Press Statement: Kigali Regime’s Dangerous, Desperate, and UN-Diplomatic Attacks Against the United States at the United Nations (26.03.2016)

Rwanda Press Release 26.03.2016 P1Rwanda Press Release 26.03.2016 P2

Jebel Marra Crisis – Fact Sheet (24.03.2016)

OCHA Jebel 25.03.2016 P1OCHA Jebel 25.03.2016 P2OCHA Jebel 25.03.2016 P3OCHA Jebel 25.03.2016 P4

South Sudan opposition commanders arrive in Juba (Youtube-Clip)

“Twenty two senior commanders of South Sudan’s armed opposition have arrived in the country;s capital, Juba. They were received by fellow commander and Chief mediator, Taban Deng Gai and the Government spokesperson, Michael Makuei. The chairman of the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission says the creation of the transitional government in South Sudan is long overdue” (CCTV, 2016).

The Power of arguments during the UN Security Council on the Security and Stability in the Great Lakes Region

East-Africa

There been talk about the long terms in Great Lakes Regions, as the big-men lingers, it is a tale I written about for a long time. That Samantha Power addressed it yesterday during the United Nations Security Council in New York. This is where she was direct to the Presidents of the area on accountability and democratic values.

KabilaCartoon

On President Kabila

“The DRC is not the only country in the region where civil society is threatened, or where democratic processes are being deliberately undermined. This, unfortunately, has been the accelerating trend in recent months – evident at the top, where leaders make increasingly blatant power grabs to remain in office”.

This here a remark on the long-term plan for President Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) who is thinking and making the possibility for a third term in the coming election. This is together with the detaining and jailing the opposition and human rights activists. That is what she is calling this grabbing the power and office, which is true. He plans to continue his power and leave the public wish behind even with the #Telema uprising. Still he want to linger and keep the power in his reach as the Executive. So the coming time will be interesting to see how far President Kabila will go to keep power and how much he oppress the other candidates, medias and civil society during the pre-election period in the country.

KagameCartoon

 

On President Kagame

“The United States remains deeply committed to our partnership with Rwanda, but the continued absence of political space – the inability of individuals and journalists to discuss political affairs or report on issues of public concern – poses a serious risk to Rwanda’s future stability. Rwanda can achieve lasting peace and prosperity through a government centered on the principle of democratic accountability, not centered on any one single individual”.  

Here the American is singling out the Rwandan President and his work to get a third term for President Kagame, who has first been the Vice-President, then the President. He has been a central figure in the political framework since the Genocide in the country. Kagame might have built a steady economy, but killed the democratic values as he strengthens the powers and government: President Kagame has steady getting rid of opposition and silencing them.

MuseveniandIdiAmin

On President Museveni

“The government and its security forces detained opposition figures without legal justification, harassed their supporters, and intimidated the media. It passed legislation restricting the operations of NGOs, banning them from acting against the “interests of Uganda.” President Museveni’s actions contravene the rule of law and jeopardize Uganda’s democratic progress, threatening Uganda’s future stability and prosperity”.

A man I have discussed and written page up and page down. This is all not news, as the detaining opposition, rigging the election and shutting down the media. As media and radio stations lost transmitters because of their content during the pre-election period, even loses the passes to go the NRM rallies for being against the President. Having NGOs and seeming them as a problem. That the U.S. now claims that Museveni is the man who creates unstable society seems viable, as the creates lawlessness where a Presidential Candidate can be detained for no “charges”, detained witnesses and rewritten the Candidates Declarations Form from the Polling Stations to fit the announced Election Day results; so they fit the result wished from President Museveni, and not the people’s will. NRM more owns the country, then getting the blessing to control the country. It is in that disregard that President Museveni clearly didn’t recognize the power he controls and what he has lost. As he needs more the army and guns to keep it, while losing the goodwill of his own citizens; also the trust between the government and people is gone; that is what creates an unstable future.

Burundi Cartoon

On President Nkurunziza

“We need look no further than Burundi to see the dangers of pursuing personal power over the people’s interests. Burundi’s economy grew steadily for a decade, but contracted by an estimated 7 percent last year. President Nkurunziza’s decision to stay in office in defiance of the Arusha Accords and his crackdown on political opposition have swiftly undone the country’s progress of recent years. This is evident in the widespread reports of sexual violence, the more than 400 people who have been killed, the 250,000-plus who have fled the country, and the even-more challenging economic times that unfortunately lie ahead”.

President Nkurunziza made sure with a little fix in court right before the election to secure a third term, as even the opposition decided to skip the election, as the result was fitting the President to keep power. This in turn led to the failed Coup d’état and after been a civil unrest and crises. Which has led to people fleeing and recurring violence has ever since happen, opposition leaders killed, tried assassinations and governmental leaders killed. Even top officials and ministers have fled the country to safety as the power of unstable forces happens in the country, even circulated that the Rwandan Government have sponsored militias to coup the power and settle the regime in the country. The Army strength even with the international problems and suspending the aid; even having issues with inter-Burundian inclusive dialogue that even

US Magazine Zaire LR

Here is the remarks from the Burundian, Congolese and Rwandan officials as they re-addressed Samantha Power during the Security Council meeting with this.  

ALAIN AIMÉ NYAMITWE, Minister for External Relations and International Cooperation of Burundi, said” his country was recovering from a massive and severe campaign of violent regime change.  Contrary to the rhetoric used in the Council, the security situation was improving, he said, adding that, on the human rights front, the Government had issued a presidential decree granting pardons to 2,000 prisoners.  While emphasizing his understanding of the legitimate concerns raised by Member States, he invited them to understand Burundi’s peculiar situation.  It was difficult to understand some of the decisions made against Burundi, he said, pointing out that cutting aid to the Government did not fall into the category of decisions aimed at stabilizing the country” (…)”On Burundi’s cooperation with the United Nations, he noted that the Government had demonstrated its openness to working with the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser, stressing the need to discuss the deployment of his office to Burundi.  Turning to Rwanda’s actions against his country, he emphasized that such acts of aggression contravened the United Nations Charter and the Framework agreement”.

RAYMOND TSHIBANDA N’TUNGAMULONGO, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said “the recurring conflicts in the Great Lakes region were the result of the moral and political failings of the elite, which had resulted in a selective application of international law.  Nevertheless, the spirit of the United Nations Charter was alive and well in the region, he said, pointing out that, since the creation of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, the signing of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework, and the adoption of the relevant Council resolutions, his country had been one of their most responsible implementers.  The Democratic Republic of the Congo continued its collaboration with MONUSCO, and the country’s struggle would not end until the remaining retrograde forces and armed groups had been neutralized”, he emphasized (…)”The Democratic Republic of the Congo called upon other signatory States of international and regional instruments to be scrupulous in their implementation, with a particular eye to non-interference in the affairs of other States, and asked them not to provide assistance to retrograde armed groups.  He called for the adoption of policies that would encourage private investment and regional cooperation in order to achieve balanced development.  “The wounds of the past cannot lock us forever in a hopeless situation,” he emphasized, calling upon all States in the region to eschew the use of force for dialogue in settling disputes”.

EUGÈNE-RICHARD GASANA, Minister of State for Cooperation of Rwanda, said “that, while conflict prevention and resolution had become the centrepiece of the work of the United Nations since the 1994 genocide in his country, the concept had been used more in theory than in practice.  The Council was still much more focused on crisis management than on crisis prevention.  Instead, early warning mechanisms should guide its efforts to prevent conflict.  In the Great Lakes region, very few efforts deployed had been aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict, he noted, adding that the current situation in Burundi proved that the region was far from stable.  That country was in political turmoil, with State-sponsored militias killing civilians in broad daylight.  Unsubstantiated allegations against Rwanda by the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo were yet another attempt to shift responsibility away from the real causes of conflict, he said, stressing that his country should not be “negatively exploited” by those who were expected to find solutions to the crisis in Burundi” (…)”In conclusion, he responded to the statement by the representative of the United States by noting:  “Ms. Power does not have power over Rwanda”.  She should avoid lumping the countries of the Great Lakes region together because there was no “one-size-fits-all” solution to their problems.  Moreover, no other country could occupy Rwanda’s political space, he added”.

That was the defense for the remarks from the United States of America during the UN Security Council. They all defended the authority and sovereignty in different ways, thought the Burundian government claims the suspension of aid is not stabilizing the county. The DRC officials was more on the implemented laws and the ratifications as a recognition of what his government has done to be a better society and would not step the United States comments on the leaders. The Rwandan Official was more on the defensive telling the Security Council that they we’re not at fault for the violence in the DRC or Burundi as the violence is state-sponsored by the Congolese and Burundian, and they are not involved. They claim they are victims by the neighbor countries and do not accept the stance of the United States. Just as Rwandan Government says that Mrs. Power does not have over Rwanda and feels the urge to say so. All of this here is interesting and should be discussed as this is a high-end discussion in the United Nations. This is firmly not over as the situation in the Great Lakes area is tense and interesting as the Big-Men keeps power at any cost and at any price of lives and justice. The world will discuss it and the question remain will it be more than words or just silently. Peace.

 

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

jean-pierre-bemba-01-1024x655

About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

kin16

Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

alliances

UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

Readout of the Secretary-General’s meeting with H.E. Mr. Alain Aimé Nyamitwe, Minister of External Relations and International Cooperation of the Republic of Burundi

burundi-grenade-attack_240x180_41434797424

NEW YORK, United States of America, March 23, 2016The Secretary-General met today with H.E. Mr. Alain Aimé Nyamitwe, Minister of External Relations and International Cooperation of the Republic of Burundi. The Secretary-General took note of the confidence-building measures announced by the Government of Burundi during his recent visit to the country and looked forward to their full implementation. He encouraged the Government to redouble its efforts to find a political solution to the current crisis through an inclusive dialogue. The Secretary-General urged the Government to protect the lives of all civilians and ensure that perpetrators of human rights violations are held accountable.
The Secretary-General and the Minister exchanged views on the facilitation led by the Eastern African Community (EAC). They discussed ways to enhance cooperation between Burundi, the EAC, the African Union, and the United Nations.

Press Statement: “Some African leaders to blame for conflicts” – Obasanjo

160321

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, March 21, 2016 – Some of Africa’s leaders are responsible for instability on the continent because they have failed to manage diversity in their societies, the former Nigerian President, General Olusegun Obasanjo, has said. By the same token, he noted, outside interference in Africa has been responsible for conflicts, citing the NATO air strikes in Libya in 2011 that led to the removal from power of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi.

“The repercussions are now being felt in Mali, Nigeria and the Sahel,” Gen. Obasanjo told a press conference on the upcoming Tana High-Level forum on Security in Africa (TanaForum.org) in Ethiopia. Asked whether African leaders were to blame for the conflicts on the continent, he said: “Yes and no.”

He said leaders were failing their people because they had not been able to prevent marginalisation in their societies, prevent injustice, reduce unemployment, reduce poverty, and that they had not embraced democracy and good governance.

The theme of this year’s Forum is Africa in the Global Security Agenda.

This is apt, given the continuing fallout from the NATO intervention in Libya, for which US President Barack Obama recently criticised the British and French governments for getting rid of Gaddafi without having plans in place for effective “follow-up”.

On the issue of African peacekeeping operations, he agreed that the lack of funding from African Union member states was a major setback for peace and security on the continent.

He said that when he was head of state, he was in charge of a high-level panel to search for alternative sources of funding for the AU, but this came to nothing.

He noted that when the AU was looking for funds to counter the Ebola virus in Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea, member states failed to provide the money. “The AU eventually had to turn to the private sector and it was able to raise $40 million,” said Gen. Obasanjo, who is Chairman of the Tana Forum.

He was critical of AU member states for not contributing to the AU’s general budget, adding, “I think this is down to the lack of political will.”

Gen. Obasanjo noted that Ebola and migration from Africa had security implications not just for the continent “because we now live in a global community whereby if something happens in Africa, it affects the rest of the world”.

This was why Africa had to take a serious look at its security infrastructure, what Africans could do themselves to deal with these issues, and what should be the continent’s role in formulating security policies globally.

The Deputy Chairman of the Forum, Professor Andreas Eshete of Ethiopia, said that Africa had to have not only a stronger voice in the global security architecture but also for its perspectives to be taken into account and incorporated into the global security agenda.

The 5th Tana High-Level Forum will take place on 16-17 April 2016 in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia. More than 150 participants are expected to attend, including current and former Heads of State and Government, high-ranking government officials, academics, civil society representatives, experts and policymakers from the AU, UN and other international institutions.

Press Release: Communique of the 581st PSC meeting on the situation in Burundi (15.03.2016)

burundi-grenade-attack_240x180_41434797424

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, March 15, 2016 The Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU), at its 581st meeting, held on 9 March 2016, adopted the following decision on the situation in Burundi:

Council,

1. Takes note of the briefing made by the Commissioner for Peace and Security on the visit of the AU High Level Delegation to Burundi and on the evolution of the situation in that country. Council also takes note of the statements made by the representatives of Burundi, as well as by Tanzania in its capacity the current Chair of the East African Community (EAC);

2. Recalls its previous communiqués and press statements on the situation in Burundi, as well as press releases made by the Chairperson of the Commission. Council further recalls the decision taken by the 26th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union, held on 30 and 31 January 2016 and reaffirms the responsibilities of the AU, in its capacity as Guarantor of the 2000 Arusha Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi. Council stresses its determination to fully play its role and take all necessary measures for the promotion of peace, security and stability in Burundi, in conformity with its mandate, as stipulated in the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the AU;

3. Welcomes the visit to Burundi, on 25 and 26 February 2016, by the AU High-level Delegation, established pursuant to the relevant provisions of the above-mentioned decision of the Assembly of the Union. Council pays tribute to the Presidents of South Africa, Gabon, Mauritania and Senegal, as well as to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia for their contribution to the efforts of the AU for peace, security and stability in Burundi. Council emphasises that their work is an exemplary contribution to African ownership and resolution of the problems of the continent;

Burundi-Museveni-Nkurunziza

4. Endorses the conclusions of the visit of the AU High Level Delegation to Burundi, as contained in the Communiqué issued at the end of the mission. Council welcomes, in particular, the consent of the Burundian authorities to increase to two hundred (200) the number of Human Rights Observers (100) and Military Experts (100) and requests the Commission to expedite the process of their deployment in Burundi. Council also notes with satisfaction the readiness of the members of the AU High Level Delegation to pursue their efforts, in support of the mediation efforts led by President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on behalf of the EAC, particularly with regard to the need to ensure that all stakeholders in Burundi participate in the Inclusive Dialogue and actively preserve the gains of the Arusha Agreement;

5. Commends the Burundian authorities for the measures taken to restore respect for human rights, preservation of civic liberties and freedom of the press. In this respect, Council urges the authorities to enhance and consolidate these efforts;

6. Urges the EAC, in particular, and countries of the region to accelerate the mediation efforts to find a lasting solution to the crisis in Burundi. In this regard, Council reiterates the full support of the AU to the EAC efforts for the Inter-Burundian Inclusive Dialogue process, led by President Yoweri Museveni, the EAC-appointed Mediator and notes with satisfaction the appointment of former President Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania as Facilitator and member of the mediation team. Council reiterates its full support to the Mediator and the Facilitator in the Burundi crisis and requests them to expedite consultations with all the Burundian stakeholders in order to fix, as early as possible, a date for the resumption of the Inter-Burundian Inclusive Dialogue;

7. Reiterates its urgent appeal to all the Burundian stakeholders to exercise maximum restraint and to lend all necessary cooperation to the efforts of the Mediator and the Facilitator;

8. Welcomes the recent visit, by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Burundi, which falls within the framework of international efforts to further strengthen those led by Africa with a view to finding a lasting solution to the crisis in the country;

9. Reiterates its appreciation to the neighbouring countries which are hosting Burundian refugees, as well as its call to the international community to continue and intensify its humanitarian assistance to the affected population and the host countries;

10. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

UN human rights commissioner calls for investigation into alleged police brutality (Youtube-Clip)

“United Nations Human Rights Country Representative in Uganda Dr. Uchenna Emelonye calls for an independent investigation into alleged Police brutality in Uganda” (United Nation Human Rights Uganda, 2016).

Quotes and Outtakes from the newest UN Report on Violence in South Sudan!

South Sudan Cartoon

Here is the basic outtake from a report that was released on the 9th March 2016 from the United Nations Office of Human Rights Council. This focused on the matters of human rights and dignity, as it looks at the laws and regulations, how the state affairs with the matter and create safety and security for their people while not taken away their trust and their justice as free men and woman. As the Government of South Sudan has signed and ratified certain statues and human rights laws into their own as a civilized government who want to be respected and seen as a respectable state.

The major problems and issues is not only stemming from sexual violence towards the public as many has addressed, I have also taken that into the picture, but I want to show you the more of it, but not go into the laws and the ratifications, as that is important. For the moment we should all just see the pains that have unjustified hit many of the South Sudanese as the differences between Generals has hurt them. Take a look!

Salva Kiir P2

Internally Displaced Persons in South Sudan:

“By December 2014, more than 1.4 million South Sudanese had been displaced internally, while approximately 467,000 people had fled to surrounding countries. Additionally, roughly four million people in the country faced serious food insecurity. Humanitarian access continued to be hampered by fighting and violence perpetrated by both parties to the conflict against aid workers, equipment and infrastructure. In Unity and Upper Nile states, active hostilities and insecurity continued to disrupt humanitarian assistance as well as, road and air access” (…)”By mid-December 2014, more than 100,000 civilians were housed in UNMISS compounds – designated “protection of civilians sites” (POC sites) – because they were too afraid to return home, fearing potential violence. The bulk of these internally displaced persons (IDPs) were in Bentiu (43,000 people), Juba (32,000) and Malakal (17,000)” (UN OHRC, 2016)

Violence against IDPs:

“For example in Bentiu the SPLA soldiers have taken aggressive postures towards civilians in the PoC site. On 30 September, UNMISS witnessed approximately 20 SPLA soldiers in uniform, including child soldiers, outside the entrance of the PoC site pointing their weapons, including a vehicle with a mounted machine gun” (UN OHRC, 2016).

In Lakes State:

“In Lakes State, inter-communal conflict among different Dinka clans has continued despite efforts by the Government and state authorities to defuse tensions. Revenge attacks, including acts of sexual violence, continued in relation to the killing of a Paramount Chief in Cuei-Chok Payam on 5 August. In response to the violence, the Government has increased its security presence in the State. However, this has given rise to further violations as a result of heavy handed measures sometimes adopted by the security forces” (UN OHRC, 2016).

In Easter Equatoria:

“Eastern Equatoria has also witnessed major incidents of inter-communal violence, including on 6 December, in Loronyo, Torit, where several civilians, including women and children were killed. Reports received indicated that human rights violations were committed by security forces sent to the area in response to the violence, including sexual violence and looting of property. Likewise, the deterioration in the security situation in Chukudum in Budi County, Eastern Equatoria, in September and October, led to allegations of human rights violations by the SPLA, including arbitrary detention, torture and extra-judicial killings” (UN OHRC, 2016).

In Western Equatoria:

“In Western Equatoria, the influx of armed Dinka pastoralists from Lakes and Jonglei with their large numbers of cattle has seen an increase in tension with host communities, particularly in the Mundri West County areas.  In Central Equatoria State, UNMISS monitored developments in clashes between the Kuku and Madi communities spanning the border between Kajo Keji in South Sudan and Moyo district in Uganda, resulting in several deaths in both communities and the displacement of between 8,000 and 10,000 civilians from the Ugandan side to the South Sudanese side of the border” (UN OHRC, 2016).

UNMISS

Conflict related sexual violence:

“State officials allege that at least 20 women were abducted from Souq sabi, Dere, and Lich University and taken to Guit and Nhialdiu. Allegations have also been made that SPLM/A-IO used rape as a punishment for suspected Government sympathizers” (…)”In another incident, in December, three women out of a group of 30 were reportedly raped by SPLA soldiers while proceeding to a village located near the PoC site in Bentiu, after soldiers allegedly asked them to join them and then shot at the group” (…)”Incidents of sexual violence have also been reported in the context of inter-communal violence. In Lakes State, women and children have reportedly been used as proxies for revenge, including through rape. In Rumbek East, the allegation that the paramount chief of the Guony clan was murdered by the Thuyic clan reportedly ignited a wave of retaliatory attacks, including reports of rape against women and children” (UN OHRC, 2016).

Child Soldiers:

“Child soldiers have been observed in Bentiu, Malakal and Kuajok. Between September and November, UNICEF documented more than 70 incidents of grave violations against children affecting more than 2,000 children” (…)”During the reporting period, the SPLA issued new orders prohibiting the recruitment and use of children by the SPLA as well as occupation of schools. On 8 October, the United Nations submitted to the Government and SPLA a list of 20 schools reportedly used by the SPLA for military purposes” (UN OHRC, 2016).

I think the words in the reports say’s enough and I won’t comment on it; as the violence and actions are so straightforward and harsh. The people are victims and the reasons behind it should be sorted out. As they are violated, injured, harassed and killed by armies and militias while they are searching for power or keeping power. Peace.

Reference:

UN Human Rights Council – A/HRC/28/49: “Report on the human rights situation in South Sudan” (09.03.2016)