That sounds more like a totalitarian state and a police state. What was the hurry of the Special Forces Command the other day, when they had to take control of Nakasero Hospital on the day of polls?

Milton Obote_pic

Mr. President you did not only go to the bush for fighting against the vote-rigging regime of Obote, you went to war because of the knowledge of the Northern control or the Acholi in the army; this was even proved by Professor Gingyera-Pinycwa at Makerere in 1988. You have during your time turned the Government Officials, Army and Police into a Ankoli or Western-Ugandan people in the institutions, and the people connected to you Mr. President. You have made the state in the image of Obote!

Mr. President you have a flash car, flash air-plane, big-farm, own businesses, your brother Salim Selah own businesses, your daughter owns businesses and the Museveni family is interconnected in higher parts of life, the same as the cronies of the Obote, difference is that your family has been living for decades on the laurels of you His Excellency!

I beg you too see your ways and think about the values you talked about while being in the bush and the peoples who died for the reasons that the peasants deserved a government who truly represent them and tried to build society together with them. At some point you did, you even by narrow escape and people believed in you; the reforms and constitution and laws was positive. The reaction was that the country got more donor funding and strengthening of the army. Also a better relationship with the countries around as Idi Amin and Obote had offended Tanzania and neighbors.

Old Taxi Park 16.02.2016

The then peasants are now grown people and know all of your terms, known your rhetoric and how you have changed. Mr. President you have had the chance of going with glory, but your lingering into power has proven to be one of your sticking points, even if that beats your own words that was: “The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people, but leaders who want to overstay in power”. Today you are in a elections that if you wins you will start your official 5th Term, though I am coining it your 7th. I am sure you will disagree with me there Mr. President, but I have issues with taking away your first decade in power.

Mr. President I know it is much to ask as your wasn’t officially elected in 1986 and as if you get men to cook the ballots to fit you now; to think about what made you go to the bush in 1980, and what made the start of February 7th and 8th with the battle of Kakamba School and taking the town of Kiboga Town to take some guns for the guerilla warfare. This here should make you think of the progression and the state of affairs, as the army, elections rigging and governmental institutions are placed and made for you instead of the peasants you was out to liberate.

Uganda EC Wall

The lives that have died during the polls and during the pre-elections period should be a reminder of the way you have made the state of affairs right now. Mr. President you have done everything in your power to let out information by stopping mobile-money and social media; even if your own media-houses spread information through them. As you also will try to remember the opposition men and woman who has been hurt and gone by your army and police. Mr. President you serve your opposition as much as your own yellow brigade of yes-men even the people of Elegu close to South Sudan as much as the men in Kisoro close to Rwanda, the people of Bududa district; the people of Mbale and Tororo district and even in Kawempe, Kampala. Peasants and blue-collar men deserve security and not having “mambas” driving around making kids and parents afraid to buy splash at the Muhindi store down the street. The helicopter shouldn’t wake people up and look for people with pre-ticket ballot papers for you who hasn’t been counted. Mr. President! This here is your people and the people who at one point trusted you and thought you wanted them well. The times have change and the opposition should be given a chance as you were given. Mr. President you have represented them for ages, but you do not own the country or the people; I am sure Paul Ssemogerere would like to ask how you rigged the 1996 election. Those years nobody can’t take back, but at the same time; Uganda and Government of Uganda deserves a future!

NRM Muhanga Museum 4.1.2016 P3

Mr. President, as it seems by the rallies and the will of the people, you should give them a chance to have a positive change. Give the peasants and the people what is theirs. Their will and ballots, their representatives and their lives that has been altered by your orders and the way you have used government funds to get tear-gas and bullets, instead of medicines for hospitals and wages for teachers. You know this Mr. President and don’t think of it or haven’t been advised about it. Times for that to change as the people should be behind their President and be sure that the government entities as Army and Police working and hurting them now.

Mr. President the Army and Police is issuing and making violence against the people and not securing their homes as they are securing your power. That is not what 1986 was about. You know that Mr. President, the constitution of 1995 was not about your staying in power for life Mr. President. Mr. President this cannot be what legacy you want to live behind. You might write two editions of Sowing the Mustard Seed, but it is the people like me, who either build reputations or destroys it; As the truth of the different times of your regime Mr. President, the times has changed since 1986 and 2016. 30 years of power should be enough for any man. Mr. President do you remember the smile on the face of President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania when he gave-way to the new President of Tanzania? That is something that also could been you and the people would have remembered the big-man who had it in him to step-down and let new blood control the country. Mr. President I never expect you or any of your men to read my letter. Though I hope that somebody tells you the sentiment and the care; the concern of the state of affairs, the violence, the unnecessary deaths and the careless attacks on democratic values from the government entities.

Best Regards
The Writer of Minbane.

As the canisters of tear-gas lays in the street; remembering the day I first felt the fear of speaking against Mzee; I Still have hope for political change in Uganda!

Entebbe 11.02.2016 FDC Campaign Rally

“I will not say the fact that there are no European Union observers at an election means that it will not be fair and free” – Olesegun Obasanjo

In the midst of and in the end of the pre-election period 2016; the town of Kampala went into turmoil. The Military Police and ordinary Police went into a violent streak. That manifested itself at Jinja Road which turned into a war-zone like scenario; as in the aftermath the blood of the hurt and the diseased. Visible was the empty shells, the dust and dirt, even metal-boxes as murals of the tear-gas.

As the Police used force and hurt people to the extent that some blood touched the scorched earth and dust; the people in the area scattering in fear while the police continue to push them away as the resilience to the violence committed by the state. The sounds of bullets and metal hits the ground makes the tarmac shake. People we’re running; mixed sounds of shoes knocking grounds while the sounds of gas flowing into the air as the area goes from being casual to pink.

Wandegye Kampala 15.02.2016 FDC P2

This is the signs and scenes of the 15th February in Kampala. The reactions and chaos as the Police went into the procession of Forum for Democratic Change to the planned rally at Wandegye and Makerere. So the continuation of violence from the state security outfits as the military, the police and the military police; as they have been tools in the machine hurting the public as they want to greet the opposition leaders in the sub-counties, towns and districts. There been steady violence against from the Police as the execution of the Public Order Management Act is more used then paper-towels at the Police Headquarters in Kampala. The sadness is all the hurt people and shot people during the pre-election period.

The reason why I got into Ugandan Politics was because I became a board-member or council member in a project supporting and building a library in the town Uvira in Southern Kivu province in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Later I became an exchange student to Uganda. Where I read the Daily Monitor and the New Vision Daily; that together with the books I had read about the adventures of UPDF in DRC, I was still ignorant about the politics there. But the moment after staying in Uganda for month changed it for me.

Mbale Gas-Station

What changed me:

I was on the way with a group going for a training conference in Mbale. On the way we stopped at a Total or any gas-station. While the Hiace we’re getting fuel. I was looking around the area as I lived in Kampala was curious about the environment. This was on the road and no big place. We had passed Mabira forest, but were not too far on the road to the bigger Eastern town. As I was looking it was this GIANT ad for NEW VISON. And saying something similar to this: “‘I am the only one with a vision” and “Publishing the Vision every day”. When I saw that and hadn’t thought well about it. I asked polity with a grin: “Are they serious, only one man with a vision?” The little moment of silence before he answered me: “You can say that, but I can’t; and please not speak about it”. That ate me and made me wonder; why we couldn’t speak about the wonders of the” man with a vision” in public by a gas-station. And why he wouldn’t’ say anything and asked me to not speak about it. On the broad daylight without anybody near us; hours later on the same day we would be stopped by Police and had to convoy to nearest police station; reason missing valid insurance card in the window. The same brother who wouldn’t want to speak about politics gave the Police men some money because of the hunger of the Police men. The first introduction to the bribery culture of East Africa! This day was an eye opener for me. How he could not speak his mind and question the one man with the vision that The New Vision printed his Vision every single day. I started to questioned the vision that they printed every single day.

Mbarara Police 02.02.2016 FDC Campaign Convoy

The election violence in Uganda is massive and has been in all corners of Uganda. In Kabale, Soroti, Jinja, Maska, Ntungamo, Rukungiri, Bukwo and so on. More than twice in Kampala as when Hon. Erias Lukwago started his campaign the Police shot a Journalist when he was planning to campaign. Later was the election violence ushered in by the Police before FDC campaign convoy could come to Makerere Rally on 15th February. The was violence at Jinja Road and at Wandegeya as they demonstrated that Dr. Kizza Besigye wasn’t allowed to campaign there. There been so many times during the calendar-year as the consultation meetings and also campaign rallies has been shut down by the Police and Army. Even campaign venues has been closed for the opposition leaders, while days before been open for NRM and President Museveni as Makerere, Kyambogo and Lira where opposition leaders at one point was not allowed to take part.

There is so many malfunctions and hurt people by the way the government security outfits has hurt both emotionally and bodily hurt that they have inflicted during the recent time. As the canisters and the left clothes is still lying in the corners of the streets. As they did in days after the Rukungiri where the FDC cars was demolished and the police shredded a woman’s respect.

The bullets and the tear-gas towards the general public is not an security issue, but an democracy issue, freedom of speech issue, and issue of trust between the public and the security organs. As the Electoral Commission is not trusted as the high payed leadership prays on the loyalty towards the regime. The NRM electoral Commission is highly flawed and the reactions to the primaries has been burning offices and membership cards, that was even happening in Nakawa Division as the Police turned against the happy celebrating people looking forward to be parts of Besigye’s rally that day. The result of the tear-gas and dispersing of the public instead of proving any steady progress! So the certified message is the tarnishing the venues of opposition while the ruling party keeps up as business as usual.

steve-biko-quotes-5

As my brother told me that day, that I should be silent and not talk about; I feel it still is the same and the reports make it feel the same; as the opposition has not the same rights as the ruling party. The violence ensures the fear and insecurity of a volatile state instead of bringing the positive changes the government might already have brought. Without the Police State and the Militarization of the Politics it might even brought in other type of investments that could have raised the economic climate in the country. As the export of natural resources and natural products instead of finished products and industry; as the assembled industry happens in other parts of the world, it could been in Uganda if the Government tried to pull that in and facilitate it or even used stronger Co-Operations between farmers to bring educating to earn more and yield better quality agricultural output instead of ending struggling to get the maize and matooke to the market. That is not bringing the men with cash-money in (to invest).

Certainly the fear and semi-democratic environment isn’t making the bargain, the talk I had with my brother; I am sure people are still having today even in the midst of the polls that starts in hours-time. As the conversation stays put in my mind and still eats my heart out. The issue of not letting the truth out or speaking their mind out; as the people has to stay put and silent as the ruling regime does as it please. Only giving away money to the villagers in pre-elections period to buy the votes, but when the ballots are gone, the representatives are long gone and forgotten the promises like old-sweethearts who never got the ring. The same seem to be with the talk of choice of the people and the right to speak your mind.

NRM UPF 07.01.16 Mbale Clock Tower

My brother and the conversation is why I am focused on Uganda Politics, as I can’t help that he didn’t have the ability to even comment the “only one man with a vision” paradigm in the country. The canisters and the shattered metal should not be stories. The blood and the toil of the people should not be story of the elections. The story shouldn’t be sad as the violence and spoken fear from the ruling party as they have the only man who can control the army and run the government; as the opposition doesn’t have the manpower to do so; which is lie the ruling party lives on. The ruling party uses security outfits to hurt the public and blame the opposition parties for their activities to deflect the issues of the campaign. Christopher Aine the diseased security agent for Hon. Amama Mbabazi the now opposition leader is the epitome and manifestation of government violence against civilians together with the one that lost his life on the streets of Kampala on the 15th February. Two people who have lost their life for a struggle that is far from over. The Democratic values is rendered down by time and cronies that has spoiled the potential as the movement system turned into the big-man system built with the head-of-state deciding it all; while giving when needed and taken the rest for himself or to his loyal fellows. This here together with the semi-autonomous and militarized politics as there so many former military men in the parliament the public knows the value of the elected or hand-picked men from on top is on the scale they can follow the chain-of-command instead of delivering the pledges and governmental service they deserves.

As it ate my heart out when my brother said he couldn’t talk about it years ago. It hurts to see the same state of affairs and struggles still, and it continues. It is time to let it pass and move to the next level of democratic values; and also good governance with state institutions serving the public instead of making the government officials fat and rich. That is not why the state and government exists; they exist because they supposed to serve the public, not for the governmental officials to take the money supposed to go. The same with the Security Organization as the Police and the Army, they follow the orders up high instead of serving the people and generating peace. As we saw on 15th February Kampala the Military Police didn’t secure the public, but made the citizen in fear and hurting them instead. That is the hurting to hear again and again, as the day is different, the place is different, but the opposition party and supporters are the ones in the cross-fire getting hurt for supporting the leaders of opposition instead of the old-man with the hat.

I never want to hear in any state that you can’t comment towards a ruling party, when that happens I know something is wrong. And knowing it still is like that with the canisters in the streets, the burned yellow membership cards in the bins and the people getting healed after police violence. The families losing their loved ones during the calendar year should not only vote, but only mourn the loss of the valuable people who was a part of the struggle to gain true freedom and respect for the people; as they now are now in invisible chains as the government keeps them tight knit in fear and in a police state using the militarized politics that ate my heart that day and haven’t let go. As I also understand is that the people who has lost their family members because of political affiliation; I understand if they don’t want to do their civic duty, still we all should and shall not forget the people who died for the cause. As we should not forget the people who are jailed and detained for following a political belief that counter the ruling-party and the NRM-Regime. And it wont until change that gives progression and let the accountability; the true transparency and let the will of the people shine as the template of the representatives that deserve to work-hard to be there for the citizens. Something that not been important, what has been is to be loyal to cadre-line and to Mzee! Peace.

The 1996 election and the 2016 elections; staggering similarities of government party and actions towards the opposition! The difference now is Besigye VS M7; then it was Ssemogerere VS M7!

1996 Museveni Sworn in Ceremony

As President Museveni lost with no swagger in 1980 he later returned twice with armies to become the president in 1986. The 1986 where NRA took the power; that story knows all of Uganda well; what Uganda has forgotten is the tactics and ways of rigging the elections of 1996. Even Dr. Kizza Besigye was ready for somebody else in 1996. That says something as the NRM tactics was using levels of fear and tell the general public: “if you vote for somebody else then the Obote-Dictatorship will return!” There is something wrong with that picture as this should be the ushering of democratic values that was installed and promised in the 10 Point Program from President Museveni. This was also the Election that ushered in the Universal Primary Election (UPE) while has done certain things with educations and spreading schools around the country, after many years to many of them has been neglected and has shown that the promise and reform was easier then actually achieving quality school education under the NRM-Regime.

The democratic values and fair elections were not achieved in 1996. As the countless reforms says. The Western nations and International Organizations accepted the result as a positive move for Uganda, even with the malpractices and also because still at this time the world saw President Museveni as the new breed of leadership. He would go away from all the things he might have built later in his presidential career. 1996 Elections was “No-Party” election with a new Interim Electoral Commission who was far from impartial. Kind of what the Electoral Commission proves without any subtlety in today’s election climate.

Besigye against Museveni candidature in 1996:

“Though Besigye was a National Political Commissar, minister and Museveni confidant, by 1996 – as his 1995 decision, and that of other officers like  now Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza and the late Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga to oppose entrenching the Movement’s monopoly of power in the constitution and the  near-banning of political parties – the differences were public” (…)”However, it has now emerged that Besigye and other people in the NRM and army  in 1996 were opposed to Museveni running as the Movement presidential  candidate” (…)”In 1996 Besigye relented at the last minute to go and campaign for Museveni in Rukungiri. He appeared at no more than two rallies, and spoke at one. The very personal and acrimonious face off between the two men last year therefore arose from a feud that had been simmering for about 10 years” (COO, 2002).

Ssemogerere Manifesto

How not to vote for Ssemogerere:

“The Constant refrain during Museveni’s 1996 presidential campaign was that a vote for his opponents would cause a return to the past, the former dictator Milton Obote was waiting in Zambia to return to power if Museveni was defeated. One of Museveni’s presidential election poster featured a picture of skulls and bones besides a mass grave in Luwero with the caption: “Don’t forget the past. Over one million Ugandans, our brothers, sisters, family and friends, lost their lives. YOUR VOTE COULD BRING IT BACK”; another campaign advertisement stated bluntly: “A vote for Ssemogerere is a vote for Obote” (Bouckaer, 1999).

How the sentiment was during the campaign:

“Ssemogerere seems to have hugely underestimated the depth of fear and hatred for Obote and his party among the majority of Buganda. Virtually everyone interviewed  who had voted for Museveni emphasized that they had voted in part to avoid any chance of a return to the violence and anarchy of the early 1980s. The effect of Ssemogerere alliance with UPC, however, does not seem to have been intimidating. Most people felt shift in sentiment against Ssemogerere in the last two months prior to the election. The Museveni campaign strategy of increasingly emphasizing the UPC and Obote connection towards the end of the campaign period was felt to been effective” (IFES, 1996).

Hon Ssemogerere in Northern Uganda campaigning

Museveni used the laws to stifle Ssemogerere campaign:

“The Ssemogerere camp tried to set up branches in the country. This ran foul of the law against setting up party structures. The police constantly frustrated this method of trying to reach the voters. There was a simpler and more effective method used by the Museveni camp. It is simply to announce campaign task forces and groups for given locations. While Ssemogerere was attempting to organise by “structure”, Museveni was organising by “process”. The former violated the existing law; the latter did not. The task force approach recognises the criticality of patrons who mediate the delivery of the votes of their peasant flock. In this approach it is not direct contact with voters, which is not feasible in backward areas with all forms of barriers (language), but contact with the patrons who go through lesser nested patrons to reach the final voters. Yoweri Museveni set up a more effective patron–client campaign network than Ssemogerere’s party structure approach” (Kotorobo, 2000).

How it ended:

“Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said. “I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added. During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers” (Mugabe, 2016).

Questionable freedom of speech during the 1996 campaign:

“The Government controls one television station and the radio station with the largest audience. There are three local television stations, three local radio stations, and five stations available by satellite. Uncensored Internet access became widely available through three commercial service providers in major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent noninstitutional users. Freedom of speech did not fare well in the context of the transition to constitutional government, including the presidential and parliamentary elections. Guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs prevented members of the former constituent assembly from addressing groups outside their constituencies. Electoral rules prohibited “campaigning” by presidential challengers until the official start of the campaign 39 days before the election. However, in their official capacity, President Museveni and senior members of the Government were free to travel throughout the country for months prior to the election. Rallies in support of all three presidential candidates suffered varying levels of harassment from thugs, in some cases resulting in physical injuries. It appeared, however, that such incidents were particularly directed at President Museveni’s opponents. Yusef Nsubuga Nsambu, a leader of the Conservative party and a supporter of presidential challenger Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, was arrested in May and charged with sedition for his unflattering descriptions of President Museveni. He was released unharmed 2 days later” (U.S. Department of State, 1997).

Celebrating the victory:

“KAMPALA, UGANDA — Thousands of President Yoweri Museveni’s supporters drove through the capital honking car horns and chanting “No change” Saturday to celebrate his first electoral victory” (…)”When Museveni was declared the winner on national radio Saturday, tens of thousands of his supporters poured onto Kampala’s streets, chanting “No change” in the local Luganda language, blasting car horns, and waving branches and flags” (Bashor, 1996).

One reason why he won the 1996 Election:

“Not all NRM successes showed the system’s popularity. The government manipulated small constituencies to gain beholden candidates in many special interest seats created by the 1995 constitution for women, youth, workers, the disabled and the army” (ICG, 2012).

Ssemogerere Museveni

Reports of malfunctions during the 1996 elections:

““The election drew a lower turnout than expected and suffered some logistical problems, but Ugandans generally avoided widely feared violence” (…)“Many of the country’s 8.4 million voters stayed away from the polls, and in many districts, turnout hovered around 50 percent. Logistical problems also hampered voting. At numerous polling stations, Ugandans complained that their names were not on the list of registered voters. “We have waited for hours, and we cannot vote,” said Patrick Nuwgaba, 20, surrounded by about 20 people who said they had been barred from voting. “We have our voter cards, but they say the numbers we have don’t match the numbers they have for us.” Despite those problems, calm prevailed around the country. Election observers reported, however, that in some pro-Museveni districts, especially in western Uganda, Ssemogerere backers had difficulty voting because of hostile crowds” (Buckley, 1996).

Questions about the victory:

”Within 24-hours of voting — and while the ballot papers were still being counted — the Inter Political Forces Cooperation (IPFC) backing the main opposition candidate Ssemogerere, announced that the constitutionally imposed “no-party” elections had been rigged” (…)”We have left it up to individuals to decide whether to stand,” Ssemogerere told IPS. “The electoral process is wrong and its going to be wrong again. If anyone stands they should know it will be with those disadvantages.” (…)”The IPFC’s compromise decision was reminiscent for some people of the 1980 elections in which the UPC are widely believed to have cheated the DP of victory — leaving Ssemogerere open to accusations of legitimising the government when he then took up position as leader of the opposition” (…)”Museveni was backed by, and represented his Movement “no- party” system of government while Ssemogerere was supported by the DP and UPC alliance and represented a return to multi-party politics — a return which would have required a change to the constitution” (Bozello, 1996).

m7, besigye

As we see about this Dr. Kizza Besigye and other opposition candidates get the same treatment that Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of Democratic Party in 1996. The vote-rigging, the issues with meeting people, with consulting the party members in the districts, the time for campaigning which apparently happens also before the pre-election period in Uganda in 2015. President Museveni doesn’t only recycle pledges his Police acts similar in 2015 as in 1996. That should be thought of as he talks of that the Movement brings progress. If progress means the same structure that doesn’t offer people freedom or liberty to discuss politics. Then it is NRM for you tomorrow. As the 1996 experience shows; there is a multi-party elections tomorrow, but the signs of 1996 looks strikingly similar, and the Police Force and Governmental institutions is structured to facilitate for the ruling party and funding his campaign while the opposition struggles with unleveled campaigning field that has been all through to the 18th Feburary polls. There is a certainty that Dr. Kizza Besigye has used smarter tactics than Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, but them both has fought the same monster which used the same style of campaigning in 2015-2016 as before the 1996, as he then gave 40 days campaigning as the districts was less, and the same now to the other candidates.

The fear used to intimidate candidates has been used in 2016. As even the security outfits has been deployed and both the army and Special Forces Command; they have been there following opposition and the police has target their trail as the Electoral Commission has given okay to their campaign trail in the start of the campaign in November 2015. This here shows the levels of fear and strong militarized politics that President Museveni feeds on; that has occurred through the whole campaign in the same way it did in 1996. That 2016 and 1996 looks so alike is staggering. The names of the other “actors” are different, but the end-game is the same. Though we hope that the people who are ready for change will see it as the old-man with the hat will do what he can to keep power; even if the people are ready for something else then his empty promises. Peace.

Reference:

Bashor, Richard – ‘In First Direct Election Since ’62, President Wins Overwhelmingly’ (12.05.1996) – Chicago Tribune.

Bouckaer, Peter – ‘Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (August 1999).

Borzello, Anna – ‘UGANDA-POLITICS: ‘Where-To-Now’ Conundrum For Opposition’ (16.05.1996) – Inter Press Service

Buckley, Stephen – ‘INCUMBENT LIKELY WINNER IN UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE’ (11.05.1996) – Washington Post

Katorobo, James – ‘The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996’ (2000)

Mugabe, Faustin – ‘How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?’ (30.01.2016).

International Crisis Group (ICG) – ‘UGANDA: NO RESOLUTION TO GROWING TENSIONS’ (05.04.2012).

International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) – ‘Uganda: Long Term Observation of 1996 Presidential and Legislative Election (May-July 1996).

Onyango-Obbo, Charles (COO) – ‘Besigye Opposed Museveni’s Bid in 1996, And Set Off Movt Demons’ (15.12.2002) – Daily Monitor

U.S. Department of State – ‘Uganda Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996’ Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, (January 30, 1997).

President Museveni is not running for his 5th term, but he is running for the 7th! Proving it by going through his previous terms

Uganda-parliament-2

I know for some of you people this will blow your mind; some of you will tell I told you so. Other people will be like? How dare you insult my intelligence, well it depends on how you deem history and how you let the victors rewrite it. As President Museveni has been a victor and won over his predecessors like Yusuf Lule, Tito Okello and Milton Obote, even Idi Amin together with Milton Obote and the Tanzanian Army in late 1970s. So President Museveni has won the power through guns. At the same time as he has lingers he has tried to rewrite history as the people neglect certain fact.

We are supposed to see the people of Uganda to elect the 10th Parliament as this is the end of the 9th Parliament. I will not discuss that matter, as that is not important me. We could discuss if there only been 9 functional Parliament and representative government since independence in 1962, or should we also count the ones that we’re before this since the British introduced Parliamentarism in Uganda in 1882. Then it is with certainty more than 10 of them. If so is that based on the new constitution after independence or the newly written to fit NRA/NRM in 1995? Then so I understand the coming 10th Parliament. Still, this is also worth discussing and the matter of how we value the predecessors and the tools they left behind for the men of today who rule. Feel me?

This here is not a reflection on how Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost and got 4% in the 1980s and 1 seat in Parliament, as this was the first outfit for President Museveni. Museveni didn’t even get a seat as he lost to Sam Kutesa in the distric he was running in; that is a worthy side-note!

m7-1970

His first term – Overthrowing Okello in 1986:

But his first term started as he was sworn in and the New York Times described it like this:

“KAMPALA, Uganda, Jan. 29Yoweri Museveni, whose National Resistance Army descended on this battered capital city last week and overthrew the military Government of Gen. Tito Okello, was sworn in today as the new President of Uganda” (Rule, 1986). Here is in my opinion his start of first term, as he took it by the gun. As he was sworn in as President of Uganda, which initial means he got the appointment of rule as he defeated his opposition at that time.

ReaganMuseveni

 His Second Term – Election in 1989:

“The elections in 1989 also included elections for the majority of seats in parliament. Candidates for all these elections stood strictly as individuals and not as representatives for a party although several of them publicly were known supporters for one of the older parties – including the UPC. The Ugandan constitution was abolished in 1966, and no basic consensus has ever since appeared on the most basic issues like: how to elect a President and whether the country should be an unitary state or a federation including several kingdoms” (P: 40, 1994, Tidemand). “As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009). “Out of a total of 278 seats, 210 members were elected without party affiliation” (African Elections).

This here election was one, and gave NRM time to rebuild and rewrite a new constitution. So this gave way for his second term in my opinion. Since the first term was from 1986 – 1989. From 1989 to 1996 is his second as there weren’t elections towards the parliament and presidential candidates, which means that the country was still controlled tightly by the NRM. Before the 1996 election there was election a Council for writing the new Constitution. That was put into place in 1995.

the-1995-constitution-was-very-clear-on-two-terms-but-museveni-used-parliament-to-remove-term-limits

His Third term – 1996 elections:

“The presidential election was preceded by an aggressive electoral campaign which was dominated by intimidation, vote buying, bribery and promises of material benefits. These methods were employed by both the opposition and the incumbent government during the 39 days which were allowed for presidential campaigns. It would seem that the aggressiveness of the campaign was dictated to some extent by the limited time allowed for each candidate to cover all of the country’s 39 districts, which meant that candidates were allowed one day of campaigning in each district. Again, this arrangement favoured the incumbent, President Museveni who had been in power for 10 years and was therefore well known to the electorate, compared to his challengers. Moreover, the electoral law allowed him the continued use of his presidential privileges which made the 39 campaign days less problematic” (Muhumaza, 1997). “The I996 presidential election was deemed a ‘step forward’ by many Western diplomats, although before the election some diplomats privately questioned how the election could be fair because of the fact that political parties were not able to organise to compete with the political machinery of the NRM (Reuters, 6 May I996). Despite private reservations, the official donor attitude was that the losers of the election should not contest the results. When Paul Ssemogerere went to the European Union Parliamentary Committee on Development to complain about the unfairness of the election, the committee told him to accept his defeat (The New Vision, 3 June I996)” (Hauser, 1999).

Interesting allegation about campaign money to Museveni in 1996:

It was for instance alleged that one presidential candidate received funds equivalent to 600 million shillings (US$600,000) from certain foreign organisations while on a pre-election visit to Europe; and that another candidate had been funded certain Islamic countries. Similar insinuations were hurled against President Museveni who was alleged to have got financial contributions from the Indian community in Uganda” (Muhumaza, 1997).

The election results from the 9th of May 1996:

The results was: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 74.33 %, Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere: 23.61 % and Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 2.06 %” (African Election Database).

This here was the official first term as he was this one. Even if he had already been ten years in power, that is why I am saying this is his third term, as he had the first one from 1986 to 1989, when the overthrow Okello, second after the parliamentary elections to the first presidential election in 1996. That lasted to the 2001.

Before the next election this was reports on the great democratic environment President Museveni was building:

“Political parties are prohibited from holding party conferences, a ban which severely hampers their own internal reform. Since this ban has been in place since 1986, reform in the structure and leadership of political parties has been virtually impossible. Attempts to hold party conferences have been met with strong and unambiguous warnings from the Ugandan government that they would prevent such meetings” (…)”Since coming to power, the NRM has used a state-funded program of political and military education called chaka-mchaka to spread its message that political parties are destructive sectarian organizations responsible for Uganda’s past woes, an argument that resonates given Uganda’s recent political history. Chaka-mchaka thus serves to rationalize the NRM’s denial of political rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. Government leaders, including President Museveni, often refer to advocates of democratic reform as their “enemies.” Other structures of local government such as the local councils (LC) and the Resident District Commissioners (RDC) serve to ensure support for the NRM, and often create a hostile climate for advocates of pluralism” (Human Rights Watch, 1999).

Old Campaign Posters Uganda

Fourth Term – General Election in 2001:

KAMPALA, Uganda, March 14— President Yoweri Museveni swept the hard-fought elections here today, in a victory that he called an acclamation of 15 years of peaceful rule but that his main opponent said was won only by extensive cheating” (…)”My votes are like Lake Victoria,” Mr. Museveni told tens of thousands of supporters this afternoon who marched to an airstrip downtown after the results were announced. ”They never dry up.” (…)”The main election monitors in Uganda said, however, that most allegations of cheating appeared to be against forces loyal to Mr. Museveni, estimating preliminarily that between 5 and 15 percent of the vote may have been won fraudulently. The fraud included people being forced or influenced to vote by election officials, intimidation and people being denied the right to vote” (Fisher, 2001).

The Election results from the 12th March 2001:

The results are: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 69.33 %, Kizza Besigye: 27.82 %, Aggrey Awori: 1.41 %, Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 1.00%, Francis Bwengye: 31 % and Karuhanga Chapaa: 0.14 % (African Election Database).

Reactions to the election:

“Amnesty International (AI) agrees with the Besigye opposition that “the Presidential elections in Uganda have been marred by allegations of human rights abuses, both before and after the elections on 12 March 2001. An increasing number of human rights violations against opposition supporters, including illegal arrests and detention without charge, ill-treatment in detention, and alleged unlawful killings were reported by the Ugandan press in the weeks leading up to the elections. In some instances, supporters of President Museveni were also targetted.” (Afrol.com, 2001).

This here was the official second term, while I am saying it is the fourth one, that lead to him opening the Multi-Party elections in 2005. Also the referendum on term limits came into force in 2005. As the constitution made in 1995 gave the limit of the Executive Power and President had the ability to be elect twice. As he wasn’t elected in between 1986 to 1996; 10 years without accountability and still becoming a donor pleasant government as Structural Adjustment Program got eaten up by the Government of Uganda in that period. As President Museveni even met with U.S. President Clinton; as he was the new future leader of the “third world” development.

Uganda Term Limits Museveni

Here are the issues in 2005 with the abolishment of term limits:

“Museveni and his supporters, who pushed a controversial constitutional amendment rescinding presidential term limits through Parliament this month, are urging an overwhelming “yes” vote while the weak and fractured opposition want the country’s 8,9-million eligible voters to boycott the polls” (…)”Under current rules, political parties are allowed to exist but may not have branch offices and may not field candidates in elections. The only fully-functioning political entity is Museveni’s own “Movement” organisation to which all Ugandans theoretically belong” (Mayanja, 2005).

As it was voted in by the public he was allowed to be the Presidential candidate in yet another election. The one that happen in 2006!

Election 2011 Uganda

Fifth term – 23rd February 2006 Presidential Election:

As some context and pretext over the other issues written in between 2001 and 2006; this here is following the close and tense contest that was held in 2006; as the NRM was weaken over time, as the fatigue of running the country since 1986. As the fourth term was already showing how much they tried to continue to work under the Movement System, instead of giving way to Multi-Party Democracy, as people voted in the second referendum poll. Here is some things happening right before:

“A spokesman for the ruling National Resistance Movement told New Vision that the government had complained to the U.S.-based Web server which hosts Radio Katwe, Brinkster Communications Corporation, claiming that the site was publishing “malicious and false information against the party and its presidential candidate. (…)”Local journalists have expressed fears that the government could similarly block The Monitor’s Web site on election day, when the newspaper plans to keep a running tally of votes from across the country. “Our Web site has been going offline every day for the last three days” for several hours at a time, Monitor Group Managing Director Conrad Nkutu told CPJ. He added that while the problem appeared be a technical glitch, “we are also suspicious it might not be.” (CPJ, 2006).

Election results from 2006:

The results are:


Number of Votes
% of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 4,109,449 59.26%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) 2,592,954 37.39%
John Ssebaana Kizito (DP) 109,583 1.58%
Abed Bwanika 65,874 0.95%
Miria Obote (UPC) 57,071 0.82%

(African Election Database)

Aftermath after the first Multi-Party after NRM got into Power:

“The multi-party elections of 2006 saw only slight improvements from 2001, notably in the area of media freedom. Dr Besigye ran against President Museveni for the second time, but now as the leader of a new political party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and garnered 37.39% of the votes, as against Museveni’s 59.26% majority. Dr Besigye’s Supreme Court case regarding the 2006 elections has become famous due to the ruling that Museveni was the rightful winner despite the Court’s acknowledgement of widespread electoral malpractices and vote rigging which were considered not to have substantially affected the results of the elections” (…)”For any engagement with these political parties a number of issues need to be taken into consideration, these include the multi-party system and the fact that the political playing field remains un-levelled in favour of the NRM. As such, donors operating in Uganda need to be cognisant of the implications of this, for the ruling party and for opposition parties. International donors have and continue to play a significant role in financing and monitoring Uganda’s elections. In the 1990s, the UNDP was the lead institution for donors who wanted to co-finance Uganda’s elections. The UNDP’s mandate involved managing a donors’ basket fund, and recruiting and supervising specialised technical assistance to support the EC and civil-society organisations to carry out tasks allocated to them” (Sekaggya, 2010).

Uganda Election 2011 P2

Sixth Term – General Election in 2011:

Some Pretext: “The 2011 Uganda elections have attracted a record 8 Presidential candidates from seven political parties and one Independent candidate. All the Presidential Candidates have been on the campaign trail marketing their manifestos to Ugandans and have dispelled earlier assertions that some of them, seen as weak, will pull out of the campaigns that like in 2006 were expected to majorly be between incumbent Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement and Dr. Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change” (Rulekere, 2011). “FGD respondents said that this happens mainly on the election eve whereby candidates and/or their agents carry gifts and money in vehicles which have had number plates removed and they pack somewhere in the village and then walk from door to door giving money and/or gifts” (…)”Daily Monitor of Friday 7, January 2011 carried a lead story that President Museveni gave out $2.15 million (USh5 billion) in cash and pledges between July and October 2010 but the opposition is charging that such patronage is giving the incumbent an unfair advantage in the February 18, 2011 vote. Mr Museveni always conducts a countrywide tour before each election, during which he makes pledges and donations Critics say this is a disguised campaign that allows him to offer inducements to potential voters out of the public purse, a privilege unavailable to other candidates” (…)”Incumbent candidates have readily used their access to state resources to provide an unfair edge when running for re-election. This includes cash payments from the state treasury, use of state owned property and vehicles, as well as the fulfilment of campaign pledges during the campaign period. Voter have given up on their elected officials to fulfil campaign promises and seek to extract as much benefit as they can around the campaign period” (DMG, 2011)

The results are:

Candidate (Party) [Coalition] Number of Votes % of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 5,428,369 68.38%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) [IPC] 2,064,963 26.01%
Norbert Mao (DP) 147,917 1.86%
Olara Otunnu (UPC) 125,059 1.58%
Beti Kamya (UFA) 52,782 0.66%
Abed Bwanika (PDP) 51,708 0.65%
Jaberi Bidandi Ssali (PPP) 34,688 0.44%
Samuel Lubega 32,726 0.41%

(African Election Database)

Tororo town FDC Poster Former Campaign IPC

The Commonwealth Observation Group noted this:

“The main concern regarding the campaign, and indeed regarding the overall character of the election, was the lack of a level playing field, the use of money and abuse of incumbency in the process. The magnitude of resources that was deployed by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), its huge level of funding and overwhelming advantage of incumbency, once again, challenged the notion of a level playing field in the entire process. Media monitoring reports also indicated that the ruling party enjoyed a large advantage in coverage by state-owned radio and TV. The ruling party in Uganda is by far the largest and best-resourced party and following many years in power, elements of the state structure are synonymous with the party. Further, reports regarding the “commercialisation of politics” by the distribution of vast amounts of money and gifts were most disturbing. Indeed, the „money factor‟ and widespread allegations of bribery and other more subtle forms of buying allegiance were key features of the political campaign by some, if not all, the parties. By all accounts, the 2011 elections were Uganda‟s most expensive ever. It is therefore important that for the future serious thought be given to election campaign financing and political party fundraising. This is more so given that there are virtually no checks on the levels of campaign financing and expenditure due to the cash-based nature of the campaign and the lack of stringent campaign financing regulations, both of which facilitate the use of illicit payments to voters as inducements and has the potential to undermine their free will” (Commonwealth Observers Group, 2011).

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Important how President Museveni could run in the 2016 Election:

The Kyankwanzi Resolution of 2014 – President Museveni’s right for Sole Candidacy in the NRM:

“RESOLUTION ON PARTY COHESION AND GOVERNANCE

We, the undersigned members of the NRM Caucus attending a retreat at the National Leadership Institute(NALI) Kyankwanzi (6,February 2014); Fully aware of our Country’s historical  past and the need to consolidate and sustain the Milestones registered over the years since 1986; Cognizant of the fact that there is still a lot more to be done in order to realize our ideological vision of uniting Uganda(Nationalism), Pan-africanism, transforming our country from a poor peasantry society to a modern economy and upholding democracy; Conscious of the fact that what has been so far achieved over the last 28 years needs to be guarded jealously and improved upon to realize our vision; Aware  that when individuals engage in personal scheming, party cohesion is undermined, development efforts aredistracted and the population is diverted from work to early politicking;

DO here by resolve;

  1. To support H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni tocontinue leading and facilitating our country on its take off journey to transformation”

Afterthought –Run in to General Election 2016.

1986-1996: First and Second Term!

So I have now gone through the Elections since 1986 until today in 2016. That is thirty years in Power for the Executive Power and being President Museveni. 1986 to 1996, he didn’t really become elected as President as he did a coup d’état in 1986 to bring down regime at the current time. So the period from 1986 to 1996, there was an election in 1989 a Resistance Council elections which barred the Parliament with elected men and woman from the NRM/A, but was not an ordinary election to bring the people’s will in full effect and not even electing President Museveni, but securing polls to validate the rule of NRM at the time, also in my consideration to shut-up the donor-community; so they see the “democratic” vision of President Museveni. He even made a stunning Constitution in 1995. President Museveni had set the standard with two term limits and other regulatory tools to secure accountability that was new in Uganda, together with swallowing the Structural Adjustment Program to secure massive amount of funding to rebuild the country and secure Universal Preliminary Education. Something the citizens of Uganda got excited about and also gave him praise abroad.

museveni 2016 Poster

Third Term 1996-2001:

After the 1996 Presidential Election was his third term elections, and the official first term (which I can’t take serious) as he had already ruled for a decade, and you can’t shuffle that off that easy. Even with the bodies and violence to get the power in 1986, it cost so much suffering to gain that power; so to eradicate that and call this his first term, is to neglect the first ten years of power. Something we should be to damn wise to not. There we’re still not a Multi-Party Democracy or Elections as President Museveni doesn’t really believe in that; as the nation had to after this go through two referendum polls before initiating the hassle of letting people be controlled by other party functions then the NRM.

Fourth Term 2001-2006:

So when the fourth term came in 2001, he had already been long enough in power to already using up the constitutional rights as the Executive Power and President of the land. He was still popular and gained a lot of support. Even if the election was rigged and had a massive malpractices; the initial issues is how he pleaded and mixed up with referendum terminating presidential term limits to fit himself and rewriting the constitution of 1995 in 2005, so he could run off a third time. The second score of joy for the people was the second vote of the polls for Multi-Party Democracy, meant that the public could vote for other parties then the NRM during the 2006, as much as they could still as ever; vote for the old man with the hat! After 20 years in power he still used sufficient tools to be able to get voted in. And also stifle the completion in his favor, as the man who took power himself in 1986.

Fifth Term 2006-2011:

Set for the fifth term in 2006. The NRM and President Museveni at the time was re-introducing of multi-party election and continuing to go as the candidate, to secure the total tally of 25 years; when the term would be done.  He fixed the 1995 constitution one year advanced so he could run again! This time the third official campaign and polls, though still, with the 10 year as ruler before an election means, initially fifth. This here was the start of the down-turn as he now showed more and more the authoritarian leader and totalitarian state, compared to donor-friendly character he was when he first was sworn in 1986 and steady ship he hold while elected in 1996.

Sixth Term 2011- 2016:

As his sixth term in 2011, there was already starting to crack with the NRM leadership and the people, as they we’re ready for new leaders and a new executive. As the Kampala Riots and ‘Walk to Work’ demonstrations; proves that the leadership is in a fatigue state where the public is tired of the NRM and their ring leader President Museveni. Even still with well rigged machinery the NRM “won” again the election. To finish of this one, he had to swallow a few scalps to secure his sole candidacy, he had to break of Gilbert Bukenya his loyal fellow, he had to push of cliff Amama Mbabazi who wished to take his seat in the NRM, which is not a possibility unless you are the clone of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni; something Amama Mbabazi is not! In early 2014 he had to set up his machinery ready and get his party in line so that he could get the spot again with the Kyankwanzi Resolution in February 2014 and set his goals on the 7th Term as the Executive and President of Uganda, in the 10th Parliament. That is another timeline I am not sure of, I am sure there are more then 10 elected or appointed Parliaments and sessions in the great republic of Uganda. It is just a a way of rewriting history as the NRM is famous for.

Mbabazi M7 Besigye

That rewriting history comes in the sense of saying NRM and President Museveni is contesting for the 5th Term, I am saying his fifth term was between 2006-2011 his most turbulent ruling period after his first term in 1986-1989 when he still struggled to keep the whole country into peace, as there was still guerrillas and militias wanting to unsettle the new regime in Kampala. As we have seen, and we can see, there is a pattern and there is a reason why I am saying “we could really see his democratic wish” as the elections and malpractices seems like the same as when he took power. The rigging he claimed he wanted in the 1980s and why he lost as the UPM front-man, it seems to be same as it was under Dr. Milton Obote, the only difference is that he has been able to be stable and keep a strong army to spread the fear so that nobody has tried to really use a coup d’état against him. There been allegations in the past, and even persons been alleged in court for treason against the state, but they have been more political motivated then actual forces or militias in the sense they went to the bush to get rid of President Museveni. Though LRA and ADF has gone after his head, but failed.

President Museveni is now trying his best to get into his 7th Term, and we should not be surprised by election rigging, malpractices to destroy level playing-grounds for political parties, paying for votes and using both government institutions and government funds to be re-elected; Even supress the court to secure the validation or dismiss the allegation of election fraud in the 2016 election. I fear for the public response this time and how the security agents of the state will address them. As the Gen. Katumba Wamala of the UPDF will surely do what he can to impress President Museveni and Police Boss IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura follows orders blindly made by the Executive, as if he wants to shut down demonstrations and revolts against the totalitarian regime that the NRM has evolved into. As they are used to stealing the elections and taking the people for ransom to gain riches while the average people toil in poverty. There is time for change with a government with transparency, accountability and good governance; as the government now is famous for not caring about this issues and becoming dependent on feeding the cronies and loyal men of Museveni instead of serving the people. Peace.

Reference:

African Elections Database – ‘Elections in Uganda’ link: http://africanelections.tripod.com/ug.html

Afrol.com – ‘”Uganda needs to re-affirm human rights commitment” (17.03.2001) link: http://www.afrol.com/News2001/uga006_hrights_reaffirm.htm

Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41

Commonwealth Observer Group – ‘UGANDA PRESIDENTIAL AND

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS’ (24.02.2011)

Committee to Protect Jorunalist (CPJ) – ‘Critical website Radio Katwe blocked on eve of presidential election’ (23.02.2006) link: http://www.ifex.org/uganda/2006/02/23/critical_website_radio_katwe_blocked/

Democracy Monitoring Group (DMG) – ‘Report on Money in Politics – Pervasive vote buying in Ugandan Election’ (January 2011)

Fisher, Ian – ‘Final Count Has Uganda President Winning 69% of Vote’ (15.03.2001) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/15/world/final-count-has-uganda-president-winning-69-of-vote.html

Hauser, Ellen – ‘Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?’ (Dec. 1999) link: http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Hauser%20Uganda%20donors.pdf

Human Right Watch – ‘Hostile to Democracy The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (01.10.1999) link: http://www.refworld.org/docid/45dad0c02.html

Manyanja, Vincent – ‘Ugandans face paradox in referendum’ (25.07.2005) link: http://mg.co.za/article/2005-07-25-ugandans-face-paradox-in-referendum

Muhumaza, William – ‘Money and Power in Uganda’s 1996 Elections’ (1997) – African. Journal. Political Science (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 168-179

Rule, Sheila – ‘REBEL SWORN IN AS UGANDA PRESIDENT’ (30.01.1986) link:  http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/30/world/rebel-sworn-in-as-uganda-president.html

Rulekere, Gerald – ‘Uganda Elections 2011: The Presidential Candidates – Early Predictions’ (17.02.2011) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/government/uganda-elections-2011-the-presidential-candidates-early-predictions/1207/ug.aspx

Sekaggya, Margaret – ‘Uganda: Management of Elections’ (01.01.2010) link: https://www.eisf.eu/library/uganda-management-of-elections/

Tidemand, Per – ‘The Resistance Councils in Uganda A Study of Rural Politics and Popular Democracy in Africa’ (1994) –PHD Dissertation at Roskilde University, Denmark.

Even in the final stages of Pre-Election period the Calvary oppress the Opposition; Has sit-down between FDC, UPF and EC on “Difiance Campaign”; NRM struggling to ferry people from one location; and more!

Uganda Campaign Poster 2016 Funny

We live in interesting times as the Pre-Election period is getting to the final face. There been movement, as the parties acts move swiftly towards the final end. This here is about how the state-organizations goes against the opposition as they have done since like forever, as they are working partisan for NRM

Some things here will be more interesting than others. Take a look!

FDC EC UPF February 2016

The Electoral Commission met with FDC and UPF:

On Saturday on the 6. February 2016: The Electoral Commission, Uganda Police Force and officials from Forum for Democratic Change held a meeting related to the conduct of peaceful campaigns and polling. The Electoral Commission explained the systems put in place to achieve a credible 2016 General Election. The FDC officials committed to comply with electoral guidelines. The UPF assured on the security of the electoral process. The Commission encouraged to regular interactions to address any emerging stakeholder concern” (the Electoral Commission, 06.02.2016).

08.02.2016 NRM Kayunga

In Kayunga NRM struggled to ferry people to the Mzee’s rally:

On February 8, 2016, for Museveni’s campaign in Kayunga, the residents refused to get onto the trucks and buses which had each been allegedly paid sh. 200,000 to ferry people to his rally. Kayunga has very strong opposition but last week it was besieged by the regime which saw posters of opposition members Dr. Besigye and Mbabazi defaced, their supporters beat up or arrested. We are told that Museveni subsequently cancelled his main rally in Kayunga Town Council and proceeded to Kayonza, Busana and Kitimbwa. This might be the reason why residents refused to take the Yellow Bus” (Martha Leah Nangalama, 2016).

In Kayunga district the Police did this:

Police commanded by both the RDC and DPC of Kayunga district are moving with over 20 policemen in Kayunga town defacing all Mbabazi posters and beating up youth who tried to question them. This happened from 2.00 AM and security is still patrolling Bukolooto trading centre and Kayunga town council which is the backbone of Hon. Amama Mbabazi and Uganda Poor Youth concentration”.

Go-Forward have more issues in Kayunga District:

Kalinda Iddi, a youth who is the coordinator of the Go-Forward Task-Force in Kayunga district and chairman of the Uganda Poor Youth movement in Kayunga has disappeared. Police and men with guns in civilian clothes invaded his home in the night and arrested him but he is not at Kayunga police station and police has denied arresting him. The regime is now arresting people brutally and killing them extra judicially. Let us pray for Kalinda Iddi!

DP MP Candidate for Ntenjeru South in Kayunga District on the 7th February 2016:

Mr. Anthony Waddimba was kidnapped on Saturday night, stripped naked and taken to unknown place because his clothes were found in the nearby trading Centre. However, an unknown contact informed Waddimba’s father on a telephone that his son was dumped into River Nile. The hunt for him is on. We call up on the public to join the search for our Young Democrat, as they also mind about their security.

hotel-meritoria-gen

The Tororo Second Parliamentary Public Debate:

“On Sunday conducted at Hotel Meritoria Tororo. Among the candidates who managed to appear on the day include Hon. Kibang Moses (FDC), Cyrus Wanyama (Independent), Opata Peter (Go forward), Hon. Ochwo Godfrey Etiang (Go forward), Odaka Asuman (Go forward), Omaido Robert Etatai and Dr. Jagire Onyango. During the debate, Hon. Odaka Asuman Marjan of Go Forward contesting for Tororo Municipality Parliamentary seat pointed out restoration of Tororo municipality as force which pushed him to contest. He argues that in history, Tororo was one of the most developed towns not only in Uganda but all of Africa. Hon. Godfrey Ochwo an aspirant of Tororo North County on Go Forward stressed the need of building Community management structure. He says by so doing, the community will be able to monitor government projects. He pointed out the case where drugs for Hepatitis B in Molo Health centre III were stolen and found in one of private clinics. Mr. Ochwo says if the community had been sensitized on how to monitor government projects, such act of drugs being stolen will not have been happened. This is the second time NRM candidates are shunning such debates having missed in the first debate held on 31st January. The debate was organized by Uganda Radio Network in partnership with TWAWEZA” (100.2 EAST FM “Midundo Zaida”, 07.02.2016).

Disfranchised office of a UFA candidate in Ntungamo:

“Intruders broke into the office of Uganda Federal Alliance candidate in Ntungamo Municipality and took away her campaign materials and several other items, including Shs10m. Mr Prossy Nahwera Alleluyah, whose office was broken into, is contesting for the female district councillor’s seat to represent Ntungamo Municipality in the district council. She said all the posters she recently printed, appointment letters for her campaign agents, three computers, TV sets and a public address system for the campaigns were stolen” (EA Biz Info, 08.02.2016).

Issa-Otto

Fall out from Go-Forward Today:

“Issa Otto Falls Out With Mbabazi:  Ishaa Otto Amiza, a member of Amama Mbabazi’s national campaign task force is bitter with the ex-prime minister for failing to extend financial support to them and the joint candidates. According to Otto, following the failure by The Democratic Alliance-TDA summit to select a joint presidential candidate, Democratic Party, Uganda People’s Congress, Federal Alliance and Justice Forum joined hands with Mbabazi to form TDA (U) Go-Forward Alliance. He says the parties signed a new protocol to guide their relationship, adding that they also discussed funding for the joint candidates. Otto, however says to date, Mbabazi has not given them any funds yet the joint candidates are campaigning for him. Peter Mayeku, the National Chairperson of the Uganda Federal Alliance-UFA who also sits on TDA (U) Go-Forward summit says Mbabazi will support the joint candidates” (94.3 QFM Lira, 2016).

Justine Kasule Lumumba

NRM Secretary General Justine Kasule Lumumba went to facilitate Mzee’s participation in the 2nd Presidential Candidates today:

“Secretary General Of NRM arrives at Inter-Religious Council of Uganda headquarters P10 Satellite remote sensing and telemetry systems tracking the presidential campaign agents meeting. She arrived in a 500 million /= cruise, escorts paid 5 million per day all together, with daily expense of 60 million a months. Hon.Mbabazi and Besigye weren’t called in the setup but the rest of independents are being Oiled” (Gen. Sejusa, 08.02.2016).

I think this here was interesting. I think the stories and tales speaks for themselves as we have seen this so many times before. As we see the Police as the actors of NRM who act upon the public and opposition as they are pawns for the NRM-Police to play around with. So the NRM continues their arrogant approach as they even had no candidate in the Tororo Debate, as they followed Mzee and skipped the shindig as they couldn’t be gracious to grace the event, and tell the locals about their local policies; and also be questioned by the public and opposition towards their level of progress as there are the ruling party in the land. Peace.

“Tarehe Sita” – Rare old footage of the NRA Bush War (Youtube-Clip)

“Rare footage of the NRA bush war”

Finale Stages of the Pre-Election Period; my thoughts on the lost leades of opposition; NRM losing ground; while FDC has the momentum!

UGDebate2016 P6 Together

When we going into the final stages of the pre-election period. This here has been interesting and will continue to be as the final works of the parties, the electoral commission and the other actors into action in the final phase.

There are two or three missing pieces for me in this time, silent leaders who has been like blown in the wind; they have been cast into shadows and need a strong flash-light to reappear on the surface. If there was like American Milk-Carton they would be “missing”.

OlaraOtunnuQuote of 24.June2015

First up! I wonder what is up with is the UPC, Uganda People’s Congress, not their sold-out NRM henchman Jimmy Akena, then you are wrong, he doesn’t even have the ability to scrap enough funds to pay up the nomination fees for the parties MPs and LCV men and woman, which should make his father turn in his grave somewhere; together with the pact together with Museveni. But Akena is not the one missing from the political map, the one is Honorable Olara Otunnu, I am not sure if he really is on the campaign trail with Amama Mbabazi as he was loyal and confident in the The Democratic Alliance in September 2015, while Akena was taking down the UPC flag at the compound. There has since then been drama and escalation of political struggle between them, that till this day is not fully resolved because of the arrogance them both. Playing a game between them for the Presidency in the oldest party in the country! What I miss is the wise-man and accurate touch of the political landscape that Hon. Otunnu has been like a shadow. A missing component that could have made a difference for the opposition and showed more progress of the political parties, which he could have been. Please Mr. Hon. Otunnu come back!

Ken Lukyamuzi

Second man that I wonder where is Ken Lukyamuzi of the Conservative Party, the whole party sounds like it has dissolved. He is in the same league of Justice Party (JEEMA) leader Asuman Basalirwa is the third leader who is gone in the wind. They are leaf’s that hasn’t surfaced between the bottles of Fanta Berry and Matooki while listening to KFM Radio. They are maybe part of the TDA. Still they are not anywhere in the landscape, they could be eaten by wild lions for what the public interests knows.

Norbert-Mao 2011

Norbert Mao has been visible but not for the right reasons, unlawfully violated by the Police in Acholiland, while campaigning for another candidates in his Democratic Party in the Northern Uganda. Norbert Mao himself will not be voted in for the Gulu Municipality, because of the Electoral Commission want somebody else to represent the DP there, as it is a stronghold of the party. Mao has been loyal towards Mbabazi and the TDA since he arrived there from the wilderness in September in 2015.

Lukwago-Eria

Erias Lukwago has not been missing, he has been in the spotlight and together with FDC; here and there ever since the Nomination rally in November in 2015. Hon. Lukwago has been representing Gen. Sejusa at the recent court trail before he was sent to Luzira, he has had issues with the Police in Kampala as he started his campaign for Mayoral position again, as he won it in 2011.

ofwono

The NRM has continue to ferry and Voter Tourism; NRM could have their own bus-company and ferry people after the election with Ofwono Opondo as the spokesman for the company as they can recharge the Uganda Media Centre and add a Costumer friendly app to tell when the buses are in the district; something they should already operate since November 2015. NRM bus company comes to rescue if need a hitch a bus from Mbarara to Lwengo or to Masindi!

As I am talking about: NRM has paid for their flag-bearers recently they paid UGX 20m each. They have 32178 of them. That is a massive amount of funds. Just to put in perspective the total fee is UGX 643,560bn that the party has splashed out. While the FDC payed the MPs nominations fees of UGX 800m, which tells the difference between the parties.

Yellow Buses Luweero 081115 NRM

Mzee has ferried people for weeks on weeks, that has not been the only thing, his fellow loyal companion for ages Hon. Sam Kutesa has tried to pay people 20k each for not showing up for rallies in Sembabule district, as much as that did not work. NRM has also tried stifling Go-Forward rallies with destroying campaign material, paying security detail to shift to NRM, and also trying to pay boda-boda drivers from not doing their job; to get people from the villages to rallies. The same the NRM has done to the FDC in the pre-election period; they can’t help themselves to try to corrupt the whole population, so they can mirror themselves in them. The sad thing for the NRM is that people is not buying into the cheap tricks of the NRM! 

NRA M7

Mzee is losing touch with his people so he had to relaunch his 20 year old autobiography “Sowing the Mustard Seed”. With a second edition; as his YES MEN says is a good idea. The thing it makes it look like is more publicity stunt than coving his achievements, something the original edition did in 1997. In 2016 his legacy is tarnished by the history of corruption, wars, power-struggle inside the NRM and paid cronies instead of bringing development and prosperity to Uganda as he promised after the coup d’état in 1986. This event today was a shallow event. As much as the speech he held the day before at the ‘Tarehe Sita’, one of the memorable days of the victory of the Ugandan armies. There is something missing from Mzee these days, as the spark is gone!

UGDebate2016 P7 Biraaro

Even Gen. Benon Biraaro of the Farmers Party of Uganda (FPU) has said in the recent day this about Mzee: “I hear Mr Museveni and his NRM have started pledging sanitary pads, hoes and condoms, [but] such pledges cannot transform Ugandans economically”. That tells how spot-on Biraaro is. Biraaro might not be a top-candidate who fights together with big trio. As Mbabazi, Besigye and Museveni, still his words and ideas has tractions and should be listened to, since he speaks with his beating heart and common sense, something that is rare. As a NRA historical he can really dismiss Mzee on the grades of the struggle and reason for why they original fought for in the 1980s. Biraaro deserve credit and has been visible!

cadets10 UPDF

NRM the big monster has used it force in words recently spreading fear to the public in a fashion that is outrages. While they are talking and excessive towards the public! This is also manifested with the UPDF getting a bigger space in the pre-election period. The Police have ordered and gotten heavy equipment to make sure of being able to shut-down demonstrations, the post-elections that are expected by Parliament and NRM-Regime, as they have assured by Badru M. Kiggundu has already the election results in his pocket as his pay-rise proves loyalty to the NRM.

There even reports of supposed ferrying of Rwandan nationals to be shipped in on the General Election polling day on the 18th February, as they will vote in Kisoro and other districts close to the border of Rwanda. The need for using funds from the NRM-Regime to get this people to vote for Mzee!

Namayingo 16.01.2016 FDC P1

Mzee doesn’t have appeal as he ones had. That has been seen in the districts as Dr. Kizza Besigye and the FDC Campaign Convoy has made the villages and towns on fire, they have prepared the towns, while the NRM have done the same, but with monies from cronies and hiring people to fix the towns yellow; which is different from the FDC that has been on their own and own machine, as they cleans towns roads and make the venues ready for the People’s President! Something that differs from the NRM; NRM has bought loyalty and only a little part of rallies are die-hards. As the people show-up to see Jose Chameleone and Bebe Cool, even the magical Crime Preventers and ferried crowds.

MwendaNewNight

Andrew Mwenda continues to praise Mzee until the bitter end, his own person from the KFM Radio as Radio Host would vomit while reading and listening the words coming out his mouth and articles, he is even published page on page in the New Vision. Tamale Mirundi will both praise Mzee and pull him down, while sounding as a confused hyena until the end of the pre-election period.

NRM is doing what they can to prepare for fear! More fear the better is the tool of the NRM. As Ofwono Opondo is sharing on the Uganda Media Centre; while Gen. Sejusa is imprisoned, Gen Tukumunde and Gen Katumba Wamala is continuing to work as partisan politicians for the NRM, as Gen. Sejusa is not allowed to the same for the FDC! The Same with Gen. Kayihura in the Police Force is working as NRM-Police. Something that should not occur; though it is the modus operandi of the NRM-Regime; their generals can work as they please.

Amama Masaka 091115 Ready

The one thing bothers me, and should bother others who follow’s this pre-elections time. Amama Mbabazi and his Go-Forward Group I must question. Mbabazi is saying to be a NRM-Member still he is an independent Presidential Candidate under his own umbrella. And as a Joint Presidential Candidate for the opposition coalition TDA! If he is a Go-Forward/TDA candidate and being still a part of the ruling party NRM. It is understandable he has ties in the party that he has used his life in. Mbabazi sounds wrong… and make me doubt his will of Going Forward! As he still says he has a foot inside a National Resistance Movement. He can’t be either or!

There will be more interesting things to follow, as the UPDF will drive more through the streets of Kampala as a sign of the election coming near, and the Bush-War general of Museveni, can’t leave the guns to speak for himself, as that is the only tool he knows how to use properly, as he is not a great statesman as he should have been by now! Instead the cronies, militarism, fear, pre-rigging, police shooting and killing, and much more will happen in the coming days. Even with the Electoral Commission, with EOM missions from COMESA, EU, Commonwealth and the EAC. They will not this before after in their reports, as the Government of Uganda has told of the American Embassy as they came with a poll describing the percentage of Mzee lower than Besigye. Peace.

“No Peace In Uganda” – CBC’s The Journal from 1985 (Youtube-Clip)

“The Journal’s Ann Madina investigates the period in Uganda after Milton Obote is deposed in a second coup.It highlights the period when the civil war was raging in Luwero shortly before the NRA marched to Kampala” (CBC USA Footage/Clip)

30th NRA/NRM Liberation Day with the “First National Address” – On the Parliamentary Steps on the 26. January 1986 (Transcript of the Speech)

500px-Uganda_Regions_map

Today is the Liberation day after the Bush-War in 1986. That led to the fall of Milton Obote, Yusuf Lule and Tito Okello. After years in the bush and using the guns and being armed to their teeth and after that actually run Uganda; that happens after losing the election in 1980 as a independent with the Uganda Patriotic Movement. He lost to Sam Kutesa his now Foreign Affairs Minister and loyal ally. Because he claimed the 1980s elections where UPC and Milton Obote won, he went to the bush because the system could not be fixed in peaceful ways. Today is the 26th January in remembrance of this and show respect to the start of 30 year reign of power. Here is a transcript of the speech he had that day. If that is to long I have the cut video clip first that can show the glimpse of what he was trying to say. Take a look and read if you will!

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ANYyEjHXIuI

Here is the speech he held on the NRA/M liberation and after the bush-war in front of the Parliament on the 26th January 1986:
NO ONE should think that what is happening today is a mere change of guard: it is a fundamental change in the politics of our country. In Africa, we have seen so many changes that change, as such, is nothing short of mere turmoil. We have had one group getting rid of another one, only for it to turn out to be worse than the group it displaced. Please do not count us in that group of people: the National Resistance Movement is a clear-headed movement with clear objectives and a good membership.

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Of course, we may have some bad elements amongst us – this is because we are part and parcel to Ugandan society as it is, and we may, therefore, not be able completely to guard against infiltration by wrong elements.

It is, however, our deliberate policy to ensure that we uplift the quality of politics in our country. We are quite different from the previous people in power who encouraged evil instead of trying to fight it.

You may not be familiar with our program, since you did not have access to it while we were in the bush so I shall outline a few of its salient points;

The first point in our program is the restoration of democracy. The people of Africa-the people of Uganda-are entitled to democratic government. It is not a favour from any government: it is the right of the people of Africa to have democratic government. The sovereign power in the land must be the population, not the government. The government should not be the master, but the servant of the people.

In our liberated zones, the first thing we started with was the election of village Resistance Committees. My mother, for instance, cannot go to parliament; but she can, surely, become a member of a committee so that she, too, can make her views heard. We have, therefore, set up village, muluka, gombolola and district committees.

Later we shall set up a national parliament directly elected by the people. This way we shall have both committee and parliamentary democracy. We don’t want to elect people who will change sides once they are in parliament. If you want to change sides, you must go back and seek the mandate of the people who elected you.

Democracy
Some of these points are for the future, but right now I want to emphasis that the first point in our political program is democracy for the people of Uganda. It is a birthright to which all the people of Uganda are entitled.
The committees we have set up in these zones have a lot of power. You cannot, for instance, join the army or the police without being cleared by the village committee.

You must get a recommendation from the people in your village to say that you are not a rogue. Hence, the soldiers who are joining us from other armies will have to be referred back to their villages for recommendation. The same applies to the police.

Suppose, for instance, that we want to recruit some 500 soldiers from the District of Rakai and say 10,000 youths in the area apply to join. If 5,000 of those are cleared by their area committees as people of good character, the selecting military team will choose the most physically fit from among those, and we shall end up with an army that is both of good character and in good physical condition. This is an example of some of the work to be done by the village committees.

Another important aspect of the committees is that they should serve as a citizens’ intelligence system. If I go to address a rally in Semuto, Rape-ka or Nakaseke, I shall first meet the muluka and gombolola committees in the area. They will tell me whether the muluka chiefs are thieves, or the hospital personnel are selling drugs, or whether there are soldiers in the area who are misbehaving. They are thus able to act as watchdogs for the population and guard against the misuse of power.

The second point in our program is the security of person and property. Every person in Uganda must be absolutely secure to live wherever he or she wishes. Any individual or any group of persons who threatens the security of our people must be smashed without mercy.

Museveni 1986 Uganda

Security
The people of Uganda should only die from natural causes that are beyond our control, but not at the hands of fellow citizens who continue to walk the length and breadth of our land freely. When we were in Nairobi during the peace talks, it was a very painful experience sitting in a room with criminals across the table. 1 was advised that being a leader, you have to be diplomatic.

This prompted me to ask: “But does diplomacy apply to criminals as well?” to which the answer was, “Yes”. I saw then that the whole process was a farce. We tried peacefully to push the case that the Amin elements, and people like Bazilio Okello, who had killed people in broad daylight, must be excluded from government.

Our voice, however, was a lonely one because there were so many pressures from the International community which is interested only in trade. They do not care how many skeletons we have in Uganda: all they care about is for the road to be opened so that their goods can have free passage. We, therefore, made our position very clear: we were not going to take part in any government which included and Involved criminals. Unfortunately these people believed they had tricked us. Tito Okello, for instance, came back saying that my signing the agreement showed that they had removed the teeth from the salambwa (poisonous snake).

Our position, however, has always been very clear. If you play tricks with us, we shall play tricks with you; if you are honest with us, we shall be honest with you; if you are violent against us, we shall be violent against you. We are people who pay others in their own currency and we never use cowardly tactics. When I was in the bush, I had a lot of pressure from people who said that we should assassinate people like Obote, Muwanga and Bazilio.

NRA M7

Against assassination
I disagreed because I argued that when you assassinate people like that, you turn them into martyrs and heroes. What you need is to develop enough strength to enable you to sweep that kind of garbage to where it belongs: on the dung-heap of history. Why should anybody bother to kill small people like Bazilio? You may kill Bazilio Okello but you will be left with many other Bazilios.

Therefore, the security of the people of Uganda is their right and not a favour bestowed by any regime. No regime has a right to kill any citizen of this country, or to beat any citizen at a road block. We make it clear to our soldiers that if they abuse any citizen, the punishment they will receive will teach them a lesson. As for killing people – if you kill a citizen, you yourself will be killed.

During our struggle, we executed five soldiers of the National Resistance Army for killing people in Bulemezi, Ngoma and Fort Portal. One of these soldiers had killed a doctor in order to steal his money.

What, on the other hand, has been happening in Kampala? Recently, people were massacred in Luwero and a high-powered delegation was sent there: you know these so-called high-powered delegations led by Excellency’s and honorables, etc. Personally, I do not like being called ‘Excellency’.

People in Bulemezi call me Yoweri or Mzee wa Kazi. Now, these Excellency’s, and honorable ministers and high-ranking military personnel, and what-have-you went to Luwero. Can you imagine what they did? We were told that they had transferred the person who had killed the people in Luwero to another station! Can you imagine? Someone kills 100, 50 or even two people and you say you have transferred him to another area? It was suggested that the solution to some of our problems would be for Kampala to be completely demilitarized.

Disciplining soldiers
So I asked: “Where are you going to take these criminal soldiers? Even if you take them to a national park they will kill the animals there!” The solution, therefore, is to put criminal soldiers where they belong: in prison.

The third point in our program is the question of the unity of our country. Past regimes have used sectarianism to divide people along religious and tribal lines. But why should religion be considered a political matter? Religious matters are between you and your god. Politics is about the provision of roads, water, drugs, in hospitals and schools for children.

m7-1970

Case for unity
Take the road from here, Parliament Buildings, to Republic House. This road is so bad that if a pregnant woman travels on it, I am sure she will have a miscarriage! Now, does that road harm only Catholics and spare Protestants? Is it a bad road only for Moslems and not for Christians, or for Acholis and not for Baganda? That road is bad and it is bad for everyone.

All the users of that road should have one common aspiration: to have it repaired. How do you become divided on the basis of religion or tribe if your interests, problems and aspirations are similar? Don’t you see that people who divide you are only using you for their own interests not connected with that road? They are simply opportunists who have no program and all they do is work on cheap platforms of division because they have nothing constructive to offer the people.

Our Movement is strong because it has solved the problem of division: we do not tolerate religious and tribal divisions in our Movement, or divisions along party lines such as UPC, DP, UPM and the like. Everyone is welcome on an equal basis. That is why you find that when our army goes to Buganda, the people there call it:” amagye gaffe, abaana baffe”. When it goes to the West, it is: “amahe gaitu, abaana baitu”: which means that wherever the NRA goes, it is called ‘our army, our children’. Recently, Buloba was captured by our army, and the commander in charge of the group was an officer called Okecho. He comes from Pakwach in West Nile.

Therefore, the so-called division between the north and south is only in people’s heads. Those who are still hoping to use it are going to be disappointed. They ought to dig a large grave for such aspirations and bury them. Ma-sindi was captured by our soldiers led by Peter Kerim: he, too, is from West Nile. Dr. Ronald Batta here, who is from Madi, has been our Director of Medical Services for all these years in the bush.

Milton Obote_pic

Angry’ Obote
Obote tried to propagate the idea that there was a division between the Bantus and the Nilotics and that if the Bantus took over, the Nilotics would be wiped out. We have, however exposed him. Whenever, we captured soldiers from Ac noli, Lango and elsewhere, we would treat them well and then release them.

Obote would be surprised and he would ask: “Were you really captured? Did you see Museveni? Were you really not beaten?” Once we captured the police commander of Masindi, a man called Gala.

I talked to him and another man called Epigo, also from Masindi. When we released them and Epigo got back to Obote, Obote did not like what Epigo had to say: that the National Resistance Army was not a tribal army as the Obote government had been trying to make out. So Obote locked Epigo up in Luzira Maximum Security Prison because he did not want to hear the truth about our Movement and Army.

There is, in philosophy, something called obscurantism, a phenomenon where ideas are deliberately obscured so that what is false appears to be true and vice versa. We in the NRM are not interested in the politics of obscurantism: we want to get to the heart of the matter and find out what the problem is. Being a leader is like being a medical doctor. A medical doctor must diagnose his patient’s disease before he can prescribe treatment.

Similarly, a political leader must diagnose correctly the ills of society. A doctor who does not diagnose his patient’s disease adequately is nothing but a quack.

In politics we have also got quacks – and Uganda has had a lot of political quacks over the past two decades or so. I also want to talk about co-operation with other countries, especially in our region. One of our weaknesses in Africa is a small market because we don’t have enough people to consume what we produce.

ReaganMuseveni

Regional cooperation
Originally we had an East African market but it was messed up by the Excellency’s and Honorable ministers. It will be a cardinal point in our program to ensure that we encourage co-operation in economic matters, especially in transport and communication within the East African region.

This will enable us to develop this area. We want our people to be able to afford shoes. The Honorable Excellency who is going to the United Nations in executive jets, but has a population at home of 90 per cent walking barefoot, is nothing but a pathetic spectacle. Yet this Excellency may be busy trying to compete with Reagan and Gorbachev to show them that he, too, is an Excellency. These are some of the points in our political program. As time goes on, we shall expand more on them.

Last appeal
To conclude, I am appealing to those people who are trying to resist us to come and join us because they will be integrated. They should not waste their time trying to fight us because they cannot defeat us.

If they could not defeat us when there were just 27 of us with 27 guns, how can they defeat this army which you saw here? They cannot defeat us, first of all, because we have a correct line in politics which attracts everyone. Secondly, we have a correct line of organization. Thirdly, our tactics are correct.

We have never made a mistake either in strategy or tactical calculation. I am, therefore, appealing to these people not to spill more blood, especially of the young men who are being misled by older people who should know better.

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Afterthought: 

I think this is enough. And it is celebration of 30 years. I will not be smooth, but rather silent. Because it seems like President Museveni forget his cause, if it ever was his cause and to make a democratic change. Even if he used a long time to give a multi-party system. Still his rigging turns as bad or worse then Obote II. That means that after 30 years they are doing the same thing they fought against. Which must be an ironic way of celebrating 30 years of power, with the same leader that held this speech. A speech that was powerful and if truthful and the power ate the man. Then he forgot why he came to power. There are many theories, but the man who took power talked a way of democratic behaviour, but now is more totalitarian and police-state then the state he wished to build in 1986. Peace.

KCCA banning Besigye’s Posters in the City; KCCA have a Campaign Poster Paranoia that is on another level!

KCCA Poster Ban 23.01.2016

We are at a day where a poster from the KCCA is been released. Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) is becoming more and more a NRM Unit as we speak. They have already been hard to their DP elected Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago. This here is on the same level.

Jennifer Musisi and Frank Tumbawaze have their own mood-swings to show loyalty to their master. Mzee must enjoy the news and the order from KCCA. This here is in the 25 or 26 days of the Campaign Trail. KCCA can’t be seen as impartial organization or governmental organization that runs Kampala. They have also another character to help running KCCA which is the Presidential Advisor for Kampala Affairs. I am still not sure what he is supposed to do, but that is case and scenario that needs deep brief because of the NRM like to run and shield itself instead of telling their story.

KCCA have breached and become so impartial that their level is sky high and the Campaign Poster Paranoia, is just to an extent that is made of baboons. Singing jiggly and acting  with jiggy people in Kabalagala, instead they show no institutional integrity of a government outfit. It proves how the people who are hired of the NRM are not working for the people, but for the political party. This here is a breach of the ethical actions from the KCCA. They are the right-hand for the Mzee instead of working for the people of Kampala. As they show with this action as they proclaim their allegiance to the NRM. Not, being their for any kind of party or having the same rules and regulation for all of the citizens of Kampala. Because that would not be JUSTICE in the eyes of KCCA for the moment. There is a difference between the men who support Dr. Kizza Besigye and President Museveni. that is why his posters can hang and be pinned on the wall. While the FDC poster will be taken down! 

They should either take down that foolish nonsense regulations of taking pay for the posters or and at once stop the ignorance of KCCA to expel FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye posters from being pinned in the City. Because this leaves NRM with full-fledges of the walls in Kampala. The City can even have UPC and DP poster, and whatever else until Musisi and Tumbawaze can run the city like wild-west in the mercy of Mzee.

There is something wrong with this. Another tale of BS from the NRM-Regime; I wonder who rubberstamped this?

Like in Bugolobi, Kampala the 6th January 2016:

Bugologi, Kampala 06.01.2016 KCCA

Think that was enough for today. Peace.