“Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalgn has replaced and reshuffled more than twenty ministers . Among the ministries affected by the reshuffle are the Ministries of foreign affairs, finance and education. The new cabinet has been formed with more than 15 new ministers who are academia and professional workers.The prime minister, while speaking at the parliament said government offices cannot be used to make personal gains and practice corruption. Desalegn also said this whole change is in response to the people’s request” (CCTV Africa, 2016)
Tag: United Nations
Bill Clinton’s remarks honoring genocide survivors in Kigali, Rwanda March 25, 1998

Thank you, Mr. President. First, let me thank you, Mr. President, and Vice President Kagame, and your wives for making Hillary and me and our delegation feel so welcome. I’d also like to thank the young students who met us and the musicians, the dancers who were outside. I thank especially the survivors of the genocide and those who are working to rebuild your country for spending a little time with us before we came in here.
I have a great delegation of Americans with me, leaders of our Government, leaders of our Congress, distinguished American citizens. We’re all very grateful to be here. We thank the diplomatic corps for being here, and the members of the Rwandan Government, and especially the citizens.
I have come today to pay the respects of my Nation to all who suffered and all who perished in the Rwandan genocide. It is my hope that through this trip, in every corner of the world today and tomorrow, their story will be told; that 4 years ago in this beautiful, green, lovely land, a clear and conscious decision was made by those then in power that the peoples of this country would not live side by side in peace. During the 90 days that began on April 6, in 1994, Rwanda experienced the most extensive slaughter in this blood-filled century we are about to leave – families murdered in their homes, people hunted down as they fled by soldiers and militia, through farmland and woods as if they were animals.
From Kibuye in the west to Kibungo in the east, people gathered seeking refuge in churches by the thousands, in hospitals, in schools. And when they were found, the old and the sick, the women and children alike, they were killed – killed because their identity card said they were
Tutsi or because they had a Tutsi parent or because someone thought they looked like a Tutsi or slain, like thousands of Hutus, because they protected Tutsis or would not countenance a policy that sought to wipe out people who just the day before, and for years before, had been their friends and neighbors.
The Government-led effort to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi and moderate Hutus, as you know better than me, took at last a million lives. Scholars of these sorts of events say that the killers, armed mostly with machetes and clubs, nonetheless did their work 5 times as fast as the mechanized gas chambers used by the Nazis.
It is important that the world know that these killings were not spontaneous or accidental. It is important that the world hear what your. President just said: They were most certainly not the result of ancient tribal struggles. Indeed, these people had lived together for centuries before the events the President described began to unfold. These events grew from a policy aimed at the systematic destruction of a people. The ground for violence was carefully prepared, the airwaves poisoned with hate, casting the Tutsis as scapegoats for the problems of Rwanda, denying their humanity. All of this was done, clearly, to make it easy for otherwise reluctant people to participate in wholesale slaughter.
Lists of victims, name by name, were actually drawn up in advance. Today, the images of all that, haunt us all: the dead choking the Kigara River, floating to Lake Victoria. In their fate, we are reminded of the capacity for people everywhere, not just in Rwanda, and certainly not just in Africa but the capacity for people everywhere, to slip into pure evil. We cannot abolish that capacity, but we must never accept it. And we know it can be overcome.
The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy, as well. We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe havens for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past, but we can and must do everything in our power to help you build a future without fear and full of hope.
We owe to those who died and to those who survived who loved them, our every effort to increase our vigilance and strengthen our stand against those who would commit such atrocities in the future, here or elsewhere. Indeed, we owe to all the peoples of the world who are at risk because each bloodletting hastens the next as the value of human life is degraded and violence becomes tolerated, the unimaginable becomes more conceivable – we owe to all the people in the world our best efforts to organize ourselves so that we can maximize the chances of preventing these events. And where they cannot be prevented, we can move more quickly to minimize the horror.
So let us challenge ourselves to build a world in which no branch of humanity, because of national, racial, ethnic, or religious origin, is again threatened with destruction because of those characteristics of which people should rightly be proud. Let us work together as a community of civilized nations to strengthen our ability to prevent and, if necessary, to stop genocide.
To that end, I am directing my administration to improve, with the international community, our system for identifying and spotlighting nations in danger of genocidal violence, so that we can assure worldwide awareness of impending threats. It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the word there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.
We have seen, too – and I want to say again – that genocide can occur anywhere. It is not an African phenomenon and must never be viewed as such. We have seen it in industrialized Europe; we have seen it in Asia. We must have global vigilance. And never again must we be shy in the face of the evidence.
Secondly, we must, as an international community, have the ability to act when genocide threatens. We are working to create that capacity here in the Great Lakes region, where the memory is still fresh. This afternoon in Entebbe leaders from central and eastern Africa will meet with me to launch an effort to build a coalition to prevent genocide in this region. I thank the leaders who have stepped forward to make this commitment. We hope the effort can be a model for all the world, because our sacred task is to work to banish this greatest crime against humanity.
Events here show how urgent the work is. In the northwest part of your country, attacks by those responsible for the slaughter in 1994 continue today. We must work as partners with Rwanda to end this violence and allow your people to go on rebuilding your lives and your nation.
Third, we must work now to remedy the consequences of genocide. The United States has provided assistance to Rwanda to settle the uprooted and restart its economy, but we must do more. I am pleased that America will become the first nation to contribute to the new Genocide Survivors Fund. We will contribute this year $2 million, continue our support in the years to come, and urge other nations to do the same, so that survivors and their communities can find the care they need and the help they must have.
Mr. President, to you, and to you, Mr. Vice President, you have shown great vision in your efforts to create a single nation in which all citizens can live freely and securely. As you pointed out, Rwanda was a single nation before the European powers met in Berlin to carve up Africa. America stands with you, and will continue helping the people of Rwanda to rebuild their lives and society.
You spoke passionately this morning in our private meeting about the need for grassroots efforts, for the development projects which are bridging divisions and clearing a path to a better future. We will join with you to strengthen democratic institutions, to broaden participation, to give all Rwandans a greater voice in their own governance. The challenges you face are great, but your commitment to lasting reconciliation and inclusion is firm.
Fourth, to help ensure that those who survived, in the generations to come, never again suffer genocidal violence, nothing is more vital than establishing the rule of law. There can be no place in Rwanda that lasts without a justice system that is recognized as such.
We applaud the efforts of the Rwandan Government to strengthen civilian and military justice systems. I am pleased that our Great Lakes Justice Initiative will invest $30 million to help create throughout the region judicial systems that are impartial, credible, and effective. In Rwanda these funds will help to support courts, prosecutors, and police, military justice, and cooperation at the local level.
We will also continue to pursue justice through our strong backing for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. The United States is the largest contributor to this tribunal. We are frustrated, as you are, by the delays in the tribunal’s work. As we know, we must do better. Now that administrative improvements have begun, however, the tribunal should expedite cases through group trials and fulfill its historic mission.
We are prepared to help, among other things, with witness relocation, so that those who still fear can speak the truth in safety. And we will support the war crimes tribunal for as long as it is needed to do its work, until the truth is clear and justice is rendered.
Fifth, we must make it clear to all those who would commit such acts in the future that they too must answer for their acts, and they will. In Rwanda, we must hold accountable all those who may abuse human rights, whether insurgents or soldiers. Internationally, as we meet here, talks are underway at the United Nations to establish a permanent international criminal court. Rwanda and the difficulties we have had with this special tribunal underscores the need for such a court. And the United States will work to see that it is created.
I know that in the face of all you have endured, optimism cannot come easily to any of you. Yet I have just spoken, as I said, with several Rwandans who survived the atrocities, and just listening to them gave me reason for hope. You see countless stories of courage around you every day as you go about your business here, men and women who survived and go on, children who recover the light in their eyes remind us that at the dawn of a new millennium there is only one crucial division among the peoples of the Earth. And believe me, after over 5 years of dealing with these problems, I know it is not the divisions between Hutu and Tutsi or Serb or Croatian; and Muslim and Bosnian or Arab and Jew; or Catholic and Protestant in Ireland, or black and white. It is really the line between those who embrace the common humanity we all share and those who reject it.
It is the line between those who find meaning in life through respect and cooperation and who, therefore, embrace someone to look down on, someone to trample, someone to punish and, therefore, embrace war. It is the line between those who look to the future and those who cling to the past. It is the line between those who give up their resentment and those who believe they will absolutely die if they have to release one bit grievance. It is the line between those who confront every day with a clenched fist and those who confront every day with an open hand. That is the only line that really counts when all is said and done.
To those who believe that God made each of us in His own image, how could we choose the darker road? When you look at those children who greeted us as we got off that plane today, how could anyone say they did not want those children to have a chance to have their own children, to experience the joy of another morning sunrise, to learn the normal lessons of life, to give something back to their people? When you strip it all away, whether we’re talking about Rwanda or some other distant troubled spot, the world is divided according to how people believe they draw meaning from life.
And so I say to you, though the road is hard and uncertain and there are many difficulties ahead, and like every other person who wishes to help, I doubltless will not be able to do everything I would like to do, there are things we can do. And if we set about the business of doing them together, you can overcome the awful burden that you have endured. You can put a smile on the face of every child in this country, and you can make people once again believe that they should live as people were living who were singing to us and dancing for us today. That’s what we have to believe. That is what I came here to say. And that is what I wish for you.
Thank you, and God bless you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:25 p.m. at Kigali Airport. In his remarks, he referred to President Pasteur Bizimungu of Rwanda and his wife, Sarafina, and Vice President Paul Kagame and his wife, Janet. A tape was not available for verification of the content of these remarks.
COPYRIGHT 1998 U.S. Government Printing Office
COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning
Eritrea: UN Commission has urged referral to the International Criminal Court (28.10.2016)

The Commission has concluded that the Government of Eritrea has neither the political will nor the institutional capacity to prosecute the crimes we have documented.
GENEVA, Switzerland, October 28, 2016 – States must heed the pleas of countless victims of crimes against humanity for justice and accountability, Sheila Keetharuth of the former UN Commission of Inquiry on human rights in Eritrea urged the UN General Assembly today. The Commission has recommended that the situation in Eritrea be referred to the International Criminal Court.
Speaking for the Commission of Inquiry, Keetharuth, who is also UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, highlighted the Commission’s clear findings that crimes against humanity have been committed since 1991 by Eritrean officials, adding that such a dire assessment left no room for “business as usual” in the international community’s engagement with the Government of Eritrea.
“The crimes of enslavement, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, torture, other inhumane acts, persecution, rape and murder have been committed as part of a widespread and systematic campaign against the civilian population. The aim of the campaign has been to maintain control over the population and perpetuate the leadership’s rule in Eritrea,” Keetharuth told the UN General Assembly.
“The Commission has concluded that the Government of Eritrea has neither the political will nor the institutional capacity to prosecute the crimes we have documented. The Commission therefore recommends that the UN Security Council refer the situation in Eritrea to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and that the African Union establish an accountability mechanism.”
“My plea to you, Excellencies, on behalf of the three members of the former Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, Mike Smith, Victor Dankwa and myself, is for you to pay heed to voices of victims of crimes against humanity in Eritrea.”
Keetharuth said the Commission had found that there was no material change in the country that could potentially have a positive effect on the situation of human rights.
“There is still no constitution, no parliament where laws are discussed, enacted, and where questions of national importance are debated; indefinite national service persists, with its adverse impacts on individual rights; there is no free press and no NGOs, except for Government-sponsored ones. The population lives in fear and the Government still controls their daily life, making the enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms by all Eritreans a remote possibility,” she said.
She noted that while several foreign delegations, journalists and others had been invited to visit Eritrea over the past year, the rampant human rights violations taking place in isolated locations and detention facilities were not apparent to the casual visitor.
Keetharuth noted that Eritreans were among the largest numbers of African nationals seeking asylum in Europe and that the overall recognition rate for Eritrean asylum seekers in European countries remained high.
“The findings of the Commission underscore that it is not safe to forcibly return those who have left Eritrea. The Commission, in its first report, documented that individuals forcibly repatriated, with a few exceptions, have been arrested, detained and subjected to ill-treatment and torture,” she said.
“I appeal to Member States to grant Eritreans access to their territory and asylum procedures. I strongly reiterate my call to protect all Eritrean asylum-seekers from refoulement and to refrain from any forced repatriation to Eritrea or to third countries where they may still be at risk or unwelcomed.”
Our brave New World Order… Is too leave the ICC

“Why is UN not paying much attention to member states that are clearly sliding into turmoil and crisis and instead is majorly involved in the after effects of Humanitarian assistance. It doesn’t make sense. We can’t wait until it’s too.” – Francis Mwijukye [35th Inter Parliamentary Union- Geneva: High level United Nations Management committee Meeting on Development assistance, Humanitarian assistance, peace keeping operations and Mormative treaty related knowledge, 26.10.2016]
We are living in a brave new world where the world order is switching… its twists and turns, the morning dew disappears and the sun kisses the earth yet again. The last few days the world has changed. Because Nations and States have made decisions that matters; they are not only talking, but now they are acting on it.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) of The Hague is under fire. After Burundi, South Africa and Gambia are thinking of pulling out of the International Court that access the genocides and crimes against humanity.
With the escalated conflicts, the stories of lives doing whatever they can flee nations, this is happening from the internal conflict inside Burundi, Burundians refugees are now in Tanzania, Rwanda and in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This because the President Pierre Nkurunziza decided to stay in power for a third term; when the Constitution of Burundi said the Executive only could have two!

The same with the internal fighting between SPLM/A VS. SPLM/A-IO in South Sudan; where there is battle of power between President Salva Kiir and former FVP Dr. Riek Machar. Because of the conflict in South Sudan the civilian refugees have fled to Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda and Ethiopia. Now MONUSCO got SPLM/A-IO and Dr. Machar from the DRC to Khartoum earlier this year.
In Kenya this is happening: while the Somali Refugees are now being sent home from Kenya under the command of the government there. This happening while opposition in all of the countries mentioned has optionally torturing, arresting, detaining and even harassing them if needed be. The Kenyan Government using the fear of Al-Shabaab to send the refugees away and also hustle more donor-funding from the United States. That happens because the Jubilee apparently didn’t’ earn enough coins on NYS, Eurobonds or whatever scheme they had in play at the time.
In this New World order that is arranged while the Government are using their Security Organizations to silence opposition. While the Nation with the African Union (AU) Headquarters and are the leader of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Ethiopian Government even uses helicopters, artillery and soldiers to kill civilians in the regions of Amhara and Oromo people. This is a Nation who has soldiers in Peacekeeping mission all around the Continent, but using all kind of force to oppress their own.

So in this place and time with more totalitarian regimes, with more leaders not leaving offices and with less political freedom; the International Justice is winding down. The rule of law internationally right now is losing its power, while the United Nation’s negations and diplomatic missions like the Inter-Burundian Dialogue under former Tanzanian President Benjamin Mpaka hasn’t gone anywhere. While the dialogue between UN’s own Edem Kodjo hasn’t created anything resembling a General Election run by the CENI in the DRC. That is because President Joseph Kabila has no plan of leaving office without using force on his own. This is happening while the bloodshed continues in the Kivu’s, while the MONUSCO and FARDC watching it in silence. ADF-NALU and the Mayi-Mayi continues as well together with the Ex-FARDC Gen. Muhindo Akili Mundos has also blood on his hands. This is happening while the Rwandan State still can export high-grade minerals that they cannot even produce or has mines to extract on their soil. This has been happening since the first war in the late 1990s.
So the New World Order is more of the same… the same kind of violence, the other change is the new brave leaders who defy the International Order. They don’t want to follow it when they feel it is unfair. United Nations (UN) might be next or the World Trade Organization (WTO) or the World Health Organization (WHO). As they might respect the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the World Bank (World Bank) because they need their financial stability or the financial stimulus that backs the budgets and aspects the government needs to pay their elites, businesses and whatever it takes to keep the regimes a-float.
This is the grand issues… the human rights violations, killings and detentions… so the Presidents and their Administrations are now afraid of the ICC. They are worried that their actions be served by the Court and they have to answer for their crimes. Doesn’t matter if this court exists or not; the UN should put up Tribunals after the Internal Conflicts like they done in the past. Than it is not direct prosecutions or charges that the ICC has put on Executives or any in the inner-circle of ruling regimes as they know their using illegal forces to silence their people and citizens. Though the feelings from African Nations that they are feeling threaten by the ICC and their actions as they are not going-in on Europeans or Americans in general, while African Generals and Politicians are hand-picked.

I’m just waiting for the honourable nations of Morocco, Mauritania, Egypt, Sudan, Somalia, Republic of Congo, Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland, Togo, Guinea, and Equatorial Guinea, and so on… There are more that will make decisions to leave, as even Cote d’Ivoire might revoke their place.
There are fears on the horizon, the ICC is losing its standing, the international community better listen as the men who are greedy on power and resources take it in these days by any means and hope to get away with it, while their people suffer. The only differences at our time are that information is not forgotten or not told. It’s there for those who listen; time to consider and rethink the World Order and where we want to be. Peace.
Opinion: My 2 Cents on why the African Nations leave the ICC or want to!
“A founding signatory of the Rome Statute, on ICC: Yes we should be out of the ICC. ICC is not serious. It is partisan. There are so many people who should have been tried if they were serious. The way to go is to have our own African Criminal Court. Trying to work with ICC was a mistake” – President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni [at the Second #UGDebate on the 13th February 2016]
As Washington is shocked by the recent events, that the International Criminal Court which is stationed in The Hague and the Netherlands; where they ironically are closing down prisons because of lacks of criminals. The International Community and the African Nations are triggering the Article 127 of the Rome Statute of 1997 to Withdraw from the honourable justice chambers of this so-called earth. There is certain reflections and vivid reasons for why this is happing. And I will try to sort it out, the Westerns and Europeans, even some Americans might be offend, but still carry it and take it for what it is.
“In June 2009, Comoros, Djibouti, and Senegal called on African States Parties to withdraw en mass from the Statute in protest against allegations that the ICC was targeting Africans. This declaration was specifically in reference to Sudanese Pres. Omar al-Bashir’s indictment” (Mbaku, Weber State University).
The ICC is not a pre-historic relic of the European Colonial past, still the actions of is of a seemingly imperialistic affair where the smaller newer nations and less resourceful have been targeted at much higher extent than the ones of more sophisticated countries who are not former colonialized. That is a fact and not NRM fiction. Just a certainty that the further hurt the African sovereign nations that they even has Executives under the microscope for their actions while Tony Blair and George W. Bush walks around like Kings on this earth. It’s not like the powers to be, touches the big-men from there, but around the corner they get taken away quicker than ice-cream on a hot-summer-day.
Not that the men and woman who has been questioned and been under investigations has been involved in crimes and activity against the humanity. They have and many using child-soldiers, used ethnicity to win power and even some killings to the level of genocide.

“Article 127
Withdrawal
- A State Party may, by written notification addressed to the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, withdraw from this Statute. The withdrawal shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification, unless the notification specifies a later date.
- A State shall not be discharged, by reason of its withdrawal, from the obligations arising from this Statute while it was a Party to the Statute, including any financial obligations which may have accrued. Its withdrawal shall not affect any cooperation with the Court in connection with criminal investigations and proceedings in relation to which the withdrawing State had a duty to cooperate and which were commenced prior to the date on which the withdrawal became effective, nor shall it prejudice in any way the continued consideration of any matter which was already under consideration by the Court prior to the date on which the withdrawal became effective” (ICC, P: 74, 2011).
Burundi withdraws:
“President Pierre Nkurunziza, who critics accuse of human rights abuses, signed a decree late on Tuesday that paves the way for his east African nation’s departure from the court. His decision comes at time when the ICC is conducting a preliminary investigation into politically motivated violence in Burundi in which several hundred people died” (Alionby, 2016).
South Africa withdraws:
“Under the Rome Statute, the 2002 treaty that established the court, countries are obligated to arrest anyone sought by the tribunal. “Legal uncertainty” around the statute blocks South Africa from resolving conflicts through dialogue, including inviting adversaries for visits, Justice Minister Michael Masutha said, and handing over a foreign leader to the court would have amounted to an infringement of South Africa’s sovereignty” (…) “The Rome Statute “is in conflict and inconsistent with” South Africa’s law giving sitting leaders diplomatic immunity, Mr. Masutha said at a news conference on Friday. The question is before the country’s high court” (…) “Foreign Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane this week formally notified the United Nations secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, of South Africa’s intention to withdraw from the international court. Leaving the body would take about a year, during which South Africa would still have to cooperate with the court’s proceedings” (Chan & Marlise, 2016).
This is happening while the ICC has asked for Nations who has signed up for the Rome Statute and the ICC. This has been South Africa, Rwanda, Burundi and Kenya. The Non-compliance documents of Djibouti and Uganda has even come in 11th July 2016. The Arrest Warrant on President Omar Al-Bashir we’re set on 4th March 2009. There has gone 7 years has passed and his still roaming around with countries willingly delivering “non-compliance” documentations to the ICC for their non-cooperation towards them.

There are more running cases on the continent… some of them are:
“The ICC Prosecutor has opened cases against 26 individuals in connection with five African countries. Twenty-five of these remain open; the 26th, against Darfur rebel leader Bahar Idriss Abu Garda, was dismissed by judges, though the prosecutor may attempt to submit new evidence in an attempt to re-open it. The cases stem from investigations into violence in Libya, Kenya’s post-election unrest in 2007-2008, rebellion and counter-insurgency in the Darfur region of Sudan, the Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency in central Africa, civil conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and a 2002-2003 conflict in the Central African Republic. The Prosecutor is also examining 2010-2011 violence in Côte d’Ivoire, a 2009 military crackdown on opposition supporters in Guinea, and inter-communal violence in central Nigeria, but has not opened formal investigations or opened cases with regard to these situations. Uganda, DRC, CAR, Kenya, Nigeria, and Guinea are states parties to the ICC. Sudan, Libya, and Côte d’Ivoire are not. ICC jurisdiction in Sudan and Libya stems from U.N. Security Council actions, while jurisdiction in Côte d’Ivoire was granted by virtue of a declaration submitted by the Ivorian Government on October 1, 2003, which accepted the jurisdiction of the Court as of September 19, 2002.25 Five suspects—four Congolese nationals and one Rwandan—are currently in ICC custody. The ICC Prosecutor has sought summonses, rather than arrest warrants, in connection with attempted prosecutions of Darfur rebel commanders and of Kenyan suspects. The Prosecutor has not secured any convictions to date” (Congressional Reaserch Service, 2011).
The Kenyan case we’re like the Prosecutor said wasn’t done, but for now there wasn’t able to follow through on evidence and make a case worth living. That is me translating the jurors lingo. The IGAD communique on the 6th April 2016: “The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) joins Kenyans of all walks of life to rejoice the collapse of cases against the Deputy President, H.E. William Samoei Ruto and his co-accused, radio journalist, Joshua Arap Sang at the International Criminal Court in The Hague yesterday” (…) “It would be recalled that IGAD had condemned the way the ICC had handled the Kenyan cases from the beginning. During a press conference held in Nairobi on 22nd March 2011, Amb Mahboub stated clearly IGAD’s position on the deferral request of the ICC cases by Kenya pointing out that the trials would “weaken the country and weaken the region” (IGAD, 06.04.2016).
The Kenyan government President Kenyatta the day before on the 5th April 2016:
“Earlier today, Trial Chamber V (a) of the International Criminal Court acquitted my Deputy President, Honourable William Ruto, and Mr. Joshua Arap Sang. I welcome the aforementioned decision, which reaffirms my strong conviction from the beginning about the innocence of my Deputy President. From the start of this case, I have believed that this case was ill-conceived and never grounded on the proper examination of our experience of 2007/2008 as a nation” (…) “Each and every Kenyan was touched by the tragedy that befell our nation in 2007-2008. Each and every victim of this unfortunate happening matters. Not one of them has been forgotten. Their suffering demanded of us as leadership to seek reconciliation. My Deputy and I campaigned and were elected on a platform to unite and reconcile our motherland. When you entrusted the leadership of the country to our administration, you made us responsible for the healing and reconciliation of our people” (Kenyatta, Uhuru – ‘H.E. Uhuru Kenyatta Statement on ICC verdict on the Ruto and Sang Case’ 05.04.2016).
So with this in mind, the Kenyan Government have been thoroughly investigated by the ICC recently over time since the ICC charged people close connected to the current leadership and government. They even at some point had a case against the Kenyan President Kenyatta, but they let it slide because they got no witness angle on him. The Jubilee has fought back and has done their duty towards Courts. Still the wound of charges, the appearance and the trial has hurt.
The newest ICC cases into Africa is the post-election violence where even the Parliament we’re put on fire. “In the letter of referral to the ICC signed by Gabon’s Justice Minister Denise Mekamne Edzidzie, the government accuses Ping and his supporters of incitement to genocide and crimes against humanity” (…) “It highlights a speech which Ping gave during his electoral campaign, in which he allegedly called on his supporters to “get rid of the cockroaches.” (…) “These words were an incitement to commit the crime of genocide,” the letter says” (France24, 2016). The Gabonese Authorities tries to pin it on the Opposition as the election rigging made the public mad and not just the supporters of Jean Ping. If the ICC uses this opportunity not to pin it on themselves as the Second Generation for life President Bongo!
African Union Letter to the ICC on the 29th January 2014:




So the long-stemming grievances are now coming into effect. The feeling of being targets while others walk scotch-free. The inaccurate acts of being the main ones, even as the violence, genocides and crimes against humanity happen; the leaders don’t want a hanging gallows over their heads. Still, the acts of many current Presidents and their Regimes are using armies like Ethiopia against civilians. If they weren’t a strong ally of the United States, they would have a cherry to pick at the courts. President Museveni fears for place, the same should President Mugabe that never been for the Gukurahundi massacres we’re Zimbabwean Republican Police killed 20,000 people. These are men who fear the ICC and would do what they can to not be touched by their current sins and the ones of old.
Sudan, the country of President Omar Al-Bashir has said this in the recent our about the matter:
“This wise decision is established by the Republic of Burundi on objective grounds that the so-called International Criminal Court has become a tool of pressure and instability in the under-development countries. Further, the opening of investigations against some leaders is a result of pressures exercised by the western force,” the statement cited by the Sudan Tribune said” (Akwei, 2016).
So the country who has the Executive under charges, the other one of late has been forces away from power, but still men who was in charge of their respectable nations President Laurent Gbagbo who have now recently been in trial at ICC:
“On Thursday, Mr. Gbagbo, the former president of Ivory Coast, will go on trial at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, facing four counts of crimes against humanity stemming from the violence surrounding the 2010 presidential election. He was narrowly defeated in a runoff, but he insisted that he had won and refused to cede power, leading to months of turmoil and the deaths of more than 3,000 people before his arrest in April 2011” (…) “The trial of Mr. Gbagbo is an important challenge for the International Criminal Court. He is the first former president to reach trial at the tribunal, which has been in operation for a decade with a mandate to deal with war crimes and genocide. Also on trial with him will be Charles Blé Goudé, one of Mr. Gbagbo’s militia leaders in the 2011 upheaval, which followed more than a decade of ethnic political violence in Ivory Coast” (Rothschild, 2016).
So with this in mind, he isn’t a guerrilla fighting with child-soldiers like the ones charged by the ICC when coming to Lord Resistance Army and others who has been charged for violations against humanity in the ICC. These being Bosco the Terminator from the Democratic Republic of Congo, also that the former Vice President of Pierre Bemba of the MLC has been charged for his crimes, while his President Joseph Kabila walks free for his sins. This proves the neglect and the handpicked cases of the ICC. Reasons why the African Union and others are claiming so, partly righteous, partly wrong! The key to this, if the ICC want to be serious as an International legal institution… it needs cases and probes into states in Europe, America and Asia; not only War-Lords in Africa. That is just Neo-Colonialism and proves the questionable attributes to the character of the laws and big-man politics of the world. Peace.
Reference:
Akwei, Ismail – ‘Sudan urges mass African withdrawal from the ICC’ (21.10.2016) link: http://www.africanews.com/2016/10/21/sudan-urges-mass-african-withdrawal-from-the-icc/
Alionby, John – ‘Burundi becomes first nation to quit International Criminal Court’ (19.10.2016) link: https://www.ft.com/content/ce408588-95bf-11e6-a1dc-bdf38d484582
Chan, Sewell & Simons, Marlise – ‘South Africa to Withdraw From International Criminal Court’ (21.10.2016) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/22/world/africa/south-africa-international-criminal-court.html?_r=0
Congressional Research Service – ‘International Criminal Court Cases in Africa: Status and Policy Issues’ (22.07.2011) link: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34665.pdf
France24 – ‘ICC opens preliminary probe into Gabon unrest’ (29.09.2016) link: http://www.france24.com/en/20160929-icc-opens-preliminary-probe-situation-gabon
Mbaku, John Mukum – ‘Africa’s Case Against the ICC’, Weber State University
Rothschild, Saskia de – ‘Trial of Ivory Coast’s Laurent Gbagbo Will Test International Criminal Court’ (27.01.2016) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/28/world/africa/ivory-coast-laurent-gbagbo-hague-trial.html
International Criminal Court – Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (17.07.1998 in force on 01.07.2002) Copyrighted 2011
Ethiopia: the Government are apparently using all means to silence the citizens under the current ‘State of Emergency’!

The State of Emergency that came recently is a precautions move; to establish in essence the legality to oppress the regions of Amhara and Oromia under the TPLF or Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front that goes after civilians to keep the Tigray-Government in power in Addis Ababa.
Here is the main fixes to keep the stalemate and continue to violate the citizens’ rights under the oppressive behaviour of Agazi Squad; not only killing civilians, but going from houses to stop the congregations of peaceful demonstrations. That’s been going on for months that the citizens’ have demonstrated against the Central Government; something that has not gone well with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. Here is the details of the State of Emergency that will last for six months to shut-down peaceful demonstrations that been gaining momentum in Oromia and Amhara.
Exchange of Messages:
“The state run media outlets on Saturday published details of the law as presented by the head of the command post secretariat in charge of the state of emergency and minister of defense, Siraj Fergessa” (…) “The emergency law prohibits the exchange of messages and information via the internet, cell phones, social media, television and radio” (ESAT, 2016).
Firstly the law now is not allowing the people to use common communication channels as modern and older technologies to spread information. This is happening as there have already shut-down the Internet, therefore the activists want the citizens to use VPN connections through MeshKit and FireChat. This is because the Central Government have even silenced the phone-lines as well, to stop the information from the area go to the people.
Holding Demonstrations:
“Publishing and distributing documents, holding demonstrations, showing protest gestures, importing and exporting published materials were also prohibited by the law” (ESAT, 2016).
Secondly publishing and distributing document together with holding demonstrations are now illegal, as much as the hand-gesture like holding fists is now banned from Central Government. The Central Government are showing really that they don’t let the people spread information or holding demonstrations. This together now with gestures or publish any materials. So these materials and documents are supposed to lead to demonstrations, therefore they are illegal because the government doesn’t want to see it. This proves that citizens are not allowed to demonstrate against a regime that is now currently not allowing the citizens to have a VOICE!

Watching ESAT and OMN is banned:
“The law specifically mentioned two independent media outlets abroad and banned the public from watching and listening to television and radio programming by the Ethiopian Satellite Radio and Television (ESAT) and Oromo Media Network. The law gives power to security forces to monitor and block messages transmitted via television, radio and movie theatres” (ESAT, 2016).
Thirdly, the Central Government who is not allowing spreading information or even gestures, that are silencing the voices of people. That the Central Government are banning two Channels directly Ethiopia Satellite Radio and Television (ESAT) and Oromo Media Network (OMN); this is the government is controlling the media and not allowing other news from being spread to the citizens. That is because they are not sending the massaged messages and statements that Government Spokesperson Getachew Reda wants to broadcast to save face for the oppressive regime.
Strikes are banned too!
“According to the law, strikes by workers as well as businesses and closing government offices in protest are illegal. The law says protests by students in universities, colleges and higher institutions of learning are also outlawed. The law gives power to security forces to take any action they deemed necessary against students who stage protest rallies” (ESAT, 2016).
Fourthly, the Workers are just to labour and not to ask about their rights, their wages or do anything about it. They are just too be happy with their place and salaries, working hours and not question the behaviour of their bosses and the labours safety. Together with the students who is not allowed to question the Central Government under the ‘State of Emergency’ as the civil society cannot spread information or watch certain channels; therefore the wages and workers are to be in the period not demonstrate for their wage or working hours; even if their wrong or not just for the labourers in Ethiopia. The #AddisTaxiStrike is not allowed to happen in the next 6 months… because of the EPRDF silence everybody who thinks about addressing the misgivings of the authoritarian regime.
Diplomates banned from travelling:
“The emergency law stipulates that diplomats cannot travel beyond 40 kms radius outside the capital without prior authorization and permission from the command post” (ESAT, 2016).
Fifth, the diplomates and dignitaries are not allowed and banned from movement, I wonder if the American Diplomates we’re to travel to Amhara or Oromia if they would be directly sent back to Addis Ababa. If not if they would end in jail like the Swedish Journalists in recent years. As the Oppressive behaviour doesn’t want Human Rights Activists and Diplomates who are connected with allies and such to travel into the regions to see the violence and oppression from the Central Government.

Police Force intact:
“Members of the police and security forces cannot take leave of absence or resign in the duration of the state of emergency” (ESAT, 2016).
Sixth, the Police Force and Security Forces are to be stable in the levels it is now. The Security Organizations like the Army and Agazi Force is to be there to silence the Civil Societies and the people of the regions use their forces to kill the spirit, the people and the means to silence them by any means. This means they are now occupying the regions with soldiers and artillery without any consideration of the people as they are just to work and not question the legitimacy of the Central Government in Addis Ababa.
Curfew:
“A curfew is in effect from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. local time in areas where there are economic infrastructures, factories, agricultural projects and other investments. The law also authorizes security forces to take whatever measure necessary against people who violate the curfew” (ESAT, 2016).
Seventh, so the people who are just to work, not to listen or see reports or news from others than who are accepted from the Central Government of the EPRDF. So the demonstrations are not illegal, they are extending it to be indoors from after work time; if the people tries to avoid this than the Agazi Squad to detain or use any means to stop them. This leaves the people with fixed salaries and with no freedom or liberty of their movement while the ‘State of Emergency’ is in effect!
Security forces can do what they please:
“Security forces are given permission to search and arrest anyone and confiscate possessions without a court warrant, according to the law” (…) “The emergency law also give security forces the power to take any action to defend themselves from any threat or attack” (ESAT, 2016).
Eight, the Agazi Forces and Soldiers, even Police can arrest anyone as they please, they don’t need charges or any signs of illegal activity. The people are designed to be sinners or violators as the citizens are guilty before there are innocent under the current Central Government. The Ethiopian Government have made people and their illegitimate activity into a feast of oppressive behaviour. The next level is to ban work and harvest so they can just die on the side of the roads of Gonder or Mendi. I am sure by the new laws, they are not allowed to be die or be buried; as the people are just supposed to be silenced by the TPLF.
This is so sad, that the Central Government is issuing this sort of acts and activities that are done with the cookbook of oppressive behaviour. They are using any ingredient to stop the people, the citizens from being [citizen’s] and they don’t want the foreign powers to know anything about their violence towards the citizens. Therefore I am calling it not aggression, but calling it an occupation of Amhara and Oromia regions, as the Central Government do not want to accept the demonstrations against them. Peace.
Reference:
ESAT News – ‘Ethiopian authorities release details of state of emergency’ (15.10.2016) link: http://ethsat.com/ethiopian-authorities-release-details-state-emergency/
UNSC: Draft Press Statement on the Implementation of Resolution 2303 – Burundi (13.10.2016)






FAO Emergencies Director assesses the Scale of the Drought and Response in Afar Region, Ethiopia (13.10.2016)

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, October 13, 2016 – In less than a year, Holo Molo has lost more than a third of his livestock. The father of 14 living in the chronically drought-prone woreda of Elidar, Afar Region is just one of millions of Ethiopian livestock owners who have had their livelihoods uprooted as a result of drought aggravated by El Niño. Despite the significant damage caused by the crisis, Holo contends that he is lucky. “I know a woman who has lost everything, all her animals are dead.”
Since 2015, thousands of households have helplessly watched their animals starve in Afar, an arid region in northwest Ethiopia neighboring Eritrea and Djibouti. The drought caused severe pasture and water shortages in communities almost totally dependent on livestock rearing – ninety percent of the population tend animals for their food and income.
Believed to be the worst drought in nearly half a century, it will take years for families hardest hit by the El Niño-induced crisis to recover. The impact on food and nutrition security has been significant; the vast majority of the region’s districts have been classified as priority one or facing the greatest levels of food insecurity according to the Government of Ethiopia.
In Elidar, the critical karan rains – usually occurring between July and September – were considered late and erratic. The contribution of the previous spring season was minor, only slightly improving pasture and water access between the months of March and May. Already, Elidar’s limited pasture has largely been depleted. Many herding households now depend on infrequent flash floods that send water tumbling from the mountains to be used domestically and for livestock.
The thickets of the mountains are also where many of Elidar’s citizens send their animals to search for feed. FAO spoke with Mutha Ahmed as she tended small ruminants on the banks of a water point constructed by the UN agency in the drought prone community. The mother of five lost 50 sheep and goats during the crisis. “Almost everything has dried up, there is nothing here for animals to eat,” Mutha reflected. “We have not had good rains in years, many people are now scared because the karan season has been poor and it has not fully rained,” said Mutha. With the worst of the lean season approaching in mid-October and November, Afar’s animals should be thriving ahead of the most difficult time of the year. Complicating matters is the fact that milk – critical for the food and nutrition security of most in the Region – has been slow to return to normal production levels, a consequence of prolonged drought.
Dwindling resources in an underfunded sector
FAO is committed to partnering with local authorities and communities like in Elidar and elsewhere in Ethiopia
Despite losing a significant portion of her livestock, Mutha indicated that she did not qualify for emergency animal feed support, a claim supported by regional officials on the ground. “I lost animals, but so many more were worse off than me. I can understand why I was not given anything for my herd,” she said. As a result of limited resources in this particular area, priority was given to households with lactating animals or breastfeeding infants in order to safeguard the food and nutrition security of the most vulnerable.
The emergency livestock response is severely underfunded in Ethiopia. Almost 2.4 million households critically require livelihoods assistance to the tune of USD 36.2 million until the end of the year. Preliminary reports suggest that the sector has only received USD 12 million in humanitarian sector funding for 2015 and 2016 emergency drought interventions. With the crop sector demanding very significant resources, particularly to procure seeds for the meher (summer) season (from which 85 percent of Ethiopia’s food supply is derived), the bulk of agriculture-related humanitarian investments were funneled into saving the country’s local crop production.
In August 2016, FAO clarified the priorities of Ethiopia’s livestock sector, highlighting the most urgent funding needed to support emergency interventions. These include animal health and emergency vaccinations for livestock, determined as critical in livestock-dependent regions such as Afar and Somali as well as Borena Zone of Oromia Region and South Omo Zone of Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region. The findings were published in the Mid-Year Review of the 2016 Humanitarian Requirements Document (HRD).
FAO’s Director of the Emergencies, Dominique Burgeon, met with numerous drought-affected households in Elidar and other communities in Afar Region during a recent field mission to Ethiopia. Mr Burgeon was also accompanied by FAO Representative to Ethiopia, Amadou Allahoury, and members of his team. The group spoke with beneficiaries of FAO’s fodder seed distribution and assessed the livestock situation in some of the worst-affected priority-one hotspot districts in the Region. The team also viewed local interventions to cope with drought, such as traditional water steam harvesting.
“The situation on the ground remains very critical in Afar and other livestock-dependent areas of the country. While significant resources have been deployed for crop sector support over the last several months, we cannot neglect to fully address the pressing needs of the livestock sector,” said Mr Burgeon.
“The people of Afar have developed numerous innovations in order to cope with the effects of recurrent drought, a reflection of their inherent resilience as a people,” he remarked. “FAO is committed to partnering with local authorities and communities like in Elidar and elsewhere in Ethiopia, in order to jointly amplify our efforts in the difficult months ahead with a strategic focus on recovery and resilience building.”
FAO Ethiopia provided fast-growing fodder seed to at-risk agropastoral communities in order to enable households to produce animal feed independently. During the drought, the Organization also distributed multinutrient-dense ‘energy blocks’ to protect core breeding animals, and delivered animal feed along migratory routes. FAO’s regional water rehabilitation projects improved access to water for livestock, benefiting more than 125 000 livestock owned by about 13 000 households. The Organization also supported strategic destocking through the purchase of thousands of livestock with low body weight which after a health inspection, was distributed to some of the worst-affected internally displaced people.
FAO has mobilized nearly USD 14 million to respond to the crisis. The Organization is now urgently requesting an additional USD 14 million to implement livelihood-saving interventions in the livestock and crop sectors until the end of 2016.
A look into the assassination of President Habyarimana and the attack on his plane on the 6-7th April 1994!

“The attitude of these military personnel can be understood insofar as they have always been pampered by the regime of President Habyarimana. For this reason, they remain impervious to the current political changes and are looking to use any means whatsoever to hold onto their master, who, despite his florid entreaty to the Rwandan people to uphold the Peace Treaty, is in fact the instigator of a diabolical scheme to sow disorder and desolation amongst the population. The events that occurred recently in Kirambo, Mutura and Ngenda are sufficient testimony to this” (Re: Machiavellian plan by President Habyarimana, 03.12.1993, To: The Commandant, United Nations Mission for Assistance to Rwanda, MINUAR, Kigali).
Here is also a prequel to the killing of President Habyarimana… which should not be overlooked as the arms trade and ammunition delivery from China would be substantial, together with another one, I will not show is the way the Rwandan Government order to get Technical Service from Brazil. After this I will look into the aspects of the killing and witnesses to the murder of an Executive of Rwanda 1994.
There is also a Secret Loan and Arms deal with the Chinese Government:
“The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Rwandan Republic sends its compliments to the Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali and, following the verbal memo n°0083/16.00/CAB of 01 February 1992, has the honour of sending it in annex the list of weapons and munitions requirements within the framework of the long-term concessionary loan already accepted by the Chinese party. The Ministry asks the Embassy to send it the draft agreement for this loan for examination and observation. The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Rwandan Republic thanks the Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali, in advance, for its friendly intervention and would like to take the opportunity to reiterate the assurances of its highest consideration” (Rwandan Government – ‘N° A56/15.00/CAB’ 24.02.1992, Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali).
The now deceased, Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana that went down in 1994 and was one of the actions that sparked the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda. As I have looked through some documents that says certain things and certain eye-witness reports and such, that gives an in-depth look and fresh stance on the matter, as there still unclear about it. Like there are still uncertainty about the plane, that was carrying Dag Hammarskjöld, the then United Nation Secretary General who lost his life in a plane crash around Ndola, Zambia in 1961.

Thierry Charlier said this: “I would also point out to you that I learned from a Belgian living opposite the residence of the Prime Minister, “Agathe” in Kigali that the Rwandan press agency filmed the serious beating of 3 Belgian soldiers on the property of the Prime Minister…I did not have time to speak further with this individual. I report that European civilian witnesses told me. That in Kigali roadblocks and soldiers were already in place at certain intersections within the city before the attack on the presidential aircraft. These intersections were not usually occupied at normal times. I can add that a soldier of the 2 Bn Cdo told me that he had seen that the markings on the runway had been extinguished just before the landing of the presidential aircraft. During the afternoon, Mr. Charlier notified us of the name of the French Vice-Consul in Butare: BOUSSAC” (Gendarmerie, 16.05.1994).
For report No. 684: “Serubuga, Bagasora, Buregeya, Rwagafilita and others played a role in the attack. I don’t know anything about the assassination of our paratroopers. Nothing allowed us to think that such a thing could happen. I did not hear the communications of the Paras who were killed. With regard to radio RTLM, I only listen to it rarely, but I heard the translations made by the staff because the essential part of the broadcasts were in Kinyarwanda. Comments have been broadcast in the style: “the Belgians have money, it’s from them that we should take it”, “The Belgians killed your president, you should kill a Belgian at this or that place” or things of this kind. I did not hear them personally. As far as I’m aware, the FAR shouldn’t have had missiles” (Report 684, 1994).
From the witness Herman Trog said this: “on 06/04/94, during the afternoon, it was announced on the radio that the President would return from DAR ES SALAAM” (…)”One of their acquaintances, Mrs. BOVEN (of Zairean origin) was at the swimming pool of the Hotel “VILLAGE URUGWIRO” in KACYIRU on 06/04/94 around 17:00, when she was warned by a captain of the Rwandan army that it was advisable for her to go home since serious things were going to happen” (…)”Behind the CND on the road towards DEUTSCHE WELLE, there was a large area somewhere owned by the President, where the INTERAHAMWE carried out its training” (…)”During the period when the disturbances had begun, an anonymous pamphlet had circulated which stated that the Belgians were going to “turn Rwanda into a Somalia” (…)”During the broadcasts of RTLM, on the day following the attack, a type of debate took place between HABYMANA and a woman. This broadcast was rebroadcast several times on that day. It stated that the FPR had shot down the presidential plane with the collaboration of the Belgians. The Rwandans should take revenge and defend themselves. This information was broadcast in the local dialect” (…)”In another broadcast, it was mentioned that people should not ask themselves who the whites were that they had seen. It was observed that it was Belgians who were in the process of pillaging around GISOZI and GACULIRO” (…)”On RADIO KIGALI, between 07/04 and 11/04, Mathieu GIRUTZI (MRND) had cried that it was the 10 paras’ own fault if they had been killed because they themselves had initiated the attack” (Pro Justitia, 1995).
Then this was being reported by Maurice Timsonet said this: “During a security meeting with the authorities of the Rwandan gendarmerie, chaired by the Gen-Chief of staff of the gendarmerie NDINDILYIMANA (the 5th (?) at 14:00)” (…)”had the impression that this latter party, whom I had previously met (CTM between 1980 and 1983 and visit in November 1992), avoided advertising the fact that he knew me in the presence of his officers. At this meeting, it was decided that the weapons search activities carried out by the Rwandan gendarmerie in collaboration with UNCIVPOL, should take place starting from the night of 7/8 April. I also had the impression that this type of operation. On the evening of 6 April, I found myself at PEGASUS. I remember that initially there was confusion and that the sector thought that a munitions depot had exploded on the KANOMBE side. The communications deriving from the airport group soon clearly indicated that it was a small aircraft which had been shot down with missiles. At this point I also said that if it was not a coup d’état, it bore a strange resemblance to one. The confirmation of the assassination was given by VITAMINE, who had contact with the spouse of the pilot of the presidential aircraft. on disturbed a fair number of officers of the gendarmerie present at this meeting” (…)”During the night of 6 to 7 April, an order was received from K9 cancelling all escorts, including the permanent ones, hence that of AGATHE. The message announcing this decision derived from S 14 (Captain SCHEPKENS) who received it from the commander of the sector, Colonel MARCHAL. At this point, this decision was notified to the teams in question, including Y6. This measure seemed logical to me in view of the events. I am not aware that it was the fruit of coordination between KIBAT and the sector. It was simply announced by radio. Some time afterwards (18 minutes according to the campaign journal), the permanent escorts were re-established. The escort for AGATHE is a permanent escort. In the same fashion as the cancellation message, this latter order was broadcast and I could not say what the motivation for it was. By permanent escort, one should understand that the staff carrying out this type of mission makes itself available to a designated individual and ensures the safety of his/her movements until this individual dismisses them” (…)”During the AGATHE mission, the problems faced by Lt. LOTIN, difficulties in finding an open route, problems at the domicile of the minister herself, were serious but did not seem to us to be exceptional relative to other situations experienced in other places” (Report 985/94, 13.06.1994).

The witness report from Jean Turatsinre has said this: “On 6 April 1994, around 21.00, I received the order from Lieutenant-Colonel Bavugamenschi to reinforce the security of Agathe Uwilingiyimana and Faustin Twagiramungu” (…)”On arriving at the presidency, we were stopped by the presidential guards who were in an armoured vehicle and who prohibited us from continuing and passing to reach the residence of Agathe Uwilingiyimana” (…)”The presidential guards entered Agathe’s property two or three times without finding her there, until they discovered the hole in the fence. The presidential guards first searched Agathe’s house but without finding her there” (…)”The gendarmes had hidden her with the Senegalese (PNUD)” (…)”I think that by acting in this way, Agathe wished to protect their children, who were refugees and were also with the United Nations volunteers (PNUD). Agathe and her husband were killed on the spot” (…)”The Prime Minister Agathe was one of the threatened ministers and since 7 April 1994 at midnight/midday?, the Rwandan gendarmerie and hence I myself also knew that three ministers had been assassinated (the information minister, the agriculture minister and Landuald, Chairman of the Liberal party). The commander of the Presidential Guard assigned on another occasion to the gendarmerie was a witness to these three assassinations” (…)”Before dying, Agathe attempted to reach General Dallaire to obtain assistance” (…)”The presidential guard, the Para- commandos stationed at the camp in Kanombé, The Recce Battalion (composed of men from the president’s region) and the FAR battalion stationed at Mont Kigali in HUYE took part in the massacres. The last named FAR battalion carried out the first massacres in the centre of the city” (Pro Justitia, 10.05.1995).
The Witness of Andre Renouprez said this: “This aircraft circled around the airport after the attack waiting for authorisation to land. As it did not have authorisation and was beginning to have fuel problems, it was diverted to NAIROBI. On the radio CAPT. VANDRIESSCHE reported that he found it strange that the firemen from the airport who had come for the burning aircraft seemed to be leaving rapidly in the opposite direction. He also reported that he had tried to approach the aircraft but that this was not possible because of the heat” (…)”I explained to them having found out in the meantime that it was the aircraft of the PRESIDENT of RWANDA that had just exploded” (…)”I report on questioning that at the time of the aircraft crash, in the minutes that followed, I did not hear shooting around our position. Only the following day did we hear shooting quite loudly from the side of the CKD. These shots were from automatic firearms and artillery shooting” (Record 780/94, 31.05.1995).
What the witness Marc Ferdinand Beyens said: “Two or three weeks before the attack on the President, the wing received from on high the order to be on its guard and to dig in. Rifleman’s trenches had to be dug. They were waiting for something. They were very nervous. We felt there was something in the air and something was going to happen. During the night of 6 to 7 April 1994, at about 00.30 hours, I was informed where I was by the Second Captain of the C.T.M. of the attack on the President. The following day, during the briefing, more details were given to us about the attack and the death of the President was confirmed. Despite the fact that the Rwandan army was expecting something, the attack on the President was, for them, a complete surprise” (…)”During the night of 7 to 8 April 1994, while I was on duty, I was informed between 04.00 hours and 06.00 hours by the Chief Warrant Officer Charlier from Kigali that 10 Belgian servicemen had been killed. He gave me no more information about this. Later I learnt that the men, at the time of their capture, had to hand over their weapons. With regard to the arms of the Rwandan army, and more specifically the firearms, I know that they were equipped with Fal, AK 47 and R4. These weapons had bayonets, however these were not placed on the weapons. The servicemen wore them in the belt or kept them in their backpacks.” (Pro Justitia, 10.05.1994)
Here is what the witness Jean Birara said this: “Mr Birara pointed out that he saw together with 6 persons, on 20.02.94 the list of people who were to be massacred. General Nsabimana who he presented to us as a “moderate” managed to have the start of the massacres postponed three times but it was a Presidential decree. President Habyarimana had to give the signal” (…)”At the end of the month of March (30 or 31), President MOBUTU telephoned the HABYALIMANA residence and found him absent; he spoke with Agathe.H. and told her that attack was being planned and would be perpetrated on the return of President HABYALIMANA from Dar-Es-Salaam” (…)”In any event, with the postponement of the massacres, the President seemed decided this time to apply the ARUSHA agreements; convinced finally by the minister DELACROIX. On 4/04/1994, Easter Monday, Colonel RUSATIRA, Secretary to the Ministry of Defence for 15 years, then the Director of School of Officers, replacing BUREGEYA, came to me at midday. He told me that the President had just requested his Chief of Staff, RUHIGIRA Enoch, to prepare everything for the service of swearing in deputies and government, on his return from ARUSHA. When the in-laws and the officers were informed they summoned BAGOSORA back who was on holiday in Gisenyi, he got back to Kigali on 5/04/1994 in the evening. He took the decision to attack the President’s aircraft and to recall SERUBUGA, BUREGEYA and RWAGAFILITA (the three discontented officers)” (…)”The firing came from the Kanombe camp (near to the President’s residence and the airport); after the aeroplane had crashed, from the same camp, the President’s residence was fired on to be certain that the guard soldiers who were there (generally: 200 soldiers with 3 armoured cars) would not counter attack. (The Presidential Guard includes 1,200 soldiers; during the war, 200 guarded the Residence)” (…)”1) After the death of the President, Agathe.H. personally gave (assisted by the two sisters of the President who are nuns) the order to execute:
– NDASINGWA Landward, a Tutsi Minister of Employment
– RUCOGOSA, Minister of Information.
– KAVARUGANDA, President of the Supreme Court.
– UWILINGIYIMANA Agathe, Prime Minister. The soldiers who arrived at the house of UWILINGIYIMANA Agathe telephoned Mrs. HABYALIMANA to ask for instructions; they were told to force the domestic staff of the Prime Minister to rape her, then to kill her. “And the Belgian UN Peacekeepers?”, the Rwandan soldiers asked. Reply: “if they saw everything, they must be discretely removed1… Furthermore, it was Belgium that assassinated my husband.” (Report 734, 26.05.1994).
This is what the witness Rene Marcel Ghislain Chataine said this: “Personally, I would not be surprised if General Nsabimana, the former Colonel Serubuga (retired), Colonel Baransalitse and Colonel Bagasora were implicated as backers in this attack. Furthermore, I have heard it said that after the events Col. E.R. Serubuga took his office back…” (…)”As far as I am aware the FAR did not have Ground-Air missiles. With regard to individual arms, I cannot give you much information given my position. I know that there were kalaschnikovs, FAL, R 4, G7, MAG and FALCOS” (Report 677, 09.05.1994).

Here is what the witness Benoit Roger Ghislain Michael Daubie said this:
“The number of munitions removed was very large. I take for example the distribution of 1000 120 m/m mortar shots over Gitarama. There remained about 20 % of the munitions in the warehouse. This happened about 1 month before the attack and a week was needed for the transport A FAR lieutenant told me that it was in anticipation of an FPR attack. . .” (Report 685, 10.05.1994)
Then this is what the witness Christian Joseph Jean E. Defraigne said this:
“I was in the Belgian Military village of Nyarutarama. I was blocked at this place. I have nothing in particular to say about the attack and the murder of our 10 paras. What surprised me was the speed of action of the FAR. In less than 20 minutes after the attack the entire town was under control and blocked off. It seemed to me that all these soldiers were aware before the attack of what was going to happen and about what had to be done. We were in the FPR lines and I can say that I was impressed by their good manners” (Report 682, 10.05.1994)
The Witness Athanase Dushimiliana, the inspector of the criminal investigation department at the Regional Court of Kigali said this: “I would like to add here, that the day before on Thursday 7 April in the morning, long periods of shooting resounded in the “French village”. I found out subsequently, from Mr. NKUBITO, current Minister of Justice, who lived in the same district as me, that it was the family of Justin NYONGIRA from the Ministry of Public Works that had been massacred while fleeing. As we had seen the various movements of the killers in uniform wearing a black beret and armed with Kalashnikovs from our garden, we had the feeling, shared by our boy, that these movements were directed from the house of the military neighbour in plot 2. The information was confirmed later by Mr. NKUBITO himself” (CRIM/DA-KK/KGL/95 Case n° 57/95, 05.05.1994).
This here is some witness’s form the day that France is planning to yet again open. The mysterious killing of the President Juvénal Habyarimana that we’re never solved even as there we’re many witness reports. Here are even some other ones as well.
SGR Bastien’s Report:
“There are ± two [illeg] (end of March, shortly after the visit of Mrs CLAES to RWANDA) [illeg] a. the Belgians were planning an attack against President HABYARIMANA b. 5 Belgian paras were preparing to go to Rwanda soon, they had told somebody [illeg] in LIEGE that they had received, instructions to do everything to get President HABYARIMANA” (…) “On 07 April in the morning, a Rwandan inhabitant in the Belgian and who was loyal to President HABYARIMANA [illeg] a. “that the rumours started 15 days earlier [illeg] b’ “that formal proofs of the involvement and even of the instigation of the Belgian government [illeg], that is to say: (1) the statements of the 5 soldiers in LIEGE (see para 1b above (2) the missile that hit the presidential aircraft was fired from KANOMBE camp guarded by Belgian soldiers and that soon after the attack, the blue helmets from Bangladesh [illeg] 5 Belgian paras and they took them to the prison where they were [illeg]” (G. Bastien, 10.04.1994).
Reactions from another Military Intelligence days after Bastien’s affidavit:
“It transpires from them that the place where the missiles were probably fired from is located on the topographical map of Rwanda 1:500000, Kigali region series Z721 pages 16 -17 – 23 – 24 between coordinates 190800 and 190820 from South South East to North North West at a minimum distance of 1 kilometre to a maximum of 5 kilometres. This location was provided by one of the eyewitnesses above who was at coordinates 192812. As regards remark 2.b. (2) of the confidential report from Major-General Bastien – SGR – of 10 April 1994, I can formally assure you that that did not happen in any way” (M. Peeraer, Military Investigator, 13.04.1994 – Letter to MINUAR, Military Investigator on the ground).
Memo – Attack on the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi:
“In Kigali, the presidential guard began the hunt for the attackers. Information, as yet unconfirmed, cites arrests of ministers and well-known personalities, Hutu and Tutsi, political adversaries of President Habyarimana. A confrontation in the capital between the Rwandan army and the FPR seems inevitable. The interior of the country seems calm at the moment. The transition institutions have not yet been set up, so the death of the president leaves the country without any recognised authority (the government and parliament have not been established). A military coup is feared” (Bruno Delaye, 07.04.1994).
Testimony of Inspector of Judicial Police:
“Around two in the morning, I got a call from Colonel Bagosora who told me that I had been appointed temporary Chief of Staff of the Army. We had been informed in the meantime, by telegram, that the President and Chief of Staff were dead.” (…) “During the meeting on the evening of the 7th, I felt some antagonism between Bagosora and the rest of the team, in that Bagosora wanted to take over as president of the crisis committee although it was a military committee. We did not agree to him presiding, as he was retired military and was a politician in his capacity as Director of Cabinet. We wanted the most senior military person to preside, that is, Augustin Ndindiliyimana. He was there during that meeting” (…) “We learned afterwards that Bagosora had a radio network with him, parallel to the normal military network. Via this network he had direct contact with the GP, the para-commando battalion and the reconnaissance battalion. Through this network he was certainly able to issue orders to these units without the military authorities knowing” (Kibibi Kamanzi, Report No. 0142, File No. **/CRIM/KK/KGL/95 File 57/95, J. I. Vandermeersch, 06.07.1995).
Belgium official defense:
“More than a fortnight before the attack on the presidential aircraft, Habyarimana was already being accompanied by a Rwandan or even foreign personage. This would explain the presence of the President of Burundi in President Habyarimana’s plane. A few minutes before the attack, when the presidential aeroplane had received the order, issued by the control tower, to circulate around the Kigali airfield, the Presidential Guard had taken out its heavy arms and started taking up positions in the city. Less than ten minutes after the crash, “Thousand Hills Radio” was giving out the names of the persons killed in the crash, on air” (Belgium – Ministry of Justice, Department of State Security, R. Froyen, Subject: RWANDA: the “Amasasu” Association).
A defense for General Basogora:
“I would like to add that the anti-Belgian campaign at the end of the Habyarimana regime was organised underhandedly by President Mobutu and the French authorities. In fact, when President Habyarimana was in the favour of the Belgians and King Baudouin in particular, Mobotu hoped to use him as an official intermediary between him and the Belgians. However, from the time of his fall from grace, the Rwandans became anti-Belgian in the same way as Mobutu in order to please him. On the other hand, most of the leaders of the opposition had privileged relations with the Belgians, especially the PSD (Democratic Social Party), whether it was Félicien Gatabazi or Dr Gafaranga, former ULB members, without forgetting the great Rwandan scattering in Belgium and the FRP, whose co-ordination office was in Brussels. As the opposition was sure that it would win the elections after the Arusha agreements, it was very likely that the influence of Belgium would supplant that of France in Rwanda, as is currently the case despite certain Belgian areas reticent to the regime. The highest Rwandan authorities are more in Brussels than in Paris. Finally, I will add that the FAR cannot fight the FPR in military terms, and because the elections were uncertain for the MRND and the CDR, it is probable that certain French areas suggested the scorched earth policy that led to the genocide, in order to safeguard their influence within the region” (Joseph Twahirwa, 01.12.1994, Pro Justia, Brussels King’s Prosecutor Apostil: 30.99.3959/94).
Even with all of this there is hard to have all the answers to the brutal killing of the President. How and where they shot-down the airplane, where it the Belgian, was it the Presidential Guards? Was it a mutiny under General Basogora?
We can even question it more as there are plans by the French government to settle the score and clean their hands with new rounds in courts in France. They want to take the case and settle it. They will never take if they we’re involved, as much as the Belgians did what they could do. This here is just some witnesses and their affidavits of the actions they saw in the day and the days after.
And if they used Russian/Soviet weapons imported from China to shoot it down wouldn’t be surprising as the sale of that around the world is something we could imagine. The ones using it could be the Presidential Guards or other wishing to bring down the Rwandan Government, this together with the sentiments against the Arusha Agreement. There are enough pieces and soldiers who could be behind it or act with their skill-set to achieve their goal of getting rid of a President.
I don’t believe the French Government wants the true answer, as they are implicated and was part of donor-community who liked to control and “assist” the Central Government in Kigali and wouldn’t like how they turned to Brussels. Peace.


Reference:
GENDARMERIE, Judicial Detachment, Military Auditorat1, Palais de Justice, 1000 BRUSSELS (02/508.60.11) Report. No. 687
Dossier No. 02.02545N94/CAB.8 Military Auditorat in BRUSSELS (15.12.1995) – Pro Justitia No. 1008/94
Military Auditorat At the Council of War – Pro Justitia (10.05.1995)
Annex No. One To the Report No. 985/94 – Of the Judicial Detachment – BRUSSELS (13.06.1994)
Judicial Detachment of Brussels (10.05.1994) Report No. 684
RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS 71716 Annex n°….01 ………………. of the
Record n°…780/94…… of…31.05.94 of the Gendarmerie Unit JUDICIAL SECONDMENT OF BRUSSELS
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 Brussels ——- N° 676 – Pro Justitia (10.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11 – Report n° 734 (26.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11, Report n° 677 (09.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11, Report n° 685 (10.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate ’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11 Report n° 682 (10.05.1994)
PRO JUSTITIA 1st sheet Report 0011 / Case n° /CRIM/DA-KK/KGL/95 Case n° 57/95 J.I. VANDERMEERSCH (05.05.1994)
Statement by the Spokesperson on Ethiopia’s announcement of a state of emergency (10.10.2016)

The government of Ethiopia announced over the weekend a state of emergency for six months.
Fundamental human rights must be respected at all times as announced by Prime Minister Hailemariam. The suspension of political and democratic rights should be avoided.
Today’s parliamentary session offers the opportunity to open the way for an inclusive dialogue in response to the grievances of the population. This should lead to a comprehensive reform package.
Violence, whichever side it comes from, has no place in this endeavour. Now it is time for all forces, inside and outside Ethiopia, to restore calm and join in ensuring that Ethiopia can pursue the path of democracy and development.

