Yes. This is a long time coming. It had to be several of French Presidents before they took any responsibility and taking to account their role in the Genocide of 1994 in Rwanda. The French had invested and a close relationship with the current leadership at the time in Kigali. That jaded their will and their support for it. These folks did directly trade weapons and profit on the genocide.
The French have tried people who has been involved in the Genocide in Rwanda. France have acted as a big-brother, but not acted righteous towards its own ends. They have been the paternal nation and with the current Duclert Report. The current leadership in Paris should make reconciliation and redeem its stature in Kigali. That is only fair knowing what their actions did and did assist the atrocities in Rwanda.
First dropping one statement from France24 to show what they found and what has been written in 1999 about the same thing.
French Reports states known facts:
“The report tells of French decision-makers trapped in “post-colonial” thinking who supported the “racist, corrupt and violent” regime of Habyarimana as he faced a Tutsi rebellion which many considered was directed from English-speaking Uganda. Mitterrand “maintained a strong, personal and direct relationship with the Rwandan head of state”, it said” (France24 – ‘’Blind’ France bears responsibility on Rwanda genocide, historical commission reports’ 26.03.2021).
French Involvement before the Genocide:
“The leaders of France and Rwanda also had very close family ties Mitterand of France and Habyarimana were friends, but their sons, Jean Christophe Mitterand and Jean Pierre Habyarirnana, were not only closer friends, but that friendship was consolidated further by business dealings. The two camps used political power in their countries in order to boost and protect their respective economic interests. The Rwanda Re-view(2:3,1993) ran a letter from Mitterand to Habyarimana, a letter that was not only both personal and official, but also talked about the interests of France in Rwanda. There is also an indication that Jean C. Mitterand was one of the biggest arms dealer in Rwanda. It was there-fore in the interest of France that there should be use for the arms France was ready to supply to Rwanda, arms that eventually ended in the arms of the hands of the extremist killers” (Joan Kakwenzire and Dixon Kamukama – ‘The Path of a Genocide – The Rwandan Crisis from Uganda to Zaire’, P.83, 1999).
With these two pieces. You see they say the same thing. They are connected. The Kakwenzire and Kamukama is also showing the benefits of the relations between the Heads of State. That the sons also had a favourable relations. They wouldn’t have done what they did. If it wasn’t beneficial and had positive outcome. These folks wouldn’t have worked together like they did.
Both Kigali and Paris had close communication. They were even trading arms ahead of the genocide. Certainly knowing what was brewing and had some foresight into the violence that could erupt. Not like they were dumb or had no knowledge.
Just as they had already done this as well ahead of the genocide:
“1991; March 15: The French ambassador to Rwanda, Georges Martres, informed Juvénal Habyarimana that the French Presidency had decided to put a thirty-man DAMI (detachment of troops for military assistance and training) at the Rwandan authorities’ disposal *(Lanotte, 2007: 144). It was named DAMI-Panda and was originally intended to stay four months on location, but in fact it remained in Rwanda until December 1993 *(Lanotte, 2007: 145). This deployment was not publicized by the French political and military authorities, or by their Rwandan counterparts *(Lanotte, 2007: 148)” (Viret Emmanuel – ‘Rwanda – A Chronology (1867-1994)’ 01.03.2010, SciencePro.fr)
So with this all in mind. The Duclert Report only re-affirm what we already knew. They are only stating facts that been out there and they have finally “found” it out themselves. If they will take more accountability and actually reflect it. That is a whole different ball-game.
For some of us. We knew the French was directly involved and supported the regime who did their part in the genocide in 1994. Clearly, with that knowledge. The French could have acted differently and not participated in the exports of arms. However, they only saw money and friendship with the Heads of State. It was business and pleasure. Which in the end was helping the demise of so many innocent civilians.
Now is not the time for empty statements, but direct action of the French to act upon their own findings, which many of us already knew. Peace.
There been many stories and lots of leaks of what happen in 1993-1994 in Rwanda. As the Genocide and the takeover of political power to Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the political arm Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This is the army and the army, which today’s President Paul Kagame was leading.
Reading this report is heart-breaking. I am just dropping snippets of it, but it shows to what extent the RPA went to and why for the sake of perception the Kagame Regime doesn’t want these sort of reports out. Because this shows the evilness of them and not only the ones they we’re overcoming to gain power.
What is special about this Top Secret Document from 1st October 2003 was to collect evidence for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. What was special for the investigation and shows the signs of problems in the future, was the sources within Rwanda was fearing for their life and safety. Even the life of their parents.
The Investigation got a batch of documents from French Authorities concerning the “French Operation Turquoise” and also disappointing UNAMIR.
What this investigation was told by witnesses was there was made mass-graves by the RPA in the commune of Giti. Where they piled up wounded people on trucks and dumped them in graves there. Where the ones buried was from wasn’t known, and the perpetrators was not known at the time of the investigation.
By the knowledge of the investigation, there was known of three massacres in this commune. One in the 8th and 9th April, when the 101 battalion was in-charge and 300 civilians were killed. Between April to May, in the Commercial Center of the Giti, where the RPA thought the public was the Interahamwe, they gathered people in houses, threw grenades and shot them, which was on massacre site. In Mid-June, Sergeant Ndekwe gave order after crossing the Lake Muhazi, when the RPA ordered the woman and children to be gathered and after that ordered to shoot them.
Lt. Col. Kaberebe created a special team for killing in the area between Gabiro and Akagera National Park. This team was gathered from Rwamagana, Musha, Nygasambo, Rugendi, Kyeukiro and Masaka. This special team operated between May and August 1994, it is estimated that the team killed between 5 to 20 people per day. After that the team was moved to Kigali where they continued the killing.
One quote directly from the secret report: “Lt. Col. Ibingira stated that at the beginning of the genocide he did not kill civilians but once they arrived at Kiziguro-Byumba he found many Tutsi woman; children and old people that were killed by the enemy. He reported this to Gen. Kagame by radio. Kagame gave him the authorization to start killing the population in vengeance for the lead Tutsis”.
In Ruanda Commune, there was witnesses confessing about the crimes done by Major Sam Bigabiro. He wanted for instance sex with a pregnant Tutsi woman from Bagogwe, but she refused him. Another woman did as well. After that, he ordered the killing of 25 people.
In Musambire City of Musambire commune, Captain Jimmy Muyango Mwesige, Intelligence Officer of the 101 Battalion, had first ordered a screening of the population and aim to find Interhamwe. One group of the IO killed 350 persons by using plastic bags. They consisted in laying them down on the ground on their bellies. Tying their hands on the back and put a cord with slipknot at the neck. When doing this the aim of the IO: Eliminate the Hutu.
Major Alex Kagame: “He gave the order to Major Sewanyana to kill the civilians in Gitarama, insisting on the fact that the order came from Gen. Kagame”.
All of these stories are evident of the acts against humanity. That the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and General Kagame knew what they did against civilians. He has blamed the counter-party for all the violence and the genocide. However, this sort of report clarifies his vicious attacks and how he used his army against the civilians…
This sort of witnesses stories and reports should show the true colors of Kagame. That he is a blood-thirsty tyrant and he used the RPA by any means. These sort of reports shouldn’t have been kept from the public, but piece by piece should be revealed. Because this show who Kagame is and the whole RPF is. The ones that took power and never left. Peace.
Just two days ago an American Law Firm studied the Rwandan Genocide as they say it themselves: “In light of that inquiry, the Government of Rwanda has retained the Washington, D.C. law firm of Cunningham Levy Muse LLP to review and report on the material available in the public record on the role and knowledge of French officials regarding the Genocide against the Tutsi” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 3, 2017). This here is will be quotes from that report that is on the role of the French Government in the Rwandan Genocide. Clearly, there has been allegations and has been some talk about that, concerning the arms and the knowledge of it. This report are putting light on some of that. I will take the quotes that is substantial for the French intervention in the civil war and genocide in Rwanda.
“The expansion of France’s military support and strategic advice began within days of the war’s commencement. On October 11, 1990, Defense Attaché Colonel René Galinié recommended sending French advisers into the field, northeast of the combat zone, to “educate, organize and motivate troops that had been ossified for thirty years and who had forgotten the basic rules of battle.” (…) “In addition to advice, French officials supplied the FAR with modern mortars, armored vehicles, and other vehicles, along with ammunition and rockets. French officials also provided and helped maintain helicopter-gunships, which fired upon RPF fighters. According to jokes at the time, the only thing Rwandan soldiers did was pull the trigger” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 12-13, 2017).
“Massacres of Tutsi continued throughout 1991, 1992, and up until the Genocide. French officials were aware of massacres at this time, as well as the role of the Habyarimana government and its military in them. Despite this knowledge, French officials maintained their support of the Rwandan military and funneled weapons into Rwanda” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 20, 2017).
“Thus, in February 1993, after the Noroît detachment had just been reinforced . . . , the Army Chief of Staff reminded the defense attaché that he was responsible for “ensuring that the Rwandan army does not find itself in a stock shortage of sensitive ammunition . . . and that deliveries to the FAR of military equipment be made in the utmost discretion.” In fact, in the timeline laid down in his end of mission report, Colonel Philippe Tracqui, commander of the Noroît detachment for the period from February 8, 1993 to March 21, 1993, noted “Friday, February 12, 1993: landing of a DC8 50 with a 12.7mm machine gun plus 100,000 cartridges for the FAR. Wednesday, February 17, 1993: landing of a Boeing 747 with discrete unloading by the FAR of 10 mm shells and 68 mm rockets (Alat).” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 23, 2017).
“The French Parliamentary Commission accordingly found: Faced with procrastination by Rwandan authorities and concerned about the stability of states and regional security, France never made the decision to suspend all cooperation, or even to decrease the level of its civil and military aid. Thus, President Juvénal Habyarimana was able to convince himself that “France . . . would be behind him regardless of the situation, and he could do anything militarily and politically.” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 27, 2017).
“Arms flows to the FAR were not suspended immediately by France after the imposition of the arms embargo on May 17, 1994. Rather, they were diverted to Goma airport in Zaire as an alternative to Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, where fighting between the FAR and the rebel RPF as well as an international presence made continued shipments extremely difficult. Some of the first arms shipments to arrive
in Goma after May 17 were supplied to the FAR by the French government. Human Rights Watch learned from airport personnel and local businessmen that five shipments arrived in May and June containing artillery, machine guns, assault rifles and ammunition provided by the French government. These weapons were taken across the border into Rwanda by members of the Zairian military and delivered to the FAR in Gisenyi. The French consul in Goma at the time, Jean-Claude Urbano, has justified the five shipments as a fulfillment of contracts negotiated with the government of Rwanda prior to the arms embargo” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 39, 2017).
“Information in the public record also shows that in the months that followed the Genocide against the Tutsi French officials continued to support génocidaires. On August 3, 1994, the UN Secretary General suggested that the international community should coordinate with UNAMIR to identify within the camps perpetrators of the Genocide against the Tutsi, with an eye to bringing them to justice. But instead, French soldiers escorted and released suspected génocidaires in Zaire. Between July and September 1994, French military helicopters evacuated Bagosora, along with Interahamwe leader Jean-Baptiste Gatete, and other ex-FAR troops and militia members, out of Goma” (…) “Finally, we urge the Government of Rwanda to seek France’s cooperation in this endeavor. To this end, France should make available its archives, documents, physical evidence and officials (current and former). Any investigation by the Government of Rwanda should evaluate what occurred in the 1990s, as well as what has happened since then, including France’s cooperation with this investigation into French complicity in the Genocide” (Cunningham Levy Muse, P: 48, 52, 2017).
This one collected lots of public information and put into account. This is damning evidence and not just random quotes from a mad-man, but from lawyers collected information as ordered by the Rwandan Government. The could have been done by the French, they might have given other insights and even transcripts we haven’t seen. Even as the Rwandan has and can get documentation on the actions during the genocide and before. Since the Rwandan Government wants closure and might want the French to answer for their crimes.
French President Francois Mitterrand at the time was loyal to President Juvenal Habyarimana, therefore wanted to stop the Rwandan Patriotic Front from overthrowing their man at any cost apperently. The French really showed it with the ammunition, training and also helping them flee with weapons to Zaire/Democratic Republic of Congo. Clearly, the French knew what they did and did it with a reason, as of they wanted someone loyal to them and also a weapons brother at any cost.
So the continued trouble of the Great Lakes Region has been created by the French as well. Since they let the Interahamwe and Ex-FAR leave with weapons in the refugee camps in the DRC. That has been an initial reason for violence since the 1990s. The French should step up and take responsibility for what they did and who they gave power to. Which also created this genocide. The PRF and President Paul Kagame did his part, the RPF is not a holy and non-violent movement who just brought peace. They also killed and took control. However, the French did aid and abide help to the other partner in the crime. Therefore, they are responsible for their part in this genocide. That shouldn’t be left alone and the stones should be turned, the ones sanction this and ordering this on behalf of Habyarimana and his government.
This report was compelling and it shows how disgraceful the French was and how they really wanted the dictator Habyirmana to continue to rule in Rwanda. Peace.
Cunningham Levy Muse LLP – ‘REPORT AND RECOMMENDATION TO THE GOVERNMENT OF RWANDA ON THE ROLE OF FRENCH OFFICIALS IN THE GENOCIDE AGAINST THE TUTSI’ (11.12.2017)
“The attitude of these military personnel can be understood insofar as they have always been pampered by the regime of President Habyarimana. For this reason, they remain impervious to the current political changes and are looking to use any means whatsoever to hold onto their master, who, despite his florid entreaty to the Rwandan people to uphold the Peace Treaty, is in fact the instigator of a diabolical scheme to sow disorder and desolation amongst the population. The events that occurred recently in Kirambo, Mutura and Ngenda are sufficient testimony to this” (Re: Machiavellian plan by President Habyarimana, 03.12.1993, To: The Commandant, United Nations Mission for Assistance to Rwanda, MINUAR, Kigali).
Here is also a prequel to the killing of President Habyarimana… which should not be overlooked as the arms trade and ammunition delivery from China would be substantial, together with another one, I will not show is the way the Rwandan Government order to get Technical Service from Brazil. After this I will look into the aspects of the killing and witnesses to the murder of an Executive of Rwanda 1994.
There is also a Secret Loan and Arms deal with the Chinese Government:
“The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Rwandan Republic sends its compliments to the Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali and, following the verbal memo n°0083/16.00/CAB of 01 February 1992, has the honour of sending it in annex the list of weapons and munitions requirements within the framework of the long-term concessionary loan already accepted by the Chinese party. The Ministry asks the Embassy to send it the draft agreement for this loan for examination and observation. The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Rwandan Republic thanks the Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali, in advance, for its friendly intervention and would like to take the opportunity to reiterate the assurances of its highest consideration” (Rwandan Government – ‘N° A56/15.00/CAB’ 24.02.1992, Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali).
The now deceased, Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana that went down in 1994 and was one of the actions that sparked the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda. As I have looked through some documents that says certain things and certain eye-witness reports and such, that gives an in-depth look and fresh stance on the matter, as there still unclear about it. Like there are still uncertainty about the plane, that was carrying Dag Hammarskjöld, the then United Nation Secretary General who lost his life in a plane crash around Ndola, Zambia in 1961.
Thierry Charlier said this: “I would also point out to you that I learned from a Belgian living opposite the residence of the Prime Minister, “Agathe” in Kigali that the Rwandan press agency filmed the serious beating of 3 Belgian soldiers on the property of the Prime Minister…I did not have time to speak further with this individual. I report that European civilian witnesses told me. That in Kigali roadblocks and soldiers were already in place at certain intersections within the city before the attack on the presidential aircraft. These intersections were not usually occupied at normal times. I can add that a soldier of the 2 Bn Cdo told me that he had seen that the markings on the runway had been extinguished just before the landing of the presidential aircraft. During the afternoon, Mr. Charlier notified us of the name of the French Vice-Consul in Butare: BOUSSAC” (Gendarmerie, 16.05.1994).
For report No. 684: “Serubuga, Bagasora, Buregeya, Rwagafilita and others played a role in the attack. I don’t know anything about the assassination of our paratroopers. Nothing allowed us to think that such a thing could happen. I did not hear the communications of the Paras who were killed. With regard to radio RTLM, I only listen to it rarely, but I heard the translations made by the staff because the essential part of the broadcasts were in Kinyarwanda. Comments have been broadcast in the style: “the Belgians have money, it’s from them that we should take it”, “The Belgians killed your president, you should kill a Belgian at this or that place” or things of this kind. I did not hear them personally. As far as I’m aware, the FAR shouldn’t have had missiles” (Report 684, 1994).
From the witness Herman Trog said this: “on 06/04/94, during the afternoon, it was announced on the radio that the President would return from DAR ES SALAAM” (…)”One of their acquaintances, Mrs. BOVEN (of Zairean origin) was at the swimming pool of the Hotel “VILLAGE URUGWIRO” in KACYIRU on 06/04/94 around 17:00, when she was warned by a captain of the Rwandan army that it was advisable for her to go home since serious things were going to happen” (…)”Behind the CND on the road towards DEUTSCHE WELLE, there was a large area somewhere owned by the President, where the INTERAHAMWE carried out its training” (…)”During the period when the disturbances had begun, an anonymous pamphlet had circulated which stated that the Belgians were going to “turn Rwanda into a Somalia” (…)”During the broadcasts of RTLM, on the day following the attack, a type of debate took place between HABYMANA and a woman. This broadcast was rebroadcast several times on that day. It stated that the FPR had shot down the presidential plane with the collaboration of the Belgians. The Rwandans should take revenge and defend themselves. This information was broadcast in the local dialect” (…)”In another broadcast, it was mentioned that people should not ask themselves who the whites were that they had seen. It was observed that it was Belgians who were in the process of pillaging around GISOZI and GACULIRO” (…)”On RADIO KIGALI, between 07/04 and 11/04, Mathieu GIRUTZI (MRND) had cried that it was the 10 paras’ own fault if they had been killed because they themselves had initiated the attack” (Pro Justitia, 1995).
Then this was being reported by Maurice Timsonet said this: “During a security meeting with the authorities of the Rwandan gendarmerie, chaired by the Gen-Chief of staff of the gendarmerie NDINDILYIMANA (the 5th (?) at 14:00)” (…)”had the impression that this latter party, whom I had previously met (CTM between 1980 and 1983 and visit in November 1992), avoided advertising the fact that he knew me in the presence of his officers. At this meeting, it was decided that the weapons search activities carried out by the Rwandan gendarmerie in collaboration with UNCIVPOL, should take place starting from the night of 7/8 April. I also had the impression that this type of operation. On the evening of 6 April, I found myself at PEGASUS. I remember that initially there was confusion and that the sector thought that a munitions depot had exploded on the KANOMBE side. The communications deriving from the airport group soon clearly indicated that it was a small aircraft which had been shot down with missiles. At this point I also said that if it was not a coup d’état, it bore a strange resemblance to one. The confirmation of the assassination was given by VITAMINE, who had contact with the spouse of the pilot of the presidential aircraft. on disturbed a fair number of officers of the gendarmerie present at this meeting” (…)”During the night of 6 to 7 April, an order was received from K9 cancelling all escorts, including the permanent ones, hence that of AGATHE. The message announcing this decision derived from S 14 (Captain SCHEPKENS) who received it from the commander of the sector, Colonel MARCHAL. At this point, this decision was notified to the teams in question, including Y6. This measure seemed logical to me in view of the events. I am not aware that it was the fruit of coordination between KIBAT and the sector. It was simply announced by radio. Some time afterwards (18 minutes according to the campaign journal), the permanent escorts were re-established. The escort for AGATHE is a permanent escort. In the same fashion as the cancellation message, this latter order was broadcast and I could not say what the motivation for it was. By permanent escort, one should understand that the staff carrying out this type of mission makes itself available to a designated individual and ensures the safety of his/her movements until this individual dismisses them” (…)”During the AGATHE mission, the problems faced by Lt. LOTIN, difficulties in finding an open route, problems at the domicile of the minister herself, were serious but did not seem to us to be exceptional relative to other situations experienced in other places” (Report 985/94, 13.06.1994).
The witness report from Jean Turatsinre has said this: “On 6 April 1994, around 21.00, I received the order from Lieutenant-Colonel Bavugamenschi to reinforce the security of Agathe Uwilingiyimana and Faustin Twagiramungu” (…)”On arriving at the presidency, we were stopped by the presidential guards who were in an armoured vehicle and who prohibited us from continuing and passing to reach the residence of Agathe Uwilingiyimana” (…)”The presidential guards entered Agathe’s property two or three times without finding her there, until they discovered the hole in the fence. The presidential guards first searched Agathe’s house but without finding her there” (…)”The gendarmes had hidden her with the Senegalese (PNUD)” (…)”I think that by acting in this way, Agathe wished to protect their children, who were refugees and were also with the United Nations volunteers (PNUD). Agathe and her husband were killed on the spot” (…)”The Prime Minister Agathe was one of the threatened ministers and since 7 April 1994 at midnight/midday?, the Rwandan gendarmerie and hence I myself also knew that three ministers had been assassinated (the information minister, the agriculture minister and Landuald, Chairman of the Liberal party). The commander of the Presidential Guard assigned on another occasion to the gendarmerie was a witness to these three assassinations” (…)”Before dying, Agathe attempted to reach General Dallaire to obtain assistance” (…)”The presidential guard, the Para- commandos stationed at the camp in Kanombé, The Recce Battalion (composed of men from the president’s region) and the FAR battalion stationed at Mont Kigali in HUYE took part in the massacres. The last named FAR battalion carried out the first massacres in the centre of the city” (Pro Justitia, 10.05.1995).
The Witness of Andre Renouprez said this: “This aircraft circled around the airport after the attack waiting for authorisation to land. As it did not have authorisation and was beginning to have fuel problems, it was diverted to NAIROBI. On the radio CAPT. VANDRIESSCHE reported that he found it strange that the firemen from the airport who had come for the burning aircraft seemed to be leaving rapidly in the opposite direction. He also reported that he had tried to approach the aircraft but that this was not possible because of the heat” (…)”I explained to them having found out in the meantime that it was the aircraft of the PRESIDENT of RWANDA that had just exploded” (…)”I report on questioning that at the time of the aircraft crash, in the minutes that followed, I did not hear shooting around our position. Only the following day did we hear shooting quite loudly from the side of the CKD. These shots were from automatic firearms and artillery shooting” (Record 780/94, 31.05.1995).
What the witness Marc Ferdinand Beyens said: “Two or three weeks before the attack on the President, the wing received from on high the order to be on its guard and to dig in. Rifleman’s trenches had to be dug. They were waiting for something. They were very nervous. We felt there was something in the air and something was going to happen. During the night of 6 to 7 April 1994, at about 00.30 hours, I was informed where I was by the Second Captain of the C.T.M. of the attack on the President. The following day, during the briefing, more details were given to us about the attack and the death of the President was confirmed. Despite the fact that the Rwandan army was expecting something, the attack on the President was, for them, a complete surprise” (…)”During the night of 7 to 8 April 1994, while I was on duty, I was informed between 04.00 hours and 06.00 hours by the Chief Warrant Officer Charlier from Kigali that 10 Belgian servicemen had been killed. He gave me no more information about this. Later I learnt that the men, at the time of their capture, had to hand over their weapons. With regard to the arms of the Rwandan army, and more specifically the firearms, I know that they were equipped with Fal, AK 47 and R4. These weapons had bayonets, however these were not placed on the weapons. The servicemen wore them in the belt or kept them in their backpacks.” (Pro Justitia, 10.05.1994)
Here is what the witness Jean Birara said this: “Mr Birara pointed out that he saw together with 6 persons, on 20.02.94 the list of people who were to be massacred. General Nsabimana who he presented to us as a “moderate” managed to have the start of the massacres postponed three times but it was a Presidential decree. President Habyarimana had to give the signal” (…)”At the end of the month of March (30 or 31), President MOBUTU telephoned the HABYALIMANA residence and found him absent; he spoke with Agathe.H. and told her that attack was being planned and would be perpetrated on the return of President HABYALIMANA from Dar-Es-Salaam” (…)”In any event, with the postponement of the massacres, the President seemed decided this time to apply the ARUSHA agreements; convinced finally by the minister DELACROIX. On 4/04/1994, Easter Monday, Colonel RUSATIRA, Secretary to the Ministry of Defence for 15 years, then the Director of School of Officers, replacing BUREGEYA, came to me at midday. He told me that the President had just requested his Chief of Staff, RUHIGIRA Enoch, to prepare everything for the service of swearing in deputies and government, on his return from ARUSHA. When the in-laws and the officers were informed they summoned BAGOSORA back who was on holiday in Gisenyi, he got back to Kigali on 5/04/1994 in the evening. He took the decision to attack the President’s aircraft and to recall SERUBUGA, BUREGEYA and RWAGAFILITA (the three discontented officers)” (…)”The firing came from the Kanombe camp (near to the President’s residence and the airport); after the aeroplane had crashed, from the same camp, the President’s residence was fired on to be certain that the guard soldiers who were there (generally: 200 soldiers with 3 armoured cars) would not counter attack. (The Presidential Guard includes 1,200 soldiers; during the war, 200 guarded the Residence)” (…)”1) After the death of the President, Agathe.H. personally gave (assisted by the two sisters of the President who are nuns) the order to execute:
– NDASINGWA Landward, a Tutsi Minister of Employment
– RUCOGOSA, Minister of Information.
– KAVARUGANDA, President of the Supreme Court.
– UWILINGIYIMANA Agathe, Prime Minister. The soldiers who arrived at the house of UWILINGIYIMANA Agathe telephoned Mrs. HABYALIMANA to ask for instructions; they were told to force the domestic staff of the Prime Minister to rape her, then to kill her. “And the Belgian UN Peacekeepers?”, the Rwandan soldiers asked. Reply: “if they saw everything, they must be discretely removed1… Furthermore, it was Belgium that assassinated my husband.” (Report 734, 26.05.1994).
This is what the witness Rene Marcel Ghislain Chataine said this: “Personally, I would not be surprised if General Nsabimana, the former Colonel Serubuga (retired), Colonel Baransalitse and Colonel Bagasora were implicated as backers in this attack. Furthermore, I have heard it said that after the events Col. E.R. Serubuga took his office back…” (…)”As far as I am aware the FAR did not have Ground-Air missiles. With regard to individual arms, I cannot give you much information given my position. I know that there were kalaschnikovs, FAL, R 4, G7, MAG and FALCOS” (Report 677, 09.05.1994).
Here is what the witness Benoit Roger Ghislain Michael Daubie said this:
“The number of munitions removed was very large. I take for example the distribution of 1000 120 m/m mortar shots over Gitarama. There remained about 20 % of the munitions in the warehouse. This happened about 1 month before the attack and a week was needed for the transport A FAR lieutenant told me that it was in anticipation of an FPR attack. . .” (Report 685, 10.05.1994)
Then this is what the witness Christian Joseph Jean E. Defraigne said this:
“I was in the Belgian Military village of Nyarutarama. I was blocked at this place. I have nothing in particular to say about the attack and the murder of our 10 paras. What surprised me was the speed of action of the FAR. In less than 20 minutes after the attack the entire town was under control and blocked off. It seemed to me that all these soldiers were aware before the attack of what was going to happen and about what had to be done. We were in the FPR lines and I can say that I was impressed by their good manners” (Report 682, 10.05.1994)
The Witness Athanase Dushimiliana, the inspector of the criminal investigation department at the Regional Court of Kigali said this: “I would like to add here, that the day before on Thursday 7 April in the morning, long periods of shooting resounded in the “French village”. I found out subsequently, from Mr. NKUBITO, current Minister of Justice, who lived in the same district as me, that it was the family of Justin NYONGIRA from the Ministry of Public Works that had been massacred while fleeing. As we had seen the various movements of the killers in uniform wearing a black beret and armed with Kalashnikovs from our garden, we had the feeling, shared by our boy, that these movements were directed from the house of the military neighbour in plot 2. The information was confirmed later by Mr. NKUBITO himself” (CRIM/DA-KK/KGL/95 Case n° 57/95, 05.05.1994).
This here is some witness’s form the day that France is planning to yet again open. The mysterious killing of the President Juvénal Habyarimana that we’re never solved even as there we’re many witness reports. Here are even some other ones as well.
SGR Bastien’s Report:
“There are ± two [illeg] (end of March, shortly after the visit of Mrs CLAES to RWANDA) [illeg] a. the Belgians were planning an attack against President HABYARIMANA b. 5 Belgian paras were preparing to go to Rwanda soon, they had told somebody [illeg] in LIEGE that they had received, instructions to do everything to get President HABYARIMANA” (…) “On 07 April in the morning, a Rwandan inhabitant in the Belgian and who was loyal to President HABYARIMANA [illeg] a. “that the rumours started 15 days earlier [illeg] b’ “that formal proofs of the involvement and even of the instigation of the Belgian government [illeg], that is to say: (1) the statements of the 5 soldiers in LIEGE (see para 1b above (2) the missile that hit the presidential aircraft was fired from KANOMBE camp guarded by Belgian soldiers and that soon after the attack, the blue helmets from Bangladesh [illeg] 5 Belgian paras and they took them to the prison where they were [illeg]” (G. Bastien, 10.04.1994).
Reactions from another Military Intelligence days after Bastien’s affidavit:
“It transpires from them that the place where the missiles were probably fired from is located on the topographical map of Rwanda 1:500000, Kigali region series Z721 pages 16 -17 – 23 – 24 between coordinates 190800 and 190820 from South South East to North North West at a minimum distance of 1 kilometre to a maximum of 5 kilometres. This location was provided by one of the eyewitnesses above who was at coordinates 192812. As regards remark 2.b. (2) of the confidential report from Major-General Bastien – SGR – of 10 April 1994, I can formally assure you that that did not happen in any way” (M. Peeraer, Military Investigator, 13.04.1994 – Letter to MINUAR, Military Investigator on the ground).
Memo – Attack on the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi:
“In Kigali, the presidential guard began the hunt for the attackers. Information, as yet unconfirmed, cites arrests of ministers and well-known personalities, Hutu and Tutsi, political adversaries of President Habyarimana. A confrontation in the capital between the Rwandan army and the FPR seems inevitable. The interior of the country seems calm at the moment. The transition institutions have not yet been set up, so the death of the president leaves the country without any recognised authority (the government and parliament have not been established). A military coup is feared” (Bruno Delaye, 07.04.1994).
Testimony of Inspector of Judicial Police:
“Around two in the morning, I got a call from Colonel Bagosora who told me that I had been appointed temporary Chief of Staff of the Army. We had been informed in the meantime, by telegram, that the President and Chief of Staff were dead.” (…) “During the meeting on the evening of the 7th, I felt some antagonism between Bagosora and the rest of the team, in that Bagosora wanted to take over as president of the crisis committee although it was a military committee. We did not agree to him presiding, as he was retired military and was a politician in his capacity as Director of Cabinet. We wanted the most senior military person to preside, that is, Augustin Ndindiliyimana. He was there during that meeting” (…) “We learned afterwards that Bagosora had a radio network with him, parallel to the normal military network. Via this network he had direct contact with the GP, the para-commando battalion and the reconnaissance battalion. Through this network he was certainly able to issue orders to these units without the military authorities knowing” (Kibibi Kamanzi, Report No. 0142, File No. **/CRIM/KK/KGL/95 File 57/95, J. I. Vandermeersch, 06.07.1995).
Belgium official defense:
“More than a fortnight before the attack on the presidential aircraft, Habyarimana was already being accompanied by a Rwandan or even foreign personage. This would explain the presence of the President of Burundi in President Habyarimana’s plane. A few minutes before the attack, when the presidential aeroplane had received the order, issued by the control tower, to circulate around the Kigali airfield, the Presidential Guard had taken out its heavy arms and started taking up positions in the city. Less than ten minutes after the crash, “Thousand Hills Radio” was giving out the names of the persons killed in the crash, on air” (Belgium – Ministry of Justice, Department of State Security, R. Froyen, Subject: RWANDA: the “Amasasu” Association).
A defense for General Basogora:
“I would like to add that the anti-Belgian campaign at the end of the Habyarimana regime was organised underhandedly by President Mobutu and the French authorities. In fact, when President Habyarimana was in the favour of the Belgians and King Baudouin in particular, Mobotu hoped to use him as an official intermediary between him and the Belgians. However, from the time of his fall from grace, the Rwandans became anti-Belgian in the same way as Mobutu in order to please him. On the other hand, most of the leaders of the opposition had privileged relations with the Belgians, especially the PSD (Democratic Social Party), whether it was Félicien Gatabazi or Dr Gafaranga, former ULB members, without forgetting the great Rwandan scattering in Belgium and the FRP, whose co-ordination office was in Brussels. As the opposition was sure that it would win the elections after the Arusha agreements, it was very likely that the influence of Belgium would supplant that of France in Rwanda, as is currently the case despite certain Belgian areas reticent to the regime. The highest Rwandan authorities are more in Brussels than in Paris. Finally, I will add that the FAR cannot fight the FPR in military terms, and because the elections were uncertain for the MRND and the CDR, it is probable that certain French areas suggested the scorched earth policy that led to the genocide, in order to safeguard their influence within the region” (Joseph Twahirwa, 01.12.1994, Pro Justia, Brussels King’s Prosecutor Apostil: 30.99.3959/94).
Even with all of this there is hard to have all the answers to the brutal killing of the President. How and where they shot-down the airplane, where it the Belgian, was it the Presidential Guards? Was it a mutiny under General Basogora?
We can even question it more as there are plans by the French government to settle the score and clean their hands with new rounds in courts in France. They want to take the case and settle it. They will never take if they we’re involved, as much as the Belgians did what they could do. This here is just some witnesses and their affidavits of the actions they saw in the day and the days after.
And if they used Russian/Soviet weapons imported from China to shoot it down wouldn’t be surprising as the sale of that around the world is something we could imagine. The ones using it could be the Presidential Guards or other wishing to bring down the Rwandan Government, this together with the sentiments against the Arusha Agreement. There are enough pieces and soldiers who could be behind it or act with their skill-set to achieve their goal of getting rid of a President.
I don’t believe the French Government wants the true answer, as they are implicated and was part of donor-community who liked to control and “assist” the Central Government in Kigali and wouldn’t like how they turned to Brussels. Peace.
GENDARMERIE, Judicial Detachment, Military Auditorat1, Palais de Justice, 1000 BRUSSELS (02/508.60.11) Report. No. 687
Dossier No. 02.02545N94/CAB.8 Military Auditorat in BRUSSELS (15.12.1995) – Pro Justitia No. 1008/94
Military Auditorat At the Council of War – Pro Justitia (10.05.1995)
Annex No. One To the Report No. 985/94 – Of the Judicial Detachment – BRUSSELS (13.06.1994)
Judicial Detachment of Brussels (10.05.1994) Report No. 684
RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS 71716 Annex n°….01 ………………. of the
Record n°…780/94…… of…31.05.94 of the Gendarmerie Unit JUDICIAL SECONDMENT OF BRUSSELS
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 Brussels ——- N° 676 – Pro Justitia (10.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11 – Report n° 734 (26.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11, Report n° 677 (09.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11, Report n° 685 (10.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate ’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11 Report n° 682 (10.05.1994)
PRO JUSTITIA 1st sheet Report 0011 / Case n° /CRIM/DA-KK/KGL/95 Case n° 57/95 J.I. VANDERMEERSCH (05.05.1994)
It is not that I am for the Rwandan genocide or partial in any sense of the actions done in Paris today. I will just spill the beans and ask for questionable trial and courtship in Paris as that is France, not Kigali that is Rwanda. If it still we’re tribunal in Arusha, Tanzania then this would be understandable for court outside as it was an agreement between United Nation and the Rwandan Government for this Tribunal as Peaceful change after the civil war and the genocide in 1993-1994 in the country. There I will question the action of the French Authorities today.
In Paris today:
“On Tuesday, Octavien Ngenzi, 58, and Tito Barahira, 64, will go on trial for allegedly playing a direct role in the massacre of hundreds of Tutsi refugees in a church in the eastern town of Kabarondo on April 13, 1994” (News Wires, 2016).
Because it is an important question and with the implication of history between Rwanda and the France; France have been the colonial master on the African Continent and still have control over the Central African Franc (CAF) and with that has an economic stake in many African nations. Still, this should not be implicated into why they can take Citizens of another Nation and also order their trial, even if it is breaching with Human Rights and Roman Statute. Most Countries have ratified the Roman Statute and also parts of UN Charter for Human Rights and even the Geneva Convention on justice in War. Still, this does opens the door from who has the right to sanction and the right to create justice.
Some people might say the Rwandan Government is a totalitarian and a Police State under strict control from a central government under the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) under President Paul Kagame who does not have the will to take certain Génocidaires to court as they might implicate certain close allies of the government. Still, that does not open the question that I will talk about. Because even if the courts and judges are premature and built for the Government in Rwanda, does not take away their jurisdiction and their own rights of rule of law in their own country. Even when it is the violations are a crime against humanity as Genocide.
Not that I want the men and woman behind an action of this size to get away is not my intention to discuss it. It is more the example of colonial law and the post-colonial acts that are not just or justified. We as people have to set standards and use our minds. I will not let the French or British control the Central Arguments, as much as I don’t want the Americans or Chinese doing it. What is important is this. We have Nations, which is a set territory, a territory where they keep citizens safe and have the monopoly for violence is for the state; in that sense that the nation have an Army to keep foreign forces away and the town a secure to raise families and work. Second part of that security is the internal security to make peace inside the country with a Police that takes criminals and courts of laws that with justification condemns and detain fellow citizens that have breached the national laws. All of this should be universal and understood, as ordinary understanding of what a state should do. And it with this matter I will take a step further.
Because this is important even when the States and Governments who controls their nations and does the wrong acts against fellow peers. Their citizens should then as long as the nation and state have ratified international laws and statutes get their crimes against humanity in the International Criminal Court of Hauge. Even if the ICC and it’s attack on African Leaders, it still have the authority as given by the United Nation and the other bodies together with the ratified laws that the States and Government have signed at one point in time.
The problem I have and the reason for it is simple and it’s basic for any Republic/Kingdom/State/Nation their sovereign rights and their sovereign rule as a Sovereign Power in their own Territory as it is with the Army and the Police inside that nation. That is the main issue I have. Even when it comes to Crime Against Humanity.
Let’s say that the unlawful and unjust war from the United States of America under President George W. Bush who even address the world on 20th March 2003, which started a war on false premise and lies to American public and the United Nations, without the international states accept for United Kingdom accepting the attack on the Sovereign Nation of Iraq under President Saddam Hussain. I am not saying President Hussain we’re a saint, as his acts with certain gas and weapons against Iran was not justified, still the matter at hand can question the jurisdiction of the ones implicated and breaches of justice from the American Government at the time and the United Kingdom Government who went in Iraq. They all certainly we’re behind acts against Humanity on some levels as they went to war and even did torture in certain chambers in Iraq. Can the Rwandan Government and their courts if they collect evidence and collect for instance affidavit of victims and of low-level civil servants of the time, could they take President Bush for trial at the High Court of Kigali?
I am just asking the question, because the case today is an act upon the same sovereign question as the former Mayors of two towns or villages are taken to court in Paris. They are in foreign land as they are not in the Jurisdiction and the Territory of where the crimes happen and in the State where the claimed Génocidaires are citizens.
If citizenship and if sovereign nations still means something, then we have to ask the question and ask the matter. Even when it grimes crimes and crimes against humanity as the laws should be the same for Western Nations as for the African Nations. This should open up the questions for French interaction with the Génocidaires of the official government at the time under President Habyarimana with the military training and equipment before Operation Turquoise turned into the UNAMIR mandate under Dallaire. In that sense, the black-box sage that never really been answered as the training and interference of the French, should give the Government under Rwandan Patriotic Front to be allowed to Court the French Men who served the Génocidaires, right? Since the French now is doing the same in Paris, just because they are French and European should not make them able to clean their hands of the blood, just as much as the RPA, now RPF should not be white-washed over time. The law should apply alike to either side. Something that should not be needed to explain or take on; as any crime on humanity and support of the attacks with weapons and structures should be taken to court as violation of these men and woman.
The case is not that the Génocidaires should be dealt with from authorities and the men behind killings should not be punished by the Government or any other piece international legal-body that has the jurisdiction on it. If so then the men and woman should go to international court or a national one that could offer a fair judgement on the causes behind the violations and assess the criminal activity.
But what bugs me is the easy way the French and Government of France overturn the Rwandan Government as a sovereign nation to turn their citizens and their eye-witnesses to Paris for the trial to concede the judgement of these two mayors. Not that I am defending the Mayors for their activity, it’s the actions of French I am still questioning.
That is why, why couldn’t the Rwandese if they could collect information on the French involvement and support of the late-President Habyarimana in the turns up-to the genocide. Since the French can now take Rwandese to court in Paris and collect the witnesses from Rwanda to serve these men and woman in the capital of France. There questions about it and if it is justified as the precedence this kind of cases set. As if the French Authorities still can grant them authority to get these people to be eye-witnesses in a court case of actions against humanity in Rwanda and not on the French shores or near Caen. Therefore since this court is not directly based on the Roman Statute or the other ratified laws where the crimes against humanity are involved and control the verdicts of the judgements. So the matter is that if it was so, since this a case that is about crimes done abroad in alien jurisdiction, it might should have been posted in the ICC and not the High Court or whatever name the Court have in Paris.
It is not that I want the two Mayors to free-men without a court judgement or get the Génocidaires of the Rwandan tragedy to not be tested in Court and get fair trials, so that the men and woman who has actually done their crimes get their punishment. But the way it is done and how it is conducted as long as it talks about Sovereign States and Territory; when coming to court and to be able to conduct justice to its citizens and the condemn the crimes, condone it and make sure that criminals get fair trials before serving time as felons. That shouldn’t be too much to ask. The question is if we twisted the Courts to Kigali instead of Paris, if the French we’re sent to be on trial in Kigali instead of Paris. That should be allowed to ask, as the Rwandan Government and the French Government are both Sovereign States. As Sovereign they have rights, over territory and their citizens and nations are bound to respect these in any sense and be responsible for justice, also over boundaries and borders. And also respecting the international conventions, laws and other ratified accords that set the standards for justice in the State as the Citizens need safety and security; something the state should provide and make sure they have, by the peaceful means and rule of law. Peace.
New Wires – ‘Rwandan ex-mayors face trial in France over 1994 genocide’ (10.05.2016) link: http://www.france24.com/en/20160509-rwandan-ex-mayors-face-trial-france-1994-genocide-Ngenzi-Barahira
“The Kibeho massacre is one of many committed by the the Rwandan Patriotic Army in Rwanda and DR Congo, but it is one of the most shocking because it was witnessed by UN Peacekeepers from Australia, Zambia, and the UK, and well documented by at least two photographers, but no one was ever prosecuted for the crime” (RDI-Rwanda Rwiza, 2016).
WARRING PARTIES IN SOUTH SUDAN MUST EMBARK ON PATH OF RECONCILIATION OR RISK
HUMANITARIAN CATASTROPHE, SENIOR OFFICIAL WARNS SECURITY COUNCIL:
Reiterating Government’s Commitment to Peace Process,
Permanent Representative Urges Armed Groups to Show ‘Seriousness and Faithfulness’
After three years of independence, South Sudan was on the “brink of a humanitarian catastrophe and a protracted internal conflict”, a senior United Nations peacekeeping official warned the Security Council this morning.
“This is a man-made crisis, and those responsible for it have been slow in resolving it,” said Edmond Mulet, Assistant Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, as he briefed the 15-member body on the Secretary-General’s 25 July report on South Sudan (document S/2014/537) and recent developments in the strife-torn African country following the report’s publication.
With both sides — the South Sudanese Government and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in Opposition — believing they could achieve their aims through military means, the situation on the ground remained precarious, and the conflict risked spreading to other parts of the country, he stressed. The Security Council’s visit next week to South Sudan was particularly timely, and should serve to caution both sides about the negative consequences of impeding the peace process.
“The parties must reach an agreement, without a further delay, on how to end the conflict and embark on the path of reconciliation,” he emphasized. Those responsible for serious human rights violations must be held accountable and both sides must ensure unhindered, safe access by road, air and river for United Nations and humanitarian personnel.
He noted that talks had just resumed on 4 August between the South Sudanese Government and the SPLM/A in Opposition, and were being mediated by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in an effort to sort out issues of security and humanitarian access; political transition and the creation of a Government of National Unity; justice, reconciliation and healing; and the parameters of a new Constitution, he said. IGAD member States would also need to decide on the terms of applying sanctions against those who undermined the peace process, should the need arise.
Giving an overview of recent developments, he said that the ceasefire agreements, signed by the parties on 23 January, 9 May and 10 June, had been violated. The first major incident occurred on 20 July when SPLM/A in Opposition forces attacked Government positions in Nassir, Upper Nile State. Fighting for Nassir ensued until 26 July, when the SPLM/A in Opposition retreated.
Skirmishes had also occurred in Rensk, also in Upper Nile State, and in Ayod, Jonglei State, he said. On 16 July, in Aweil, Northern Bahr El Ghazal State, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) received reports of clashes between Government security positions and approximately 200 Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) deserters that had abandoned their posts over lack of salary payments. On 2 August, clashes erupted between the Maban Defence Force, a local militia, and some 20 SPLA deserters of Nuer ethnicity.
Since the fighting began, United Nations personnel and aid workers had moved to the compounds of United Nations agencies and intergovernmental organizations for protection, and non-essential staff were been airlifted out, he said. Thousands of civilians had sought refuge in a refugee camp near the airstrip. A Quick Reaction Force with four armoured personnel carriers was en route to the area and another platoon size force was being deployed by air.
In addition, the deployment of more troops authorized under resolution 2155 (2014) was well under way, he said. As of 4 August, fully 3,525 of the 5,500 surge troops had been deployed. The remaining contingents — an infantry battalion, three military utility helicopters, three additional aircraft and a tactical helicopter unit — were expected to be sent by October. The United Nations had also identified police-contributing countries for the deployment of four Formed Police Units comprising of 660 personnel.
The humanitarian operation in South Sudan was the largest within a single country, he said, with the Mission hosting more than 95,000 internally displaced persons at its site, far more than its intended capacity. Heavy rains had severely flooded large areas of the UNMISS sites in Bentiu and Malakal, exacerbating already challenging health and sanitation conditions. With the slow pace of the peace process, displacement was likely to continue.
“The status quo, therefore, is not sustainable and alternative options must be explored,” he said, stressing that UNMISS’ capacity and funding fell far short of overwhelming needs. Aid had reached some 2.4 million people, but efforts had been hampered by insecurity, obstructed access, insufficient and delayed funding, and delayed logistic, human resources and political constraints.
The Mission had begun discussions with United Nations agencies and humanitarian partners to better delineate roles and responsibilities so that it could focus on its core mandate set forth in resolution 2155 (2014), he said. Meantime, UNMISS continued to encourage internally displaced persons to relocate to newly constructed sites in order to alleviate overcrowding at the existing ones.
Joseph Moum Malok ( South Sudan) reiterated his Government’s commitment to the peace process and its determination to reach a final settlement through negotiations. President Salva Kiir Mayardit had expressed willingness to form an interim or transitional Government in order to promote constitutional reform, national peace, and reconciliation and accountability mechanisms.
“We can’t afford to prolong the current situation,” he said, calling on the rebel groups to show “seriousness and faithfulness” in the negotiations and on the international community to remind them of the importance of adhering to the previous ceasefire agreements, which the rebels had violated repeatedly.
Furthermore, the international community must be mindful of the Government’s lack of technical capability needed to swiftly undertake forensic and legal proceedings, he said, expressing regret over UNMISS’ stalled efforts to build capacity of the organized forces and other rule of law institutions.
The meeting began at 10 a.m. and ended at 10:20 a.m.
We can all just see that the UN Security Council used ten minutes on a matter which themselves describes as a possible humanitarian catastrophe. Is that all the lives is worth for the UN? They fear that SPLM going back to the former days of SPLA. An they say the action comes from the opposition. The matter is how to solve the crisis and the effect of it. Endgame should matter, and isn’t that the mandate and honor of UNAMISS. They are supposed to have 5,500 surge troops, by 4. July, but they had gotten 3,525. So we can wonder if they will get the funding for the UNAMISS, when their missing nearly 2000 surge troops to their operation. If this isn’t sad piece of history, I don’t know history. Especially when it’s already filled with the sadness of the MONUC (2000-2010 in DRC) and UNAMIR (1993-1996). If you wonder why I add those into play? Well, then you should read some on them and see what I am saying without saying it. Hope that UNAMISS will have another fate then UNAMIR and MONUC.