The Markie event of the President Bid of Hon. Moses Wentangula in Kakamega yesterday; as the rally happen; the chaos and the bickering transpired; either it is issues between the Opposition or the hired noise from JAP; it make me worry about the coming election!

Kakamega 02.04.2016

Yesterday the Forum for the Resotoration of Democracy (FORD-Kenya) Hon. Moses Wentangula had his Presidential Bid Rally in Kakamega at Muliro Gounds. As much as the Kakamega County said the grounds we’re rebuilt for recreational use and not public rallies anymore. The rally still occurred. Though under some unfortunate circumstances as Orange Democratic Movement supporters crashed the venue and created unnecessary actions, that lead to tear-gas and people hurt in melee.

Yester was supposed to be the start of the Hon. Wentangula bid for presidency as the main candidate for the Opposition Parties and their alliance Coalition for Reform and Democracy (CORD-Kenya). That is a multi-party coalition of the most of the opposition parties that are in the country. They are supposed to be the stark contrast to the Ruling Jubilee Alliance which is the ruling coalition with Jubilee of President Kenyatta and his Deputy Hon. William Ruto of the United Republic Party.  Just as they in October 2015 was to create a Party out of the coalition that becomes the Jubilee Alliance Party (JAP). So the ruling party will be stronger and counter stronger towards the opposition coalition.

Odinga Wentangula

As we saw yesterday even with the days before Hon. Raila Odinga in his written statement on 01.04.2016: “I will endorse Wetangula Tosa 2017 at the monumental Muliro gardens Kakamega.I find strong leadership in My brother Hon Moses Wetangula,he is young,energetic and brave to face-off with Uhuru in the 2017”.

Hon. Odinga had already given in public sphere the endorsement of Hon. Wentangula as he had planned his bid and surely had worked the CORD before this, so it was not a coming like a lightning strike or all of sudden no Chapattis in the whole of Kenya!

The ODM supporters acted wildly as they tried to undermine the leadership of CORD. If not is strange tactic from Hon. Raila Odinga to first endorse then sending his loyal followers to destroy the start of Hon. Wentangula bid for presidency in coming election of 2017. CORD if they will ever counter the ruling regime, need solidarity and ethics. Prove that they are different from them and strike as viable choice for the public to run behind.

If the Opposition wants to be taken serious they have to show it with actions and not go to grind against each other; especially not rowdy ODM Supporters at a campaign rally. The same would be if FORD Supporters ran around creating havoc at an ODM Rally. Even if the ODM supporters did this in good faith to support Hon. Raila Odinga and tamper with the President Bid of Hon. Wentangula. As he already had endorsed and given way for in the way he did Mwai Kibaki.

UhuruandRuto

As long as they bickering and look chaotic the JAP under President Kenyatta and Deptuy Ruto will blossom while looking smart to the public. That is something both Hon. Wetangula and Hon. Odinga. The Odinga family have had misfortune compared to the ruling mafia in Kenya that is in fourth extension with Uhuru Kenyatta, as he follows the proud leadership click from Jomo Kenyatta his father, Daniel Arap Moi who was Jomo Kenyatta’s Deputy; the same with Mwai Kibaki who worked under Daniel Arap Moi before being ready for the Executive position or become the President; the same was with Uhuru Kenyatta who got groomed during Mwai Kibaki and made ready when his turn came. While Jaramogi Ogdinga Odinga got detained and lost his Prime Minster position, Rail Odinga got to become Prime Minister under Kibaki as the Power-sharing agreement was to med peace. After that he lost on his bid to again try to become the President as Uhuru Kenyatta won on his coalition and Raila Odinga got back into Opposition.

Now that the Opposition should be gearing up together and make sure the makeshift that the Opposition wish to create, instead the ruling party and the JAP can have field day and think their wise as their consolidate their alliance and coalition under one house to strengthen the party towards the General Election in 2017.

The actions of yesterday was to be a merry and not create tension between the ODM and FORD, which is not needed; if they want to be seen as professional partners who have one single presidential candidate, if not they may fall short as the The Democratic Alliance before the General Election in 2016 with the bickering between the partners and the loosing of the major-party and their main candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye while Amama Mbabazi and his newly formed party Go-Forward got the whole Coalition for himself, but the DP and the UPC struggled with affiliation, as the FDC grew strong by being the third force during the election period.

The same could happen, but the CORD have been strong together for long under the regime of Hon. Raila Odinga, but the assessment after yesterday seems bleak as even Hon. Raila Odinga did not show up at the venue, even Hon Nabil Naberwa (FORD) was detained after the rally.

Sugar Deals Wentagula 2015 Press Release

Cord Effect Says this:

“Intelligence reaching us indicate that a prominent Western Kenya leader, working with unnamed politicians from outside Western, not aligned to CORD and suspected to be heavily financed by Jubilee, has spent the better part of the last three days hiring buses and trucks full of people from as far as Khayega and Kibigori with the intention to use them to cause disturbances at Moses Wetang’ula presidential launch later today” (CORD Effect, 03.04.2016).

So the Government and Police will investigate the matter and the cause for chaos that happen on Muliro ground at the Presidental Bid of Hon. Wetangula. The matter at hand it’s supposed to be a joyful occasion to inspire the opposition and gain support as something else then the JAP. The day was not only marked with the words, but with the killing of an unfortunate police officer and people hurt by the crowd of ODM supporters. If they we’re payed to be that by the JAP then this is a sorry for a ruling party to make a propaganda victory and senseless actions towards counterparts, fellow brothers from another mother.

We as pundits like me, hope for peaceful election and not of violence by any means. If this is only the start then it is worrying of the state of the politics, if it is really ODM supporters, then the ODM Party have to sufficiently either stand by their endorsement of Hon. Wetangula and Hon. Odinga better enlighten his fellow supporters. If the FORD gets hurt by this, they better get into dialogue and square it out, as this should not be something that creates animosity. Certainly JAP will win on this if this is truly a actual event where the Opposition parties going against each other, but if this is payed and staged by them. Then the JAP Party is the reason for the death of Police Officer, and then getting the FORD Official behind bars for their own gain, which is political manipulation and then trying to score a mental victory by making it look like a flawed event.

That is just my vision. You might have another one. Peace.   

CEON-U: Post election Press release (01.04.2016)

CCEDU Topowa

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

April 1, 2016

The post election season has been characterised by tension arising from the house arrest of lead opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye, a court case by former presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi and filing court petitions for MP, L.C and municipal elections.

The Citizen Election Observers Network- Uganda (CEON-U) is concerned that the continued house arrest of the lead opposition candidate infringes on his right to freedom according to article 23 of the constitution.

In article 43 of the constitution: (I) In the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms prescribed in this Chapter, no person shall prejudice the fundamental or other human rights and freedoms of others or the public interest.

(2) Public interest under this article shall not permit-

(a) political persecution;

(b) detention without trial;

(c) any limitation of the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms prescribed by this Chapter beyond what is acceptable and demonstrably justifiable in a free and democratic society, or what is provided in this Constitution.

NBS Besigye 16.02.2016

Section 24 of the police act gives the police a right to arrest someone if he is a threat to public security, but CEON-U demands that police produces evidence that makes Besigye a threat to public security, otherwise will his arrest be indefinite.

In a multiparty system, opposition parties should not be viewed as enemies of the state, but rather as groups that provide alternative Government programmes.

As part of a process of increasing citizen participation in Uganda’s electoral process, CEON-U recently carried out an opinion survey on the recently concluded general elections.

The survey was meant to expose electoral irregularities so as to provide a premise on how to better organise elections in Uganda.

EC 22.02.2015 Guarded Heavy

Consequently;  8 CEON-U managers visited areas where there is conflict, court petitions and requests for vote recounts to establish the causes of the disputed elections. The team visited Tororo, Gulu, Kotido, Butambala, Serere, Jinja, Mayuge, Iganga, Mukono, Kasese, Bundibugyo and Ntungamo. The managers worked closely with our long-term observers who are natives of the constituencies and the districts which they observed, before, during and are observing after elections. CEON-U held focus group discussions with members of the community, local council leaders, opinion leaders and voters from all political parties in the districts.

CEON-U also met district police officials, district returning officers, registrars in courts of law and victims of electoral violence.

Oulanyah House 20.02.2016

Findings:

Generally, the presidential and parliamentary elections were peaceful, but the period leading up to the election day was volatile in all the districts visited. In Mayuge for instance a man died under unclear circumstances. He was a supporter of Robert Ntende, an independent candidate. He is said to have been killed by supporters of Idi Isabirye.

In Iganga at Idudi supporters of NRM and FDC clashed on the eve of elections over voter bribery. The NRM MP was giving out cash to voters who alerted FDC supporters. FDC supporters reacted by blocking the NRM from giving out money, the NRM called a NAADS soldier to rescue them. He came and shot dead a 25-year-old man and the crowd became more rowdy. And the soldier continued firing live bullets. In the process of the scuffle, a woman was shot through the arm and an s.3 student was shot through the neck. Both these people were not involved in the scuffle but had gone to the trading centre to buy food. This shooting took place at 8:00pm. (attached are the pictures of the victims of the shootings).

The way results were tabulated and announced at the district provided a sharp contrast with what the locals had gathered from the polling stations. This happened for all the elections, presidential, parliamentary, district council and municipal elections.

NRM UPC Arua 16.11.15

There are mainly two known political parties, the NRM and FDC; even though Uganda has 10 political parties. UPC which was once a known party is almost non-existent.

In a strong multi-party dispensation system people are given an opportunity to have divergent views on handling issues of governance. A weak political party system promotes a one party system of governance which impedes institutional growth.

The management of electoral processes by some of the district returning officials was poor.

A case in point is Jinja: When it came to the L.C.3 election of Walukuba West Parish B;

The LC 3 election had five candidates Joseph Bateganya Atumika, Bisusa Amisi Kafuko, Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda, Mande Milton and Mbulugu Emmanuel.

On Election day the ballot papers that were supplied to the polling stations had wrong names. Mande Milton was called Mande Milton Kirunda. Also party symbols were mixed up between the NRM candidate and FDC candidate. This was sufficient ground for the election to have been cancelled. However, even when the Jinja district returning officer, Ambrose Mwaita was notified about the anomaly he told the candidate Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda that electoral commission Jinja was not going to do anything about this case. A case has been filed against the electoral commission in Jinja court by Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda.

There are several other electoral disputes that have been filed in courts of law in the various districts. In Omoro Constituency there is a Petition: Simon Toolit Vs Oulanyah Jacob was logged in on March 24 2016. Simon Tollit is suing the Incumbent Oulanyah Jacob and EC over election mal practice. These included ballot boxes being kept away in a saloon, EC tampering with DR forms, EC using a Different format of the District DR Form to declare results among other things.

Anti Riot Police 30.01.2016 Before FDC Campaign Kabale

Intimidation and Violence:

In Katawi, Amuria, Bukedea and Serere there were cases of intimidation and violence. The community claimed they were beaten by militia groups and crime preventers and were warned against voting an opposition party into power. ( attached is a picture of the people who gave confessions during a focus group discussion)

In Mukono the parliamentary campaigns were characterised by violence and chaos. According to the electoral commission, Fatuma Ndisaba’s supporters used to beat up Betty Nambooze’s supporters during campaigns. There was also the problem of candidates campaigning beyond the stipulated for campaign time and supporters clashing after the campaigns.

Badru EC

Recommendations:

 The military should be restrained from participating in elections, because elections are volatile in nature. Electoral commission should improve its image by investigating and eventually laying off district returning officers who are said to have altered DR forms and extorted money from candidates who wanted to be announced winners.   All political parties should be treated equally and respectfully by the Government in power.  The Government should seriously consider the electoral reforms that civil society presented last year. Presiding officers and polling assistants should be better remunerated to prevent them from being compromised during elections.  Management of elections is not a single days event. Planning and training of officials, desk officers, middle level managers, desk officers, heads of departments on the process of elections should start the second month after the general elections. Training presiding and polling officials should be done a month to the elections to minimise errors on the DR forms.

Ugandan Election 2016 Grieving

Conclusion:

The democratic path is a long bumpy one, despite the many electoral irregularities that marred the recently concluded elections, the gains made over the last 30 years cannot just be thrown away. We need more concerted effort to promote true democratic ideals.

For more information about CEON-U contact Dr Martin Mwondha on 0788929052 or email omwondha662@yahoo.com visit our website at http://www.ceonu.or.ug (CEON – Uganda) – Towards 2016: Conducting a Unified, Comprehensive and effective election Observation Mission in Uganda. You can also visit the FHRI offices in Nsambya.

Joseph Elton Mabarizi Statement on the coming ruling from Supreme Court on the Presidential Election (30.03.2016)

Mabirizi Debate16

Friends, I write this at 6.30am March 31, 2016, the day the Supreme Court is expected to announce its decision on the Amama Petition.

As categorically stated before, during my campaign and after the elections, I have little confidence in the possibility of a political problem being solved through questionable legal means. The Independent Coalition, TIC which fronted me as Presidential Candidate, ruled out going to court once the election is/was rigged.

The election was rigged. We all know it. Even Mr. Museveni knows it very well. That’s why he must keep the winner under house arrest.

As our way of setting the record straight, let me on behalf of The Independent Coalition officially congratulate Col (rtd) Dr. Kizza Besigye on being elected President of Uganda.

Whatever the Supreme Court says is its business. The people who are more supreme than the supreme court decided to end Mr. Museveni’s 30 year corrupt rule on Feb 18 2016, and they did.

I appeal to our colleagues in FDC to do more than they have done so far, to lead the struggle to secure the victory of the FDC flag bearer.

If they don’t show real leadership at this stage, then another leadership will be forced to do so, and they should not blame us for claiming their victory, just like Museveni (who had miserably lost the election) claimed Dr. Semogerere’s victory in 1980.

The Independent Coalition, TIC and I shall not legitimise electoral fraud for any reason.

For God and my Country.

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

jean-pierre-bemba-01-1024x655

About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

kin16

Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

alliances

UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

Press Statement: The Blue Friday Campaign (14.03.2016)

FDC Youth 14.03.2016

Nakasero, Kampala, 14th March 2016 – The blue Friday team greets you ladies and gentlemen.We appreciate your efforts and resolve to withstand the challenges and difficult times we are facing as a nation.

The year 2016 started with excitement,hope and promise but at the same time it has brought misery onto us.The month of February in particular was a turning point in the history of our country.Witnessing the unthinkable imposed onto us by men and women of the electoral commision who conspired with security agencies to deprive us of our constitutional civil rights.

Having known the choice we Ugandans had made to overwhelmingly vote for FDC’s Presidential candidate Dr.Kizza Besigye,the electoral commision decided to alter the results as they wished!
Dr.Sulaiman Kiggundu with assistance of the Uganda Police Force deliberately refused to declare Dr.Kizza Besigye as the winner of the Presidential elections exercise which he won but instead chose to announce the loser as the winner!!! That was not only unconstitutional but also criminal.We can sum it up as an “election coup of Namboole”.

Therefore,we must protest on one hand the election coup of Namboole and on the other hand the deliberate violation of Dr.Kizza Besigye’s individual rights through an illegal detention at his home.

A campaign known as Blue Friday has been agreed upon as one among many other non violent campaigns to reclaim the people’s victory and reinstate Dr.Kizza Besigye as the dully elected president of Uganda.Blue Friday is a movement composed of Ugandans who recognise Dr.Kizza Besigye as the President elect of the republic of Uganda. Any other person who claims to the Presidency by proclamation or declaration is an imposter.

For that matter,we call upon all peace loving Ugandans who recognise Dr.Kizza Besigye as the President elect of this country to wear blue every Friday in solidality with their President.This is constitutionally right.We do so because we believe that we can reclaim our victory without necessarily using violent means like Mr.Yoweri Museveni did in 1981 when he lost elections to DP and UPC.This non violent campaign is simply to denounce Mr.Museveni’s plans of fraudelently imposing him self onto Ugandans yet he is Dr.Kiggundu’s choice rather not a choice of Ugandans.

We also wish to make more fundemental demands as the Presidency of Mr.Yoweri Museveni comes to an end.

1. We urge the International community to recognise Dr.Kizza Besigye as the dully President elect of the republic of Uganda and should denounce Mr.Museveni who was illegally declared by Mr.Kiggundu’s electoral commission.

2.We demand for an independent audit assisted by eminent persons and delegated political party officials to audit the Feb/18th/2016 Presidential elections.

3.We request that the International community puts sanctions on Mr.Yoweri Museveni and some officials of his government,a travel ban should be considered among others.

In conclusion ,we request that Dr.Kizza Besigye establishes a government of the people of Uganda and such a governent must start re~organising this country.

Thank you

Kahemba Babi
for
Blue Friday
Kampala Uganda
0752871050

Resurrection of rebellion surfaces; while now the SUN sets on the NRM-Regime; And the disregard of justice and the Power-Vacuum created by this announcement of election results; creates distance between the Executive and the People!

Kapchorwa March 2016

This here is worrying signs in the times as people have fled their homes in Bundibugyo district, the violence that spark in Kasese, the intimidation in Kaabong amongst the Karamojong. The situation of house arrest of Dr. Kizza Besigye, the harassment of FDC officials and the FDC agents detained, and the witnesses of the Go-Forward Group in the same predicament. While the army is still heavy deployed and the police is still in anti-riot gear. The FDC headquarter in Najjankumbi has been raided and staff been detained to take Declaration Results Forms. That is the main reasons for the troubles of Go-Forward and FDC.  

The worrying is the escalation with a rebel group official starting to attack President Museveni under their leader “Maii Moto” went and attacked the Police Station in Kapchorwa. Even reported that the “We, Save Uganda Now” (SUN) has taken responsibility for the attack on the 5th March 2016. As even seems to be two battalions and also having UPDF deserters. That is worrying sign, because the UPDF is very professional and well-trained therefore used in operations in Somalia, DRC and Central African Republic. They have even entered South Sudan and reported that certain parts were in Burundi right after the election in 2015. Therefore that UPDF army men leaving the fold and be parts of rebel group, says enough.

Petition 01.03.2016

This election has left lot of stones to turn as the continuation of fraud surface and the ways government has handled the elections and the aftermath. We see now the historical artifact surface after a hampered and rigged election. It is not enough how the announcement of the result happen on the 20th February from the Electoral Commission and the question of the existence of a National Talley Centre. The end game is strange and charade at the Supreme Court.

That a rebellious group as the SUN has surfaced should be worrying with mentality that the NRA came to power, as in previous times the ADF-NALU has made violence in the Rwenzori-Region and the LRA in Northern Uganda. Both of the other groups are now at other places and fought back by the UPDF, still they exist and torment of citizens in Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic. They are all reactions to the regime of President Museveni. As the newly formed SUN; that SUN exists and already have created casualties in Kapchorwa. That is not a great look into the start of a new term and sworn-in. knowing that people are starting to use the same format and the same guerrilla and bush-war mentality as you did in the 1980s.

Wandegye Kampala 15.02.2016 FDC P2

It should be worrying already with the men killed after demonstrations, the hurt men after the tear-gas and live-bullets, the detaining and the shunning level playing-field and used the government institutions to achieve yet another “victory”. Not that it is legitimate or correct as the mourning proves and the way people showed up at the rallies of the opposition and the way they was ferried to President Museveni.

There certainly things brewing who is not well established, with the arbitrary laws and creating the Crime Preventers, while mixing the powers of the army and the police in joint operations while carrying out unlawful house-arrests and detaining opposition. It is in this territory that the SUN guerrilla and rebels shows up and shoots up a Police Station in Kapchorwa. Where they pick up guns and kills a police officer. In 1981 the NRA went to Kabamba in Mubende to gain strength and secure guns and ammunition for their bush-war.

Mbarara Buses 12.01.2016

For a man who knows this tactic, for a President, who gained force in this way and created a atmosphere of invisibility and maneuvering between guerrillas and government army, while regenerating public support his cause. That must be a worry for the man who has called the people of Kampala rats for voting opposition, blaming opportunists MPs and claiming that he is the only one who can keep Uganda safe. In that picture with the recent deaths, fleeing people and the tension proves that something has occurred and a mentality has changed. As the UPDF, UPF and other security outfit has more work than claiming the P10 of the FDC is an illegal branch who should be dissolved. As they don’t carry guns or create violence. They should fear the SUN guerrillas and rebels who have been created to work against President Museveni. As much as he should not underestimate them as the President Obote did in his time and how the rippling effect it does have, and knowing the main target is to take out NRM and their President Museveni after 30 years in power.

This here is not a wished picture or something anybody wants to see, as I have before explained the similarities between the election in 1980 and even how Dr. Kizza Besigye has been worked against is similar to then Presidential Candidate in 1996 – Dr. Paul Ssemongerere. There is vicious ways of the government operations and the ways they operate has generate a ghost or a reaction that is not peaceful, even if the main opposition speaks of peaceful dis-obedience, as boycotting and not using NRM infused businesses and tax-collecting companies that gives the regime money to fuel their operations. That is decent way of doing so if they get it deliberately and get the public to eat in and take part of it. As the western nations started to shun products from South Africa when the Apartheid policy surfaced and the oppressive regime was taken the lid of. Then the public started to buy the same products from other sources instead of giving the tax-money to South African and South African producers. That is what FDC and other opposition powers are talking. In the political climate now, that is sustainable, as long as the public actually does it. Citizens who show their disregard of the ruling party and their rich elite who keeps them there; therefore the natural reaction would be to stop using MTN or other big business that serves the government right now.

Enage 02.03.2016

The SUN is another type of reaction and their attempt and even start proves the liability and weakness in the army and the police as they could ambush the Police station. Even Police Spokesmen Fred Enaga claimed they we’re “mastermind” and this is a Police Force who prides themselves in intelligence and gathering information while detaining people preventative arrests and takes them to jail before the actions are done; as they fear people doing crime or creating chaos. As they have done ever since creating the Anti-Besigye Act or the POMA.

The SUN group uses the same device as the NRA did and already cleared one police station in the midst of the heavy deployment of army, roadblocks from central Kampala and out to Kasangati, the UPDF who supposed to keep things tight-knit and together with the police make sure no post-election happens, even as the violence hits Soroti, Kasese, Bundibugyo and now Kapchorwa. This is inflicted and notion of the intent from the government as they secure their own men and the handpicked men of the NRM, as they have ruled without to many questions since 1986. They been backed by the United States, Russia, Libya and other powers to secure a strong army and rebuild the country after bush-war. Now they are returning into the same landscape they fought to get rid of. As the Police standby while lawyers who work on a petition to question the legitimacy of the recent election is getting raided. While the evidence getting lost. This violent disregard of justice and double-standard; can fuel the men of SUN. Not that we want that, but we have to understand that.

FDC HQ 19.02.2016 Police Siege

As the killings and guerrilla warfare is not wished. But it happens when oppressive regimes and totalitarian regimes cremate the skeleton of sham elections, sham government and sham funding of government facilities, the loss of accountability and transparency; where everything is circulated amongst one man and his cadres. We can see that is the exposure and the clarity of the government institutions right now. They are all centered toward the executive and his decisions, as the IGP Kayihura has said he “follow orders” and do that without thinking. While before election Generals of the Army together with MPs said they feared going against the President Museveni. This here was put on wax and said to Daily Monitor. There was even reported that it was fear of defacing campaign-posters of him, as the poster represented the President.

When you are in this state and in the climate between people and leaders, when the MPs, Generals and IGP fear the President and would follow his command as a fear of losing the position he has “given them”. Then can have a deteriorating effect and make people kneel and speak as they want to think like the Executive, instead of building to creating a better government, as that is not important as much as clearing the state. Make sure that the state, parliament and government institutions can surely serve the Executive and not the people. The reason why the election became like it was and the excuses and tragic outcome, as the silence and the meager display of confidence in the regime; with the reaction as people tarnished Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya as he was first to congratulate President Museveni. In this sieging of the people’s will and the open stealing of ballots, has made certain bubbles to burst.

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

As it now seems as certain army deserters actual becomes a part of a guerrilla or militia, even an armed rebel group. That should be worry, even as it is nothing new in the history of Uganda, and the ability of UPDF to shut-down rebellion, though this time they might play it differently and the people might not celebrate the governmental army as before, because of the longevity of the bush-war that created the NRM and the longevity of President Museveni. It would be special if a guerrilla of his own trained deserters would bring him down, as he has never chosen peace or taken defeat as a leader, instead always blamed other people for his failure or opposition for destroying good policies. The SUN might be a little mosquito right now, I am sure Obote at one point didn’t take the runyankore upstart seriously, even if had been defense minister at one point, and been a part of the armed battle together with him battling Idi Amin. He was still sure together with Tanzanian army would be able with UNLA to destroy NRA. Something he didn’t as they could hide easy and move quicker than the government forces while tactically outmaneuver both other rebel forces as Dr. Kayira his Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM) and other ones. So secure the loyalty from the Baganda Kingdom and take Kampala and be sworn-in in 1986. This is something the NRM knows and should worry that they are doing the same as the men they got rid of in 1986, they even seem to have done certain murders that came to the surface in December 2015 by the shores of Lake Victoria, as the Police has not given the public any answers to the crime or given any indication of knowledge on the Christopher Aine case. And the months are rolling and the next swearing in of President Museveni together with his loyal Presidential neighbor’s and President Mugabe, as he will cling to power by any means. That means the army and police will use their guns and the tear-gas, operation to raid opposition offices, even lawyers offices and detain witnesses to keep silence on the electoral fraud that happen on the 18th February 2016.

Obote

Somewhere is Dr. Milton Obote shaking his head together with Yusuf Lule and Dr. Paolo Muwanga who did their business at one point of time in the Ugandan history. Now, this period will be historical for the disarray and measly display of arrogance from the NRM-Regime while the nature of business is shaping the results with the iron-fists, instead of democratic means or justice, as the concern of rule of law does not care for anything else the rule of power. The answer to this is the resurrecting of ghosts of the Ugandan history. Guerrilla and rebels to the government and their ruling; that it happens now show how deep down and little regard the government has for the people. That the Government of Uganda, President Museveni has made the people his enemy and created a big vacuum as the people feels betrayed by their Executive, this has led to people and UPDF deserters to start a rebellion and a guerrilla under the name “We, Save Uganda Now” (SUN). And the violence has been released unto police men in Kapchorwa days ago, as the Police and army, together with other political forces has created similar outcomes in Bundibugyo and Kasese. To many dies for too little as the Executive continues to suppress his own people and take them for granted. Peace.

In remembrance of Dr. Andrew Kayira and the possible plot of the NRA to assassinate him on the 6th of March 1987

Andrew Kayira

Today it has been 29 years since the assassination of Dr. Andrew Kayira, the former rebel and government minister at his time. He even had an alliance with the NRA then military rebel-group of President Museveni and at one point even helped with his rebel-group attacking central barracks and taking weapons from the governmental forces of the then Obote II government. At one point he even had an alliance with Col. Gaddafi of Libiya who sent weapons from Burundi through Rwanda to both NRA and the UFM rebel groups to regain more support in Sub-Saharan Africa. This here is telling a story of why he possibly was killed, by who and some insights into the reports. Also the way the newly NRM tried to shut-up media who covered it after the coup d’état in 1986 when they controlled the media and wouldn’t release the information in 1988 when articles came out for the first time about the assassination of Dr. Kayira. Here take a look!

Report from 1983:

“the Ugandan Freedom Movement (UFM) led by Andrew Kayira, a minster in the short-lived Lule government which succeeded Amin, and member of the opposition Democratic Party’s militant, unconstitutional wing” (…)”Kampala is now relatively quiet and secure, and the UFM leader Andrew Kayira is reported to have left the country” (Crisp, 1983).

Treason Charge on the 8th March 1987:

“Former Energy Minister Andrew Kayira was killed by gunmen, some of whom were wearing army uniforms. He was acquitted two weeks ago of charges of treason. Journalist Henry Gombya said the men, armed with knives and guns, came to his house Friday night. Kayira had been living there since his release. Gombya said he hid in the bush and his wife and three children locked themselves in a bathroom. Kayira tried to hide in a bedroom but was found and shot in the head, arms and thighs, the journal ist said. Kayira, who was named energy minister last year, was arrested five months ago with 25 other prominent people. They allegedly were involved in a conspiracy to overthrow the government of President Yoweri Museveni” (Orlando Sentinel, 1987).

NRA M7

Museveni ordered it:

“It is believed that he ordered the assassination of Kayiira. Kayiira was killed in March 1987, and his movement began to fall apart soon thereafter. As director of military intelligence, Kagame would have supervised  the assassination plan; certainly, say Ugandan, it could not have occurred without his imprimatur also” (De Hoyes, 1997).

What was the Pre-Text for the assassination of Dr. Kayira:

“Despite Kayira’s integration into the NRA and his subsequent appointment as Minister, it seems the NRA Government mistrusted him, resulting in his eventual arrest in October 1986. He was accused of treason for allegedly plotting to overthrow the Government of President Museveni, though he was acquitted and released by court on February 24, 1987. On 9 March 1987, Kayira was assassinated by unknown gunmen. After his death, his followers disintegrated. Some went into exile, others were integrated into NRA, while others deserted” (Refugee Law Project, 2014).

What the Scotland Yard Report says happen:

“On 6th March, 1987, at about llp.m. Dr Kayira and his friend, Mr, Henry Gombya, a B.B.C stringer, were having dinner with Gombya’s wife Victoria Naava ,24 , and three other girls Josephine Babirye, 19, Julian Nabwire, 14, and Annet Namatovu, 23, when about 10 armed men stormed the compound and attacked the persons present” (Scotland Yard).

Andrew Kayira P2

Witness report from Scotland Yard:

“According to Gombya, whilst the attackers were shouting at the occupants and kicking the door/ he in panic split Shs40 million which he had in his bedroom into two halves and threw Shs20 million into the banana plantation from the balcony leading from his room and left the remaining money in the bed for the suspects to steal. He then jumped from the balcony/ a height of 12 feet and ran down the driveway and on the second attempt managed to climb over the gate. He then hid in a banana plantation” (…)“Whilst this was happening the attackers were shouting to Dr Kayiira to open his bedroom door, which he did at the same time asking them what they wanted. Witnesses’ state that when Gombya escaped and was running towards the gates he was seen by one of the gunmen who raised the alarm and was told not to pursue him as the “UFM man” was in the house. This would suggest that the gunmen knew that Dr Kayiira was staying at the house” (…)”Police were eventually notified at Kabalagala Police Post some two miles away and arrived shortly after 7:30am. A photographer and scenes of Crime Officer arrived soon afterwards. Scenes of Crime examination was always going to be difficult as prior to police arrival villagers and other persons from the surrounding areas had descended onto the premises and went inside the house to satisfy their curiosity, and pay their respects” (Scotland Yard).

Aftermath:

“Investigations by the Kampala C.I.D under the direction of Simon Mugamba (Director of C.I.D) and Senior superintendent Fideiis Ongom (Officer in charge) commenced and quickly established that Gombya had requested from Mr Henry Kateregga, a Kampala businessman Shs40 million very urgently” (…)”As a result of their investigations the police were contacted by a man named Emmanuel Sebbunza, 17, who informed police that he had been involved with the people responsible for the killing of Dr Kayiira and although not at scene at the time of the offence, he assisted them in its preparation” (…)”He further stated that he had been paid money for both his assistance and to keep quiet about who took part. He states that the motive was robbery as the persons involved in the offence knew that Dr Kayiira was at the house and further that a large amount of money was in the house. He states however that it was believed that Dr Kayiira had the money. Mr Sebbunza further stated that arrangements for the offence were made at the shop of Muzeyi & Sons, Kampala, belonging to Mr John Katabazi, 28” (Scotland Yard).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Museveni action after the takeover of power:

“On Thursday 26th March 1987, at the request of President Museveni-the Ugandan President I (Detective Chief superintendent Thompson) attached to the serious crimes Branch New Scotland Yard, together with Detective Inspector Sanderson, scenes of crime officer attached to the Metropolitan Police Laboratory travelled to Uganda to assist the investigating officers because of the strong suggestions that the murder of Dr Kayiira was a ‘political’ one” (Scotland Yard).

Gomboya Statement:

“The majority of the attackers were dressed in NRA uniforms while others were dressed locally. Suspicion immediately fell on NRA soldiers when on the Saturday morning as hundreds of people were flocking my house to view the body of Kayiira which was still lying in a pool of blood in his bedroom” (…)”I told commander Kazoora that in my view, those who had killed Kayiira were likely to have been government enemies. I further told him, “If these people now return and shoot me dead, the government would find it quite difficult to prove it was not behind my death.” (…)”Mr Ssemogerere expressed surprise that “anyone would suggest that I was involved in the killing of your friend”. As he put it, on that day when Dr Kayiira was killed Mr Ssemogerere was the only Cabinet minister who came to my house and saw Dr Kayiira’s body lying in a pool of blood” (…)”The arguments went on almost the whole night until I finally made up my mind that the safest way for me would be the airport. I reached this decision for mainly one fact, Earlier in the day I had contacted my BBC colleague in Nairobi Mike Wooldridge whom I told about my fears concerning my safety. I told Mike that I had received information from the Uganda CID that I would be arrested as a murder suspect” (…)”He found this difficult to believe until I told him I had been to Mr Ssemogerere’s house to brief him about this new development. It was then that Mike volunteered to call Dr Besigye and find out from him whether I would really be arrested” (…)”The answer he got from Dr Besigye was; I want to assure the BBC and Henry that we have no intention of arresting him nor have we even suggested he be suspected In any way in this killing”. Dr. Besigye further told Mike Wooldridge that I was free to go anywhere but added “He may be needed to give evidence” (…)”Mr Wooldridge replied that since Dr Besigye had assured me I was not wanted he did not see any reason why I should not rest. Mike agreed with me that it would look like as if I was running away if I did not use the airport. Since in my heart I knew I was quite an innocent man who had just lost a great friend I did not see why I should try to leave the country as a criminal. My decision took everybody present by surprise!” (…)”But soon after my first interview the Uganda Foreign Affairs Minister Mr Ibrahim Mukiibi called the British High Commissioner in Kampala Mr Derek March to protest at what he called “the way your deputy helped a Ugandan journalist Henry Gombya to escape from Kampala”.Mr Mukiibi further told the British High Commissioner that I was “wanted” back in Uganda in “connection” with the killing of Dr Kayiira” (…)”The Investigating team also received evidence from some NRA soldiers from the 19th Battalion in Lubiri barracks which points to involvement of top NRA leadership and its lieutenants in the murder. According to these soldiers/ the murder of Dr Kayiira was planned days before his release. When the Directors of public prosecution (DPP) and CID jointly told government that there was no evidence to incriminate Dr Kayiira and several of co-accused in the alleged plot of treason this brief was received with a lot of reservations” (Scotland Yard).

M7 Makerere 1986

One Conclusion:

“There was also no evidence that Dr Kayiira put up any resistance. In addition, Gombya who was the owner of the money and other property in the house was not the prime target as he was ignored by the attackers when escaping. On the strength of the evidence the motive of the attackers was very clear: they wanted to kill Dr Andrew Kayiira. This gives credence to the 2nd hypothesis” (Scotland Yard).

Analyzed report:

“Despite President Museveni’s friendship with Dr Kayiira there had been recent mistrust of him by the President as a result of which Dr Kayiira was arrested in October 1986 for alleged;y ploting against the government, and subsequently releases by the court on February 24, 1987, due to lack of evidence” (…)”The release of Dr Kayiira surprised somee people and the subsequent murder of Kayiira led to strong rumours that his death was politically motivated and had been caused by the government’s hand” (…)”It was because of the above facts and the political overtones that the subsequent murder of Dr Kayiira was quickly seized on by various factions to suggest that his death was not only politically motivated, but might even have been carried out by President Museveni’s soldiers on the President’s orders. This charge is emphatically denied by the President” (Scotland Yard).

Fall Guy:

“It seems a British police report has been doctored to make it seem like I am a suspect or somehow involved,” said Mr Gombya, who fled Uganda after the killing and now lives in Farnborough, Hampshire. “Who carried out the shooting? I don’t know. Who ordered it? I believe it was President Museveni, and I’m not afraid to say it … I’m the fall guy.” (…)”There was speculation [at the time] about whether it was a politically motivated murder or a criminal attack,” said Peter Penfold yesterday. He was a diplomat at the British high commission in 1987. “I suppose both scenarios were plausible.” (Lewis, 2007).

Arrests after Article 1988 Uganda Front Page of ReportArrests after Article 1988 Uganda

I hope that gave some insights to the matter and that the truth will hopefully come out one day and that the men behind the killing of this man will get their punishment has he died for political reasons. This here is just one of many, still important as there been many killings and many assassinations under the NRM-Regime and their NRA. This one is significant as this was a way of getting rid of opposition forces and solidifies the regime after the civil war. Peace.  

Reference:

Crisp, Jeff – ‘National Security, Human Rights and Population Displacements in Uganda with special reference to events in Luwero District, Jan – Sept. 1983’ (October 1983) – British Refugee Council

De Hoyes, Linda – ‘Why London supports Rwanda’s confessed mass killer Paul Kagame’ (05.12.1997) – EIR News Service

Lewis, Paul – ‘I’m the fall guy for Ugandan murder, says ex-BBC man’ (20.01.2007) link: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2007/jan/20/bbc.uganda

Refugee Law Project – ‘COMPENDIUM OF CONFLICTS IN UGANDA – Findings of the National Reconciliation and Transitional Justice Audit’ (2014) – Makerere University

Orlando Sentinel – ‘Treason Charge: Former Energy Minister Andrew Kayira was…’ (08.03.1987) link: http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/1987-03-08/news/0110340050_1_treason-overthrow-the-government-arms-and-thighs

Scotland Yard – ‘SCOTLAND YARD REPORT THE MURDER OF DR ANDREW LUTAAKOME KAYIIRA: DEMOCRATIC PARTY VERSION’

Discussion: My thoughts on a Power-Sharing deal between President Museveni and Dr. Kizza Besigye

m7, besigye

This here is something that has surfaced after Gen. Benon Buta Biraaro entered the premise and compound of Dr. Kizza Besigye on the 26th of February 2016. This is just days after the announcement of victory of President Museveni on the 20th February from the Electoral Commission.

So that the days of arrests and detaining of Dr. Kizza Besigye together with the oppression of the opposition party and his loyal officials and agents has been violated and arrested for following up on a flawed and a fraud of an election. The violence and police utilization as a tool to oppress the men who has declaration results forms from the districts agents as the candidates are getting to validate the counting of the ballots from the district before being announced and getting the right verdict of the will of their constituency. This here says it all when the police follows the men and trying to get the FDC officials and agents jailed and at gun-point or to rewrite the forms to fix the malfunction from the registered outcome that was announced from the Electoral Commission; it is in this context there have been talked about the opportunity to have talks to make President Museveni still in power, while giving Dr. Kizza Besigye to become his Vice President (V.P.) in a new government.

Biraaro UGDebate16

Let me be clear: this comes as the presidential candidate of the Farmers Party Gen. Biraaro have been at Kasangati home of Besigye; there been reports of meetings between Inter-Religious Council of Uganda and the Commonwealth Observer Group leader and former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo, as he is supposed to mediate between President Museveni and Dr. Kizza Besigye; he is supposed to be able to talk them both into a deal that with power-sharing and keeping the peace between the persons in question.

Zim 2008

This here happen between Morgan Tsvangirai of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and President Robert Mugabe of Zanu-PF this happen after 200 dead and violent election during 2008 after a fraudulent election that opposition leader Tsvangirai was expected to have won as his popularity had risen in the public, while the economy had gone bonkers. Thabo Mbeki the President of South Africa mediated in this crisis of leadership and got the deal between the parties, where Tsvangirai accepted becoming the deputy in a coalition government that one that still President Mugabe controlled.

Salva Kiir Poster

In the South Sudan there been issues in the leadership between the fractions of the Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/SPLA) as they even have an outfit that is SPLM in Opposition (SPLM-O). This is as the power-struggle between President Salva Kiir and Vice-President Riek Machar; they had even used arms against each other. So when they signed a peace-agreement that was settled during the winter of 2015, has stopped the months on months with violence and destruction in the country. President Kiir has become of this also made his former enemy and now Vice President Machar. He was re-appointed after on the 12th of February 2016.

FDC HQ 19.02.2016 Police Siege

This here shows examples of it of power-sharing deals between the ruling-party and the opposition. That is the dream of some people now as the tension is running high while the Police is harassing and detaining the FDC party officials and agents. While house-arresting Dr. Kizza Besigye since the Election Day; so that he cannot file in the petition to counter the declared results of the election results. Something that President Museveni and his security outfits works to stop by any means these days and also destroy the evidence of the actual rigging of the 18th February 2016.

The way the Police have deteriorating the opposition after the elections. So they could not gather their evidence and they continue to arrest candidates agents; as they try to deliver evidence and Declaration Results Forms to the Central Organization to secure the evidence and gather the basics to the petition. If you think this kind of actions talks of somebody who want to share power. Then your blind man trying to lead another blind man; that will lead the government with somebody else, seems more like a man who wants to own the executive position. Especially also his own words for the opposition and blame of stifling development on MPs, Opposition MPs and LCV of Opposition is usually the reason for the wrong kind of development. The last straw was when he wrote in the article on the 27th February that the opposition is an “endangered species”. That says what kind of methods he will use together with the “knock-out” victory he proclaim in the article is just wild-talk from a President.

Missing boxes 20.02.2016

If President really wanted to have dialogue and actually honor Dr. Kizza Besigye and his FDC; than he hadn’t constantly stopped his movement and opportunities to make a petition or meet fellow officials to make a best casework possible. This here is viable and exercise of violent behavior that does not give credible and legitimacy for President Museveni. Except for his loyal cadres and payed mouth-pieces; the ones that has accepted his salaries for being there for the NRM and the Government under the Museveni umbrella, it is not like that will change with Dr. Kizza Besigye as V.P. The only result of such a match is to give credit to the fraudulent elections and kiss and make-up. But not do a substantial groundwork and honor the voters that were not taken care of during the Election Day and the tally that followed.

I do not believe that this is a good idea. For the simple argument: Legitimacy of a NRM-Regime and the NRM led Government. I stay clear on that point as the results has been deliberately cooked while mouthpiece of NRM Andrew Mwenda blames on twitter that opposition is lying; Mr. Mwenda there to many perfect scores and polling stations that doesn’t make sense; especially that 100% for Museveni in 133 stations, every single registered person, living and dead, every ballot and not a single invalid ballot. For some strange reason Mr. Mwenda every single ballot in those polling stations went to President Musveni! That is an amazing achievement when NGOs and CSOs who followed the elections claimed that the voter educations was lacking and missing during the pre-election period. So there are certain and even more questionable acts of fraud as the Declarations Results Forms that has altered so they can be compared to the released result from the Electoral Commission. And the voter intimidation and the way the army and police acted accordingly even facilitated rigging in certain areas, questions also the faith in the ballots and the tally result from this presidential election exercise. And with all of that mind; the FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye should not legitimize a government who got power in that way, and by house-arresting their presidential candidate days in and days out without a warrant or reason.

The only one earning on this President Museveni and his NRM, by trading away a ceremonial position of the Vice President; silencing the opposition and their claims while still having the Executive power. The same way President Mugabe through thorough negotiations gave the V.P. to Morgan Tsvangirai, but got little legitimacy and even credit for sorting out peace between political parties. That gave him also time to give more power and access to it to the Executive. That is the same way would happen with President Museveni and instead of Mbeki negotiating the agreement; It would be Obansanjo. He is not the kind who serve power away and if a person get to much of following. And that follwing not beeing directed  to him or he feels that person has to much control in the NRM; then he clips your wings. Just as he has done in the past with Gilbert Bukenya and Amama Mbabazi; they are the essential former loyalist to NRM and Museveni, but is now outplayed by their former master.

Obansanjo Uganda 2016

In the same way President Museveni would have done with Dr. Kizza Besigye. At this point former Nigerian President Obasanjo should just take a ticket home to Lagos instead of trying to mediate between the NRM and the FDC. As this here is a stalemate and deserve to be one until justice and rule of law is followed; not only orders from President Museveni. That is the tale of the day and the way the Police and Army uses to oppress the opposition.

As he has said he wants to destroy the opposition and make them go away as they are burden to his rule. And when a President has that kind of wish and does not respect the ballots or electoral reform that does not fit him. Why should the opposition give him the honor of legitimizing his stay in power?

Museveni Debate16

Dr. Kizza Besigye, Amama Mbabazi, Olara Otunnu, Norbert Mao and all the other opposition leaders should shun the President and not honor him. Instead they should stay away from or not negotiate with him, until justice prevails and the truth of the matter get to the surface as the blatant disregard for the election from the regime is obvious and carefully orchestrated and taken care of to secure President Museveni, not the will of the people, just as Dr. Milton Obote did what he could to secure his will in 1980 election.

Kigwa Leero!  Peace.  

Footage from the General Election of 1980 in Uganda (Youtube-Clip)

What do you think and does it sound similar, doesn’t it? Back to the Future President Museveni Style! Peace.

The obvious similarities between the 2016 Elections and the 1980 Elections; President Museveni should be proud!

M7 rescue

There been saying that there are similarities between the 1980s General Election and 2016 General Election when it comes to the Presidency and Parliament. Because of that I have checked and read some reports. Here is stories from the 1980 General Election, as the stories comes out and this here is not from articles from New Vision or Daily Monitor, this here is direct reports or educational-papers, even the international media and some of the people involved in the matter like Yusuf Lule and Paolo Muwanga. But there are lots of questions still, but the certainty of British involvement in the result and the outcome has surely come to mind. Here is some information and not just mere speculation to how the General Election went.

Background to the General Election 1980:

“Thus assured of support, Obote now moved in fact to destabilize the UNLF Government in Uganda. In this he found an ally in the Military Commission of the UNLF, whose Chairman Paulo Muwanga and Vice-Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, joined hands to stage a coup against the UNLF in May 1980. But Museveni was out maneuvered by the Obote-Muwanga clique. The latter rigged the December 1980 elections in their favor” (…)”Britain, in tum, manipulated the Commonwealth to send an “Observer Group” to witness the elections – a ploy that served to “legitimize” Obote’s victory, and thus secure the official suppon of all members of the United Nations and the OAU. Needless to add, Britain was the first country to recognize Obote’s fraudulent victory. Margaret Thatcher convinced the Americans to back the regime and to give the green light for IMF stand-by credits. The full regalia of a neo-colonial restructuring of Uganda was opened in front of all eyes to see. Obote was “the man of the hour”. Whilst Britain played a key role in legitimising Obote (through the mediation of the Commonwealth Secretariat), and later in providing him with assistance to train his army, the role other imperialists played must also be mentioned. The Germans, and in particular the Christian Democratic Party and its foundation the Konrad Adenaur Foundation, all linked with German monopolies, have had an historical interest in Uganda, and close ties with the mainly Catholic Party, the DP. They decided that in the interest of protecting broader Western interests in Uganda, Obote’s election “victory”, though fraudulent, must be recognized. The CDU played a significant role in convincing the DP to accept Obote on the grounds that since Obote had offered to “respect” a “multi-party system”, the DP still had a chance in the future” (Tandon, 1987).

Muwanga

From the 11th December 1980 Proclamation:

“The Chairman of the Military Commission, Mr. Paolo Muwanga, has issued a declaration regarding the confirmation of who shall be considered as having been elected a member of Parliament following the end of the 1980 General Elections” (…)”Any results declared otherwise than in compliance with the provision of the declaration shall not be valid or binding in any publication or such purported result by any means whatsoever” (…)”For the purpose of the 1980 elections to the National Assembly, section 47 of the National Assembly (Elections) Act shall be substituted by the following: “47A(a) when the result of the poll of a constituency has been ascertained, the returning officer shall make no public declaration of the finding but forthwith communicate it to the Chairman of the Military Commission with a confidential report on various aspects of the conduct of the election” (Muwanga, 1980).

The official Results:

1980s Election Results

Yusef Lule claims this:

“I accepted the cabinet on an interim basis. Once I got to Uganda. I shuffled my cabinet and brought in better people. In the 69 days, I tried to rectify the mistakes. For example, one of the roots of troubles in Uganda has been the recruitment of the army from only a few ethnic groups. The British had started this for their own reasons. But as soon as I was President in Uganda, I ordered the recruitment of soldiers from all elements of the population to make it a national army. Nyerere and Obote immediately saw their plan to sieze power after a year might be thwarted. From the moment on Nyerere withdrew from me the support of the Tanzanian troops that controlled the country” (…)”Nyerere insisted that Lule must resign even though the Consultative Council had no legislative powers. (Indeed, the Ugandan High Court ruled, in October 1980, that Lule’s removal had been unconstitutional)” (…)”Since then have come the Uganda elections of December 1980 and much fighting. Lule is highly critical of the Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) because they issued their much-publicized interim report stating the voting had been relatively free and open, before the results of the polls had been announced” (…)”After the Commonwealth statement, Muwanga, contrary to his supposedly neutral role, intervened in the electoral affairs by suspending the announcement of growing victory of anti-Obote forces, and declaring victory for Obote. Muwanga became Obote’s Vice President and Defence Minister” (…)”After the ballots had been counted in Gulu, the permanent secretary – a close friend – called up  Mrs. Aliker in Nairobi to congratulate her on her husband’s victory by 40,000 votes against 3,000 for his opponent. The tide was running heavily toward the anti-Obote forces. Then Paulo Muwanga announced suspension of the results. There was immediate tension. When Radio Uganda came on air the next day, they first announcement was that in Gulu, Dr. Martin Aliker had been defeated by 40,000 to 3,000. The candidate falsely announced as the winner refused to believe the result” (Munger – Lule, 1983).

Obote

Another story of the 1980 elections:

“Meanwhile, in Uganda, controversy raged over the electoral arrangements, amid an increasingly febrile and violent atmosphere. While under the supervision of the Electoral Commission, the actual mechanics of the election were largely in the hands of the administration – in a continuation from late colonial practice, each district commissioner was the returning officer for all constituencies in his district, and was in effect in control of the hiring and supervision of electoral staff. Just over a month before the election, 14 of Uganda’s 33 district commissioners were dismissed and replaced by men appointed directly by the Military Commission; soon afterwards, Obote publicly warned civil servants to ‘stop frustrating the UPC election efforts’.  One man who was a young UPM activist at the time recalled that in his constituency, the district commissioner set about ensuring that all polling staff were UPC supporters” (…)”well over 80% of the registered voters in most places, which meant that rather more than one quarter of the total population voted. This a remarkable number in a country where slightly more than half the population were under 18, while one constituency saw a 103% turnout. Such figures might seem to suggest wholesale ballot-stuffing, and it seems likely that there was some local malpractice involving multiple voting and/or stuffing. But if there was manipulation, it appears to have balanced out, because turnout levels were generally consistent across UPC and DP strongholds.In Buganda, where the UPC suffered more or less complete electoral annihilation, the turnout was as high as it was in the UPC heartlands in the north(the 103% came here). Tito Okello, the commander of the UNLA, ‘praised Ugandans for their peaceful attitude and love for political progress’ and called the election ‘a day of rebirth when Uganda will once more have its rightful place in Africa and the world community’” (…)”The Electoral Commission had, however, fallen silent; its secretary had gone into hiding (and fled the country two nights later) and the rest of its members temporarily vanished from the office.  When it resumed the announcement of results, these showed a very substantial UPC victory. In the end, UPC secured 74 seats, against 51 for DP and 1 for UPM; though in terms of the overall vote, the DP secured more votes overall. The process of tallying at a constituency level had been largely unobserved, since the Observer Group had returned to Kampala on 11 December and – following an outbreak of shooting around their hotel that evening – were largely withdrawn on 12 December” (…)”In his memoirs, the senior British member of the Observer Group, Robert Wainwright, comforted himself that Obote would have won anyway, even had he not cheated in the nominations. Obote’s biographer, citing the Observer Group report, insisted that Obote had won the election simply because of its ‘superior organization’, and dismissed accusations of malpractice as unfounded”  (Willis).

In 1981:

Mr. Obote’s party gerrymandered voting districts, delayed opposition candidates past deadlines for qualifying and in the end shut down a public tally of votes to simply announce victory over national radio. In the last two weeks, the Obote administration also has closed five opposition newspapers” (…)”We are going back on a course we thought we had left, just as things were under Amin,” said Paul Ssemogerere, leader of the opposition Democratic Party. A Democratic Party member of Parliament, John Magezi, said in an interview this week that: ”I’m not sure I understand what’s happening myself. This isn’t even third world politics; this is fourth world.” (…)”The most serious threat to the Obote regime is thought to be a rebel force led by Yoweri Mseveni, who was a member of the six-member military commission that ruled Uganda until the election. Making War From the Bush” (…)”Mr. Mseveni was the only man on the board who did not support Mr. Obote. He formed a political party, but he was trounced in the election that he is convinced was stolen by Milton Obote. Now he is in the bush – with a force of five thousand, he claims – preparing for a major offensive unless the Obote administration steps down” (Jaynes, 1981).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

In 1982:

Without the investment budget, the economist said, Uganda’s chances of economic revival look slim. But frequent reports of violence, perpetrated particularly by Government troops, may make potential investors wary. And thus a vicious circle could be created with economic discontent fueling the problems that block economic revival. Many Ugandans still live in poverty. Dispute Over 1980 Election” (…)”Neither do the insurgents seem to offer an immediate alternative to the present Government. The guerrillas undoubtedly have considerable support among the Baganda people around Kampala, who form the nation’s largest single ethnic group. The Baganda have been opposed to President Obote since he banished their king during his first term of office, from independence in 1962 until his overthrow by Idi Amin in 1971. Mr. Obote returned to power in elections in December 1980, which the Baganda opposition charges were rigged, and which Mr. Obote says vehemently were free and fair”  (…)”The President himself asserts that, were the guerrillas to achieve their aims and install a Baganda leader, then the rest of the country – which, he says, voted solidly for him in the 1980 election – would rise up in revolt” (Cowell, 1982).

Certain Acholi feelings about the 1980s:

“This was followed by several short lived junta administration (governments) till the 1980 general election that was generally disputed by the majority of Ugandan political parties that participated. They claimed that the election was “not free and fair”. This led to a re-organization once more into another liberation movement that struggled till 1986 when they finally succeeded in capturing political power by force of arms. In this struggle, some members of the then defeated army were either taken as prisoners of war or voluntarily joined liberation movement or settled back home while a section regrouped in the north in order to launch a counter offensive to gain political power. It is generally accepted that this was the starting point of the Northern Uganda conflict that has changed faces of struggle which adversely affected the people of the greater North” (ARLPI, 2007).

Uganda 1980 Election UPM UPC

Here we see the British position to the matter and verifying the results and the way the rigging is open and blatant happening, even with witnesses and wife’s getting information about the victory by phone and the day after on the radio hearing and announced that the person didn’t get their seat in parliament after all.

The 1980s elections seem by many means rigged and the reports validate that sense. As some have question if that is true or something Uganda Patriotic Movement used to defend their rebellion towards the state, as the opposition does now; the FDC claims as the predecessor UPM did at one point. The worrying point about the whole election at that time is how the Commonwealth Observers is being used by British Officials, as the Dr. Milton Obote got the verifying force and the international credibility to stop the nuance of asking to accepted. While the Parliament and members was more selected than elected. Just as it seems as after 18th February as the Electoral Commission under Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu, put all the eggs in the basket of President Museveni and avoided lots of polling stations to benefit the ruling regime. The way the ruling regime of Uganda People’s Congress did their job and their Paolo Muwanga made the cake for Dr. Obote and his second term in office.

The way Obote told Civil Servants to serve UPC and not work against them, the same way Museveni today tells that everybody should stay behind NRM; they use other words, but initially mean the same. The same is also that Museveni says the election happen in a free and fair fashion as did Obote on the 1980s. They actually could be saying the same words or as similar as can be. They could be like brothers today and President Museveni did everything in his power in the beginning to demolish the legacy of Obote. So that he could be seen as the essential leader of the nation.

Today we see the ways that the army and police are used as tool of oppression as it was done during the Obote area as well. The determination of oppressing the opposition and making life hard for anybody who is not NRM is shown through the pre-election period and now after the polls as evidence today and the recent days where the Police have gone after the opposition with vigor and power. Jailed and detained FDC Mobilisers, Officials and others for affiliations or having the original declarations forms that the Electoral Commission have rigged, so to get rid of evidence.

So there is so many of the same traits that it is staggering… and the ways they are conducting the elections and polls; are nothing difference than from Obote, the man he fought for 5 years in a Bush-War to free the peasants, making himself to be like him. That is impressive as he was supposed to be an intellectual and a wise-guy who could make Uganda democratic, what that has happen is that President have made government of Uganda now acting the same ways as the ones he ousted. That is ironic and sad at the same time. Wished for the people Uganda another President who respect rule of law, the role of the executive and the true power of transparency and accountability, but that will not occur under President Museveni as he now will only seek his own gain and not care about the general state of Uganda; as his power and keeping that is main objective, everything else is secondary. Peace.