Press Statement: Dear Ugandan voter and citizen you have the right to know what the Government in Power does with your hard earned Tax Money (22.10.2015)

Malcom Matsiko

Ugandans should be bold to ask tough questions. The committee in parliament on public accounts committe should come more often to account or expose the flaws in spending public money.

I would like President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the presidency department to account to the tax payers of this country the money he has spent in on foreign trips or travel since he become a head of state in 1986.

I recently approached protocal office at the Ugandan parliament with the intention to meet the president in person and put point blank the reasons I will never support him in this country. Among the issues our team wanted him to respond on was how much does he spend on frequent trips outside the country?

I was told I can’t meet him because the head of state is booked from now to next year May for NRM party activities and trips around the globe.

I was frustrated and am still with the burning issues we had prepared to deliberate on.

Atleast in the last 30 days , the president was in Khartoum Sudan, was in Kenya Nairobi, was in Rome Italy, He was in New York ,Algeria and I think other countries.

The president’s handlers should avail all the details on these trips sponsored by the Ugandan citizen and tax payers.

I guess the figures are exceedingly huge whereas civil servants and pensioners are not paid their little money, salaries/wages since July todate.

The children in Northern Uganda dieing because they can’t have a plate of food to eat in 24 hours if not at the border with Tanzania in Rakai district there are tens and hundreds reported dead because of lack of food and water. Many of these dieing are mostly refugees that were expelled by the government of Tanzania a few years ago and were allowed into Ugandan territory hurriedly without any prior consultations with primary stakeholders.

The prime minister’s office cut off supplying the refugee camp with food and water putting the lives of human beings in that camp at stake.

It was reported that men throw themselves in the nearby river to die instead of helplessly watching their loved ones starve to death.

The other day a couple of people called us saying we are not patritic because we referred to Mr. Yoweri Museveni the President of Uganda , his dim lieutenants and pals in government like Anite Evelyn, Kenneth Omona, Omondo Omondo, Namara , Kibuule , Hon.Ogwang and many others young or old government advisors as highly decorated opportunists Uganda has ever produced since time immomerial.

What justification can the whole band of “Tubonge Naawe” give to call for the commedians in luganda the”dikulas” of this country like Bebe Cool, Jose Chameleon , Juliana Kanyomozi and the entire crew of artistes that feasted with Mr. Museveni in Munyonyo luxury hotel last week wheras hundred of population starving in country supposed to be a basket of Africa???deaths of people within our borders due to lack of a mere plate of food and a mere glass of water to drink? Yet they gladly met to con Mr. Museveni under the auspice of NRM lady Anite Evelyn a minister in the current insensitive , elitest , lukewarm regime.

Uganda needs a third liberation, this time around by us Ugandans not foreigners like in the case of 1978/79 and 1981-1986 bush war that saw Rwandan commanders like Late Fred Rwigyema , Beingana, Bunyenyenzi, Katureebe , Kalegyeya and Gen. Kagame fighting and handing over power to rebel leader Yoweri Museveni. In 1979, unsung Tanzanian heroes liberated this country and handedover power to Ugandan renegades Yoweri Museveni inclusive.

So for one to really overstate that Yoweri Museveni is the father of this country, the liberator, the saviour and etc, like Anite Evelyn misleads the un informed Ugandans that is to be a pathetic and celebrated liar in modern times. The man was in sweden eating sauges when kampala fell and late Dr.Obote was overthrown by his very own solidiers , the Okellos and Milton ran to exile in to Zambia. The solidiers were later fooled by late Rwigyema led group and Salim Saleh to lose kampala to the NRA where Museveni outsmarted the NRM political wing and was sworn in as the junta leader of 1986. By now you can perfectly and orrectly understand why we said that Museveni is a highly decorated opportunist in Uganda.

We need the figures to see how much he spends on foreign presidential visits begging other countries to grant expensive loans to this nation since he become president and compare huge with the thorny challenges this country is bedevilled with .

Written by Presidential aspirant Dan (Malcom) Matsiko for the NFT (New Form for Thinking) and Independent Candidate in the coming Presidential Election and General Election in 2016 in Uganda.

Press Statement: What is the relationship between TIC and TDA? (25.10.2015)

Joseph-Mabirizi

Since the launch of TIC and more especially after the TIC presidential flag bearer Mr. JM (Joseph Mabirizi) was cleared by the Electoral Commission for nominations, we have been asked on the above subject. To us, TDA is a partner in democratic change. TIC will partner with all democracy seeking partners on the basis of mutual benefit and respect, but above all, on the understanding that UGANDA COMES FIRST.

We are not in competition with TDA. We are complementary to TDA. We are not in competition with any other opposition formation either.

WE are, however, in smart competition with the National Resistance Movement. We respect the NRM. But we will defeat them. We hope they will accept the defeat that awaits them.

Amama 53rd

Amuru Land Grab: What is ours, is OURS; What is their’s, is OURS; and Whatever is your’s, is still OURS

YKM Amuru Land Deal

There has been a lot of news and articles on this matter because of the sensitive issue of owning land. Land can secure families and secure the heritage of the local people in the area. The issue is how to deal with wish of growing society and also keeping traditions. Also settling people in after years of war with the LRA and settle especially the ones that are seen as Internal Displaced Persons (IDPs). Another issue is if the government tries to deal with big monies and doesn’t include local patrons or community. That disfranchises the people and also grows a bigger distrust from the community about the government institution. That also shows the true color of especially some of that is, also the matter in the Amuru Land grabbing. I will not look into the local squats between families and also IDPs and local farmers stealing land from each other. That is equally important. But don’t have the space to write and find a good way to put it into this one. NRM-Regime has from day one been laisses faire economics and not governmental business orientated even if the President of 29 years was into communist thinking in the 70s. Also into business that gains the government, but not actually the public and citizens always. Therefore we have the heavy prices and expenditure of roads. The deals and arrangements hasn’t been made in sincerity of the public, therefore has also the MPs from the area in now bot the 8th Parliament and the 9th Parliament has reacted to deals that been set in fruition. The Madhvani deal is the big one and the one with the most flesh and grants. Also the Apaa village dispute over the land becoming a hunting ground instead of being a village for the people who actually live there. Then I will show other deals that have been questioned. This was the gist!

Professor Ogenga Latigo spoke his mind:
“While referring to the process of land acquisition for the project, Professor Ogenga Latigo, the former Member of Parliament for Agago county and Leader of Opposition in the 8th Parliament indicated that ―Government mishandled the Amuru case, while others informants argued: ―”The idea is not bad but the approach of establishing the sugarcane factory [was wrong, and besides the project] is imposed on the people, the project should be started when the people have returned to their land. The priority should be to give chance to the locals to resettle before establishment of the sugarcane factory” (Serwajja, 2012).

Basic information from 2005:
“Gulu district in her endeavor to alleviate poverty and promote development is committed to mainstream environmental concerns in its implementation strategies. The district continues to rely on the natural resources as important sources of income. It is been noted that over 82% of the population depend on agriculture and this can call for immediate up-date on status of the natural resources in the district” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

Land Law information about in Uganda:
“Tenure arrangement:
Until 1995, customary tenants did not legally own land they occupied. The land belonged to the State, and the tenants were merely permitted to live on it (Tenants at Sufferance). According to its preamble, the Decree was intended to provide for the vesting of title to all land in Uganda IN TRUST for the people of Uganda. The Constitution of 1995 vested land in the citizens of Uganda as opposed to land vested in the State, as was the case with the Crown Land and consequently Public Land.
Therefore:
• Customary tenants on Public Land were empowered to own land occupied.
• Three quarters of land in Gulu falls under customary tenancy hence Communal Land Management.
• The Land Act 1998 favoured the Acholi customary land holding e g. communal cultivation, communal grazing, and settlements” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

Important land law:
“Section 92 of Uganda’s Land Act (1998, Cap. 227) states that “a person who…makes a false declaration in any manner relating to land” or “willfully and without the consent of the owner occupies land belonging to another person”… “commits an offence.” Notably, however, the Penal Code Act does not mention land-related crime or theft, robbery, or grabbing of immovable property” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 6, 2014).

Alternative dispute resolution (ADR), or ‘mediation’ as it is known, is not as technical, costly, or time-consuming as formal court processes, and aims to promote harmony among community members rather than naming a winner and a loser” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 18, 2014).

“Migration characteristics:
Virtually, there are no refugee settlements in the district. However, large number of people in rural areas has moved to the forty six Internally Displaced Persons’ Camps and urban areas (RUM). It is noted that the Population in camps have risen from 291,000 people in 2001 to 438,765 people in 2004 and those in the urban centres from 38,297 people in 1991 to 113,144 people in 2002. Due to the same insurgency, there is also movement of people from Gulu district to the neighboring districts of Nebbi, Adjumani, Apac, Lira, Masindi and other Districts, not mentioned here” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

“Three criteria are found to be reliable indicators of bad faith. These reveal themselves as the ADR process unfolds, and include:” (…)”RIGHTS: Land rights of each party. These are determined by family ties, marital status, and transactions (gifts and sales)” (…)”INTENT: Parties’ demonstrated willingness to (not) respect these land rights. Usually evidenced by the presence of any “warning signs” and/or similar actions, body language, and statements” (…)”POWER: Parties’ perceived ability/opportunity to deprive opponent of land rights. This is context-specific, and may be assessed through probing” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 7, 2014).

amuru-disctrict-shannon-tito

Some information on the Area Land Committee(ALC):
“A major point of breakdown apparently concerns the integrity of the Lands Administration itself. Although Area Land Committees are the “eyes and ears” of the District Land Board—thus vital to the process of land surveying and registration at the grassroots—these bodies remain under-facilitated, unsupervised, and unsurprisingly corrupt” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 75, 2014).

Witnesses from the ALC:
”There’s no supervision of ALCs. So they go and do the work the way they want… because they’re human, sometimes they’re stubborn. On the basis of relationship… they can favor somebody. There may be a boundary dispute that was really not resolved – but in their report they say the dispute was ‘decided” (…)”“…a nightmare. The Kakira Sugar Works Limited overdemands money! Your file can be lost if you don’t pay them. I have to be very bold with these people, and tell applicants what really goes on. The corruption is highly coordinated, you can’t penetrate it. They look at you as if you are stupid if you don’t hand them extra money. I think the reason why no official fee structure exists has to do with the people behind private survey firms. If survey rates become fixed, then they lose business.” (…)”If I want to do something, you have the knowledge, I have the money. Money is very evil. However principled I am in my work, there’s some degree to which I will bend. All government offices are strained. No department says they have enough facilitation to do their work… We need to agitate, put it to the government that resources be looked at. Facilitating the ALCs alone will not solve the problem. Instead of centralizing the court, where people cannot afford travel costs (80-100km away), can we facilitate departments to do their work?” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 75, 2014).

One set of background for Acholi land grab:
“To a number of locals in Northern Uganda, the issue of Customary Land Titles/ Certificates continues to evolve, and the rush to pilot this project has raised a number of questions and concerns about state involvement in land-related issues” (…)”In 1995, the Constitution of Uganda gave the right to own land to Ugandan citizens and any Ugandan could settle anywhere following due procedure. Following the passage of the 1995 Constitution the customary land tenure system was uplifted to the level of freehold tenure” (…)”As such, a clear definition and understanding of public land becomes imperative to securing access to land rights. One such example is the act of Amuru District Land Board allocating 40,000 hectares of land to Madhvani Group of Companies for sugar cane plantations. This allocation was made in the understanding that the land was public land. To community members this was a clear mismanagement by the land boards and manipulation of customary land rights by state institutions” (Otim, Ina & Cody, 2012)

“Lending credence to the perception of threat was highly public pressure from central government (including the President personally) for the opening up of Acholi land to investors, large-scale commercial farming, and other forms of ‘development’. From early 2007 this pressure was focused on giving land – originally 40,000 hectares, later reduced to 20,000 – in western most Amuru District to the Madhvani-owned Kakira Sugar Works Limited for a sugar cane plantation” (United Nation, 2013).

Main issues in Acholiland on land:
“Many Acholis oppose the project not only because Acholi cultural land is not to be sold, but also because many of the owners of that land are still in camps and, because of displacement due to war and the consequences, have not yet been able to return to their ancestral birthplace” (Kligerman, P:28, 2009). A World Bank report in July 2008 recommended a moratorium on land titles to investors in Acholiland until residents had residents had returned home from camps and people had been “sensitized” to land issues (Atkinson, R, 2008). The report also recommended that the government demonstrate its commitment to protecting natural resource rights (Atkinson, R, 2008); this is remarkable support for the Acholi people, particularly considering that the World Bank is one of major promoters of land privatization globally” (Kligerman, P: 29, 2009).

Insecurity when it comes to Land in Acholiland:
First one:
“Previous and on-going attempts by private individuals to acquire private interests in land which is perceived to be owned communally. Acholi leaders believe that Government is engaged in designs to help well placed and politically influential people from other parts of the country to access and enclose land in Acholi land. Common Property Resources are particularly targeted by individuals as well as government agencies” (Rugadya, P: 3, 2009).

Second one:
“Investor interest in the region; Pursuit of land access by large-scale commercial interests, speculators and grabbers was also causing tension particularly in the Acholi sub-region. The concern is that commercial agricultural interests will be cavalier in their treatment/understanding of land rights and land use issues. A number of highly publicized multiple attempts to acquire land in the sub-region presumably for investment and potential government development programmes, while some of these proposals may have been legitimate investment programmes to help re-establish peace and spur economic development activities in the region, the absence of a clear national policy and institutional framework for pursuing these initiatives has fueled the suspicion that “government” or investors as trying to usurp their land” (Rugadya, P: 4, 2009).

On Land Policy:
“Hostility towards government land policy is acute. MP Reagan Okumu asserts that there is a kind of ‘scramble’ for Northern Uganda, accompanied by a deliberate effort to deny Northern Uganda any development by scaring away investors. He says that because people in Northern Uganda are poor, whenever one flashes money around, they will sell their land at even low prices” (Otim & Mugisha, P:9, 2014).

Continuation on land and allocation of it:
“In Uganda, land is the single greatest resource for which a large majority of the population derives its livelihoods – because of the importance attached to land in all communities, conflicting interests in are unavoidable” (…)”Okoth-Ogendo describes land as a political resource which defines power relations between and among individuals, families and communities under established systems of governance” (Mabikke, P:6, 2011).

Allocation Part II:
“These land allocations dominate in the western area of Amuru district. These concessions have spurred major discussions on land grabbing in Acholi land. Central to these concerns has been highly public pressure from central government for opening up of Acholi land for “development” since early 2007 to allocate” (…)”land in Amuru district to the Madhvani Group for a large-scale sugar cane plantation. Reports from aggrieved Acholi Parliamentary Group (APG) – a group of Acholi parliamentarians accuse the GoU for assisting investors to grab land in northern Uganda. According to APG, the Central Government’s support for alienating land for commercial sugar cane farming in the north has been accompanied by powerful individuals gaining, or attempting to gain, private title to land that overwhelmingly belongs to communal landholding groups” (Mabikke, P:19-20, 2011).

Amuru

On IDPs and Returnees:
“Some returnees allege that the government grabbed large tracts of their land while they were in the IDP camps and offered these tracts to private investors. For example, in March 2008, the Madhvani Group submitted an application to the Amura District Land Board for 20,000 ha of land near to the Nile River for a sugarcane plantation. The local government approved the application with an initial allocation of 10,000 ha for a period of 49 years. Some of this land is claimed by returnees. In November 2008, several parliamentarians from the Acholi sub-region filed an application in the High Court in Gulu and obtained an ex-parte (temporary) injunction against the Madhvani Group, Amuru District Land Board and other respondents for interfering or encroaching on the disputed land. In ensuing court hearings, the Amuru District Land Board was forbidden from issuing new leases on the disputed land until the hearing and determination of the main suit. As of June 2010, the suit is still pending in the High Court” (Veit, 2010).

The Land Matrix database indicates that four large scale land deals amounting to 76,512 hectares were concluded in Uganda. In 1992, the government of Uganda signed an agreement with the Libyan government to allocate three large chunks of land, i.e. Bukaleba Beef Ranch (4,000 hectares), Aswa Ranch (46,000 hectares) and Maruzi Ranch (16, 376 hectares (Okello, 2006). Meanwhile, Egyptian government planned to establish grain farms on land totalling to 840,000 hectares (Kugelman and Levenstein, 2009) and Agri-SA holds about 170,000 hectares of arable land in Uganda (Mabikke, 2011). Similarly, the Ugandan government tried to allocate 7,100 hectares of land to the Sugar Corporation of Uganda Limited (SCOUL) to produce more sugar although the civil society resisted the allocation through massive demonstrations and appealing to donors to block the proposal (NAPE and Friends of the Earth International, 2012)” (Serwajja, 2012).

First information on Sugar factory in Amuru district:
“Box 1. Madhvani Amuru sugar works proposal:
In 2006 news began to emerge of a planned sugar works to be built by the Madhvani Group on 40,000 hectares of land in Amuru district. The proposal envisaged a joint venture between the Amuru Sugar Works (owned by the Madhvani family) and the government, with a projected cost of US$80 million (Shs 162 billion) and included construction of a factory, a power generation plant, a water treatment plant and reservoir, workshops, stores, fuel stations and administration blocks, staff housing and amenities including hospital and educational facilities, etc.34 Amuru Sugar Works anticipated employing up to 7,200 people (25 foreign and the rest local) directly at the factory and some 5,000 on outgrowers’ farms, providing a livelihood to around 70,000 people in total. Five villages to accommodate 200 farmers each were to be built in the nucleus estate. In these villages, farmers would benefit from education and health services, while extension and credit services, agricultural equipment for land clearing, ploughing and furrowing, and a development fund would be used to support outgrowers. According to the proposal, 200km of road network would be built on both the nucleus estate and surrounding areas.5 Despite the proposed benefits of the project, a political storm over the proposal quickly grew, with the Acholi Parliamentary Group (APG), under the leadership of MP Hon Livingstone Okello-Okello, arguing that the investment should not proceed until all internally displaced persons (IDPs) had safely returned and that the required land of 40,000 hectares was too big to be given out for a single investor, since the population was growing fast and in the process of returning from camps.6 Madhvani Group representatives, accompanied by President Yoweri Museveni, visited the north at the end of 2007 in a bid to gain support for the project. Museveni asked the Acholi paramount chief, His Royal Highness Lawii Rwodi David Onen Acana II, to undertake a consultative process by setting up a committee to assess the land in question, research the sugar industry and gather community views. The proposal has subsequently been reduced to 20,000 hectares for the nucleus estate and 10,000 for outgrowers. In July 2008 newspapers reported that during a meeting organised by the APG, residents resolved unanimously not to give their land to any investors. Most recently, following dissatisfaction regarding the ruling of the Amuru Land Board in favour of the Madhvani Group, a group of residents from Amuru district, led by MP Hon Simon Oyet, secured a court order stopping any transactions on land in the district, with the deputy paramount chief of the Acholi, Rwot Otinga Otto, calling on clan leaders and cultural heads to resist giving land to Madhvani if they are not consulted, saying: ‘Just rise up against whoever gives away land without your consent’” (International Alert, 2009).

The background to deal:
“The first public indication of Madhvani’s interest in a sugar cane plantation in the ‘north’s central part’ of Uganda – that is, Acholi – came in a New Year’s Day New Vision Business article, ‘Madhvani to set up second sugar factory’ (1 January 2007) . By July, this interest had become specifically identified as a 40,000 hectare tract of land in Amuru District – see, for example, two New Vision articles from 30 July 2007, one from the Local North section, ‘Acholi MPs asked to support sugar factory’, the other an Opinion piece by Gulu District
Chairman, Norbert Mao, ‘Sugar is sweet but Acholi cannot afford a raw deal’. It is important to note that the land sought by Madhvani is situated in an area cleared of people by the colonial government almost a hundred years ago and made a game reserve. But evidence of various Acholi group’s historical claims to customary land in the area, and its continued use through most of the 20th century for hunting by groups with recognized customary rights is extensive. It is also worth noting that this is also a part of Amuru where preliminary research indicates possible oil reserves, and where Government has given out licenses for oil exploration – as confirmed in a letter dd. 4 September 2008 from Daudi Migereko, the Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, in response to a request for information on the matter by J.J. Okello-Okello, Chairman of the Acholi Parliamentary Group” (United Nation, 2013).

“The project entails acquisition of 40,000 hectares of land in perpetuity and at zero cost, implicitly the people of Lakang are meant to give away the land for development of the sugar industry. Half of the land, 20,000 hectares, will be used to establish a central business district (nucleus estate) of the factory that will entirely be under the management of the Madhvani Group and the remaining land will leased to the communities to grow sugarcane under the out-grower scheme. At the same time, the Madhvani Group will acquire a title deed to the land in question (40,000 hectares) in a quest to secure additional funding of about US$50 million from the African Development Bank” (Serwajja, 2012).

A review of the feasibility study report for proposed sugar project in Amuru district revealed that the area was preferred because of availability of permanent source of water which would provide water for irrigation and proposed factory. The proposed project is located about 6 kms is near the river Nile. Other suitable conditions for sugar cane growing identified included suitable topography with undulating plains, reliable rainfall of 1029 mm annually and fertile soils (sandy clay loam and loam) and availability of spear type of grass which is easy to clear (Madhivani Group March 2007). For the investors acquiring land from the UIA, they had to ensure that the land had no conflicts. For investors who acquired land from the UIA and DLBs, there are guidelines that prescribe all the processes for acquisition” (…)”In Amuru district, an investor had fenced off land cutting off adjustment villages from a health centre and a weekly market. Similarly, in the Kaweeri coffee plantation, the community complained about restrictions of movement through the plantation to access their villages. Since part of the process of land acquisition does not require understanding a gender analysis, its implications on women and men will not be understood and therefore such scales and effects will not inform planned actions“(Kanyesigye, P:13 & 15, 2014).

Amuruland

On the 11th December 2014 Attorney General Peter Nyombi wrote this in a letter:
“In a cabinet meeting presided over by H.E. the President, while briefing cabinet on the progress made so far by regarding the above project you informed cabinet that the survey of the project land would be done after the by-elections in Amuru District” (…)”Could you therefore have the land surveyed and the occupants of the same established and their property on the same recorded and valued so that the project can go ahead” (Nyombi, 2014).

Two other cases:
First case:
“According to the minister’s letter dated 7th January 2008, Major General Julius Oketa had applied to be issued with a certificate of title for approximately 10,000 hectares of land located in Amuru district for a sugar industry. The letter shows that there was no functional
Area Land Committees (ALC) in place which would inspect the land before issuing the title” (Mabikke, P: 20, 2011)

Second Case:
“A similar case of alleged land grabbing is cited in the petition presented to the Speaker of the Parliament, filed by Hon. Okello-Okello John Livingstone – chairman APG. Okello reported several attempts of land grabbing involving senior government officials in northern Uganda.
In 1992 the GoU signed a protocol with the Government of Libya giving away the following large chunks of land namely;
• Bukaleba Beef Ranch 4,000 hectares,
• Aswa Ranch 46,000 hectares
• Maruzi Ranch 16,376 hectares” (Mabikke, P:20, 2011).

A third case:
“The case of land in Apaa Village (Amuru District) illustrates the suspicions of local people concerning the acquisition of large tracts of land. In 2005, when people were still living in the camps, land was given to Bruce Martin from South Africa who was investing in game reserves for sports hunting. When resistance from the community intensified, it is claimed that the government changed tactics and asked the neighbouring district of Adjumani to contest ownership and claim that this land actually lies within Adjumani District. The Adjumani District authorities then passed a council resolution giving the land away to the ‘investor’. Some participants in this research argued that the boundaries between the two districts of Adjumani and Acholi are clear, and that some district politicians are manufacturing the boundary conflict. During an interview with the District Chairperson of Adjumani, he showed a map of the area in dispute claiming the area belongs to Adjumani District” (Otim & Mugisha, P: 8, 2014).

Fourth Case: 

Omoro County Suvey of Land

On the 9th of September of 2015 the police arrested the Amuru MP Hon Gilbert Olanya. Residents has reacted to buy of land and grabbing of Apaa village. The Villages and the MP was forced into the Police car even with the NTV camera crew in the place.

The TDA press release said this: “Three people are now confirmed dead by sources in Apa. Several people suffered grave injuries and are being treated at Amuru health centre. The Member of Parliament Gilbert Olanya was arrested and is believed to be detained in Masindi police station” (Minbane, 2015).

Afterthought:
I think I have said enough. If you’re not enlighten and gotten more clear information on the subject and the issue that these people are living through, then I am sure you should read more reports and dwell on the matter at hand. It is a sensitive matter that by my reckoning hasn’t been dealt in the best way. The arrangement and deals has been beneficiary for the government and state institutions, but not in favor of the demand in the districts. Also it has not put into an account what the local area needs or settlement of the IDPs after the long war in the war-torn area of the Northern Uganda. So many people are still in tents in the camps instead of building themselves into a stabile life. That is really growing prosperity and not just short and quick bucks with the sale of big areas located to foreign and not local merchants. Also fertile land is being sold to either facilitate a giant sugar-factory or as another big time deal to become hunting grounds instead of a place where the citizens can live and earn a livelihood. When this kind of actions happen from the government officials in Kampala and not directly with due diligence locally, then there will be frictions and anger towards the men who gave the businessmen the opportunity to occupy the lands. There are already as seen in many of the reports many smaller incidents between neighbors and family members to allocate lands in the Amuru and Adjumani district. Therefore this will be a sensitive issue that will not be over, especially not over until the next sunset. There will be many moons and even more hot air before a certainty is there. Especially when the Government overrules and sells the land without doing proper procedure and allocations, without checking the status of the area as it unfolds. They the government officials are just pocketing money quick and then send police to get rid of those who live there. At the same time having citizens in the camps as IDPs without a possibility to land and harvest, to find work to sustain them and live. That should have been the priority and not the businessmen from a far. Which is also the main reason why the locals reacts that strongly towards this land grabs and how they feel overrun and not listen to by the powers to be. In this case of the Government of Uganda and their LDC and certain ministries that have put the allocations into effect. An in this particular cases might put the quick monies before the additional and usually most important feature of any government institutions the people and the citizens before the contracts of selling the lands. Henceforth it’s understandable why people react and demonstrate when they feel wronged by the ones that supposed to serve you and secure security and care so you earn your livelihood. And that shouldn’t be too much to ask from the NRM-Regime, though it seems more likely that the big sums of monies matter more than the public reactions at this present time. Also that the continuation of disfranchising the northern districts of Uganda continues, especially with the Oil findings in Western/North Western Uganda – Bunyoro while Amuru and Adjumani will lose more to that area than even before. Peace.
Reference:
Kanyesigye, Juliet – ‘Hearing the other Voice: Investor perspectives on Protection of Women’s Land Rights in Large scale Land Acquisition in Uganda’, Submitted to the World Bank Conference 2014 on Land and Poverty 23-27th 2015, Washington D.C.

Kligerman, Nicole – ‘Alienation in Acholiland: War, Privatization and Land Displacement in Northern Uganda (2009)

Langoya & Ochora Odoch, Walter – Gulu District Local Government – ‘District State of Enviroment Report (2005) – Gulu, Uganda

Mabikke, Samuel B – ‘Escalating Land Grabbing In Post-conflict Regions of
Northern Uganda: A Need for Strengthening Good Land Governance in Acholi Region’ (08-11.04.2011) – Paper presented at the International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, University of Sussex

Minbane – ‘Press Release: TDA condems the violent and forceful eviction in Apa Uganda’ (08.09.2015) link: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2015/09/08/press-release-a-condemns-the-violent-and-forceful-eviction-in-apa-uganda-08-09-2015/

Northern Uganda Land Platform – ‘Power & Vulnerability in land Dispute Resolution – Evaluating Responses to Domestic Land Grabbing in Northern Uganda’ (Lira, May, 2014)

Nyombi, Peter – ADM/7/168/01 – ‘Re: Land for the Sugar Project in Amuru District’ to Hon. Daudi Migereko, Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Kampala

International Alert – ‘Contributing to a Peace Economy in Northern Uganda:
A Guide for Investors’ (06.2009)

Rugadya, Margaret A. – ‘UNVEILING GENDER, LAND AND PROPERTY RIGHTS IN
POST-CONFLICT NORTHERN UGANDA’ (November, 2008)

Serwajja, Eric – ‘The Quest for Development Through Dispossession: Examining Amuru Sugar Works in Lakang-Amuru District of Northern Uganda’ (17-19.10 2012) – Land Deal Politics Initiative (LDPI)

Otim, Denis Barnabas, Ina, Jahn & Cody, Emily – Refugee Law Project MUK – ‘Conflict Watch: “Land and Investment” – Balancing Local and Investor Interest’ (August 2012)

Otim, David & Mugisha, Police Charles – Saferworld: ‘Beyond the reach of the hoe: The struggle for land and minerals in Northern Uganda’ (April 2014)

United Nation – ‘LAND CONFLICT MONITORING and MAPPING TOOL for the Acholi Sub-region – Final Report March 2013’

Veit, Peter – ‘Focus on LAND in Africa – Breif: CONFLICT, DISPLACEMENT, AND LAND RIGHTS IN UGANDA: Uganda’ (December, 2010)

Press statement: Amama Mbabazi on NRM Delegates Conference & My Wife’s Health

AmamaNRMElection2016

Good Afternoon,

I will not be attending the NRM delegates conference slated for October 30th. Instead I will be focused on preparing for my nomination.

My wife Jacqueline will also not be attending. She is presently unwell and undergoing treatment in the United Kingdom. When I married my wife I made a promise that from that day forth, for better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health while we both live, I would give her full support. I am her primary helper and so I have taken some time away from campaign activities in order to give her the support she needs. My family and I expect her to make a full recovery soon.

I would like to thank all our family, friends and supporters for their prayers and sympathy. Please know that it means a lot to us at this time.

I encourage all supporters of Go Forward to remain patient and calm as our team prepares us for nomination. I am truly looking forward to launching the campaign, and engaging voters across the country.  

Thank you.

For God and My Country,

Amama Mbabazi

Uganda Release Bond for a FDC Member today (22.10.2015)

Muhamad Ssegirinya Bond Paper 22.10. FDC Member

He was one of the Youth that was adressing the digitalization and still most people having old equipment. So it wouldn’t be for the people. That is why he got jailed. And finally he got released. What a journey and for so long since it happen! This is the justice of the Uganda law system for the moment. Peace! 

EALS/UG/10/15 – Re: Call on Your Excellency to Reign in State Sanctioned Police Brutality that is stiffling the enjoyment of Democratic Rights and Freedoms in Uganda (22.10.2015)

EALS Museveni Letter P1EALS Museveni Letter P2

Reports on the FDC Mobilization rallies in the Eastern Uganda today

FDC Mobilization 21.10.15 Bugiri

Today the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) had planned to have rallies in Bugiri and Tororo. They would also head to Malaba if everything would go after plan. And prepare for the rallies tomorrow.

“We must recognise that us the politicians have been turned into fugitives in our own country and you the ordinary people refugees. We know it and so we must reclaim our dignity. To reclaim our dignity from the oppressor, we must defy him and not comply with the dictator.” – Dr. Kizza Besigye

A thing that the Party also did before travelling to the East they dropped off or filed a case at the High Court against the Electoral Commission and the Attorney General, where the Party is represented by the Senior Council Rwafuzi. The High Court will not hear or listen to the petition made the party on regards to the actions of the Police in the Western Uganda.

Road Block from Police

On the road to Bugiri the Police had again set up metal trenches or teeth to stop cars on the road. Like the Police trashed the cars on the road to Rukungiri on the 10th of October. They had set it up at Nakalama this morning. It was good that the FDC convoy made it through today.

Police in Bugiri 21.10.15

The FDC was to open their Mobilization office in Bugiri town at 11 AM and also meet the locals. Police was around in town, actually in big trucks and heavy weaponry. Supporters and friends of the party attending the opening the venue, but the police was also a part of the opening even though they was not invited. It was open with Dr. Kizza Besigye and Hon. Nandala Mafabi. Also at the venue was Hon. Wafula Ogutu who organized the journey.

FDC in Bugiri 21.10.15

At 3 PM the FDC continued in Tororo and had a massive rally in town. Where the FDC was planned to open the District Office today, the FDC had a convoy into town. Even Hon. Nandala Mafabi was walking in front together with the police in to town. The public really showed up some party members saying up that hundreds had showed up to lift up the event. It occurred at the Children’s Park. After what it seems and reports there has been a uplifting event and positivity not a town sieged by the Police, people harassed or tear-gassed. Congratulations to the UPF and the local DPC, also in general the Police for acting civilian in Tororo. About time! They we’re only allowed to be in town for an hour! They let them in after opening the roadblocks into town.

Nandala Mafabi walking into Tororo 21.10.15

But not all police in the country was like this. On the road from Tororo to Malaba Dr. Kizza Besigye was stopped and wanted to pull him out of his car. The Police didn’t pull him out, because he didn’t comply too and the good thing that it didn’t happen. The Police had set up a road block as they had done in other roads today. The other was there was Hon. Nandala Mafabi, Wafula Ogutu, Godfrey Ekanya, Nasser Mudibole, Wanaha Kevinha and Sadiq Amin. So there was a lot of witnesses at the ground and at the road block.

On the road for more rallies and in Iganga where the local people wanted to show appreciation for the FDC Flag-bearer while driving through on the road to Kampala. The Police have actually thrown tear-gas into the public who was passing by and watching the FDC convey! This was about an hour ago!

Uganda Police 21.10.15

So the Police actually had the ability to act a bit civilized today. This is the even if the police did block the towns that were already mentioned in the writings from the party and it’s the flag-bearer. So the public knew about the planned and times at the venues in both Bugiri and Tororo. They showed heart and stopped. Even took part of the Bugiri opening in the Mobilization office there. As they also stopped the convoy into the Tororo and Nandala Mafabi walked in-front of the convoy into town today together with the Police and the local public. There will be more security checkpoints from the Police in the next days. Hope that the incident in Iganga doesn’t become the norm as they have been in recent weeks and months. There been enough harassment and issues from the Police towards the opposition parties and even in the NRM primaries that isn’t looking good.  We can hope that the Police might have some sense and show the public the right to mobilize for somebody else the Mzee and his loyal cronies in the NRM. Peace!

Uganda – TIC letter: Urgent Call for National Dialogue before 2016 General Election (20.10.2015)

TIC 201015

Bank of Uganda’s Monetary Policy Statement for October 2015 (20.10.2015)

BOU MPS OCT P1BOU MPS OCT P2

Press Release: USAID Partnership cuts Maternal Mortality in half in target facilities (19.10.2015)

mother-support

MEXICO CITY – The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and its partners released a new report today showing an almost 50 percent reduction in maternal deaths in target facilities in Uganda and Zambia. Equally as unprecedented as the reductions in mortality, these results were achieved in just two and a half years.

The Saving Mothers, Giving Life Mid-Initiative report, released at the Global Maternal Newborn Health Conference in Mexico City, demonstrates the impact of a public-private partnership led by the U.S. government that includes the Ugandan and Zambian governments, Merck for Mothers, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, Every Mother Counts, and Project C.U.R.E.

The results of the report include dramatic progress in just the first half of the initiative:

Maternal mortality fell by 53 percent in target facilities in Zambia and by 45 percent in Uganda.
Zambia saw an 81 percent increase in the number of women receiving treatment to prevent the spread of HIV and AIDS to their infants.The number of women giving birth in a facility rose by 30 percent in Uganda and by 43 percent in Zambia. A 29% and 37% decline in perinatal mortality and stillbirths in Zambia, respectively.
Saving Mothers, Giving Life makes high-quality, safe childbirth services available and accessible to women and their newborns by focusing on labor, delivery and the first 48 hours of postpartum when most maternal deaths and half of newborn deaths occur. The initiative addresses the critical delays that cause maternal deaths: delays in seeking services, reaching services, and receiving quality services. Saving Mothers, Giving Life applies a district wide approach by linking communities to all facilities in target districts.

Due to the unprecedented success of this partnership, Saving Mothers, Giving Lives is expanding to 16 new districts in Zambia and Uganda and one state in Nigeria. The model can help achieve the global vision of ending preventable child and maternal deaths.