Burundi – The fresh reports of torture from Amnesty and proof that it’s old habits from the regime in the country

Burundi Report Police

There was released a report on torture of citizens in Burundi in recent year from CSO Amnesty the 24th of August. This here has been described I will take the defining characters of this from that report, but also some older documentation to prove that this isn’t new actions from the Governmental and Security organizations in Burundi. In 2006 the Committee from International Service from Human Rights commented on the torture matters already then. After that I will look on what numbers and anti-torture project where the purpose was: “Effectively build capacity for sustainable support to victims of torture; and prevent future incidences of torture”. And the projects are telling from the USAID in the same period. USAID had also a monitoring period that ended in 2007 that gives some interesting insights to the methods of torture. United Nations has made a review of the situation when it comes to torture as well in 2014. So that Amnesty International is telling stories that everybody who cares about Human Rights should read all of the personal stories. I have taken the big picture from the report that was delivered from the organization on the 24th of August 2015. Which also shows to the works of the UN and OHCHR and describing the matters and sadness of how the police and other units treats its citizens who demonstrate against the government. It should be stopped and international community should do something about it. Though it’s an issue that is continuation from 2006 and I am sure earlier then that while in war, an CNDD-FDD promised to lead with the USAID projects to shun this activities, but certainly hasn’t with the reports released recently. Read under the quotes and outtakes from a set of reports and some of the pieces from Amnesty.

Reports from 2005 and so on:

“The Committee criticised the lack of a definition of torture in Burundian domestic legislation. The delegation admitted that while Burundi officially endorses the definition contained in the Convention, their criminal code does not define torture, nor is torture as such criminalised. In practice, torture is treated as an ‘aggravating circumstance’ and pursued on the basis of ‘infliction of bodily harm’” (…)”Both country rapporteurs underlined that the legislation prohibiting torture must not only cover physical torture (which is the case as long as torture is prosecuted under the category of ‘bodily harm’), but needs to extend to psychological and mental torture. The Committee drew the delegation’s attention to the obligation States have to initiate investigations into cases of torture. Mr Camara said that given the lack of a domestic legal basis, prosecutors in Burundi did not have a clear incentive to investigate cases of torture” (…)”the National Intelligence Service (NIS). It is responsible for the collection of date in order to protect the state security of Burundi. It can also carry out police functions and arrest people. According to the State report, the NIS is one of the main institutions involved in cases of torture. The Committee repeatedly expressed concern about this situation. Mr Mariño said the NIS seemed to have a dual mandate and be responsible for political oppression; it needed to be reformed, monitored and made accountable to the judiciary. Mr Camara asked if NIS officers could be sanctioned by the PPS; the delegation confirmed this with reference to ongoing cases. The delegation agreed that the NIS had too many prerogatives and specifically asked for recommendations on how to curb its power” (…)”In reference to the prohibition of the use of evidence obtained through torture, the delegation referred to a supreme court judgement which prohibits such evidence from being used in court. However, a Committee member pointed out that this particular decision is ambiguous since it says that “a confession is not proof in itself, but merely a piece of evidence that must be corroborated by other evidence”. The Committee felt this could be construed so that evidence extracted through torture could be used if supported by other evidence (Human Rights Series, 2006).

Turning to concrete cases, some Committee members asked about further information on a massacre which had taken place at Gatumba. The delegation responded by saying that it had issued a report which attributed the responsibility for the massacre to members of the armed movement PALIPEHUTU-FNL” (Human Rights Monitor Series, 2006).

What USAID has worked on a long while and had programs with:

“IMPLEMENTING PARTNER: Search for Common Ground (SF CG), Trauma Healing and Reconciliation Services (THARS), Ligue ITE KA, Association pour la Protection des Droits Humains et des Personnes Détenues (APROD H)

FUNDING PERIOD: March 2003–September 2005

AMOUNT: $1,700,000

PURPOSE: Effectively build capacity for sustainable support to victims of torture; and prevent future incidences of torture” (Victims of Torture Fund, USAID, 2005-2006).

Trauma healing: Eighteen Healing Memory Group activities (785 participants) held to provide psychological healing for victims. 372 victims of torture received psychological support and 567 received medical services; 289 referred to partners; 750 transported to medical facilities (Victims of Torture Fund, USAID, 2005-2006).

Social Reintegration: Twenty-seven victims associations created. Thirteen ongoing series of monthly healing sessions/retreats with 1,636 participants (Victims of Torture, USAID, 2005-2006)

Funding/Year 2002 2004 2005 Total
USD In:  Thousands of Dollars 1,200 500 1,200 2,900

(Victims of Torture, USAID, 2005-2006)

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USAID has continued to follow up the country and reports on Torture between October 2007 – September 2011. Here is their findings and what they have received of information on the matter: “Human rights. The project worked to strengthen the institutional capacity of civil society organizations, particularly those focused on women, to advocate for gender-based violence, victims of torture, and conflict management. By launching campaigns and engaging in effective discourse with the government and the media, civil society groups were able to open up about the sensitive and often dangerous nature of supporting human rights, which led to increased awareness and understanding” (…)”Victims of torture. In Burundi, torture continues to be practiced and victims have had little recourse because those in positions of authority, such as public security agents, presidential police, soldiers, local government officials, and rebel groups have all practiced torture without being held accountable for their actions. Through its activities, the project has been able to help Burundians open up a public dialogue and raise awareness about the problem of torture, a subject that over the years had become taboo in many parts of society” (…)”Victims of torture consortium. One organization cannot influence change alone, and working in the anti-corruption or human rights arena can be dangerous. Thus to strengthen advocacy against torture in Burundi, the project convened civil society organizations working in human rights and torture to start a dialogue on what is needed in this area and propose the idea of creating a consortium. The project worked via the consortium structure to coordinate these various and extensive activities. At subsequent meetings, the number of civil society organizations more than doubled and by the time the consortium, Consortium Action Contre la Torture (CACT), was incorporated it represented most of Burundian civil society working in human rights, with 26 organizations and government entities. The consortium, designed to coordinate advocacy for the eradication of torture in Burundi, identified priorities for reform when the consortium was first formed” (…)”Victims of torture grants. The project allocated 18 grants to civil society organizations in Year 2; eight of them provided medical and legal assistance to 453 victims of torture. The project provided medical, psychosocial healing, and legal and judicial assistance. The grants were provided to organizations with previous experience in this area, and they were able to work in cooperation with other grantees as well as in the consortium against torture. The most pressing need for a victim of torture is medical assistance. Many victims are debilitated or prevented from working due to the injuries, and others live with the physical scars and residual pain. The assistance consisted of providing victims medicine, hospitalization, and specialized care. Seven grantees provided medical assistance to victims in various provinces. One example of the medical services provided by grantees is the work done by ACAT, an organization that carried out medical services in 26 communes” (…)”In addition to being physically traumatic, torture is also emotionally and psychologically traumatic. Even if physical scars heal, there are lasting psychological effects. The project created a support group that fostered an atmosphere of empathy, affection, and security that victims greatly appreciated — especially significant because most victims never dared to speak about their experiences” (…)”In Year 4, project grantee ABDP-DRS advocated for the use of alternative sentencing to imprisonment in accordance with a law of 2009. By meeting with decision-makers, including prison authorities, police, and judges to present data from a survey, ABDP-DRS was able to provide information on alternative sentencing. It also organized prison visits so that police and judges could see the current conditions of the prisons to which they were sentencing perpetrators. Action Chrétien Contre la Torture (ACAT) also received a grant to continue advocating decision-makers and judiciary actors. ACAT equipped judges, judiciary police, and prison officers with information gained during site visits of detention centers in 11 provinces to evaluate the torture cases, living conditions for detainees, and the application of the penal code regarding torture” (Burundi Policy Final Reform, 2007).

When we see earlier what the UN has scaled on the State of torture in the State of the Burundi. The UN commented this on the issues that were at hand in 2014:

Legislative measures for the prevention of torture

  1. While noting that an absolute prohibition of torture is established in the Constitution, the Committee is concerned at the numerous shortcomings of the organization and command structure of the country’s security services, particularly the Burundian National Police (Police nationale du Burundi) and the National Intelligence Service (Service national de renseignement). These services are still governed by presidential decrees, whereas the Constitution provides that they be governed by the necessary legal framework. While noting that article 31 of the State party’s Criminal Code establishes that an order from a superior officer cannot be used as an argument by the defence in a case of torture, the Committee remains concerned about the effective implementation of that provision (arts. 2, 6 and 16)” (United Nations, 2014).

The United Nations continues with this:

“The absolute prohibition of torture” (…)”The State party should, as a matter of urgency, take steps to incorporate provisions into its Military Criminal Code that establish that acts of torture and ill-treatment committed by military personnel constitute an offence, that such offences are not subject to any statute of limitations and that the sentences for such offences are irreducible. The provisions to be incorporated into the Code should also establish appropriate penalties” (…) “The Committee is alarmed by credible, corroborative and persistent reports of a large number of acts of torture and extrajudicial killings committed by members of the Burundian National Police and the National Intelligence Service. It is concerned about the slow pace and limited scope of the investigations and judicial proceedings that have been opened in this connection, which would appear to corroborate claims that the perpetrators of these acts enjoy impunity. The Committee also finds it regrettable that no information about cases that have gone to trial or the outcome of those trials has been forthcoming. It is also concerned at the absence of protection for victims and witnesses, who are subject to reprisals (arts. 2, 4, 6, 7, 12 and 14)” (…)”The Committee is alarmed at the appalling conditions of detention in places of deprivation of liberty. It deplores, in particular: the high levels of prison overcrowding; the failure to separate male prisoners from female prisoners, adults from minors and persons awaiting trial from those already sentenced; the shortage of beds and sleeping space; the poor sanitary conditions; the dilapidated state of the facilities; prisoners’ inadequate and unbalanced diet; and the lack of health care. It further deplores the death of 263 inmates, inter-prisoner violence and the sexual violence against women and minors perpetrated by other inmates and guards. Lastly, the Committee is concerned about the continuing practice, in the State party, of detaining patients in hospital for non-payment of fees” (…)”While taking note of the fact that article 289 of the new Code of Criminal Procedure provides for the compensation of victims of torture, the Committee expresses its concern at the failure to apply this provision, in violation of article 14 of the Convention” (…) “The restrictions on the right of assembly and demonstration imposed by law enforcement bodies and reports of cases involving the violent suppression of demonstrations resulting in the excessive use of force by the authorities, for example during the protests of March 2014” (…)“The serious human rights violations perpetrated by a youth group (referred to as the Imbonerakure) with close ties to the Government, including: the harassment of political opponents; the disruption of public meetings, acts of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and arbitrary detention and other acts of violence; and the use of so-called “amicable” arrangements for settling disputes. The Committee is deeply concerned by reports that the Government is providing this group with weapons and training” (United Nations, 2014).

brigade_de_recherche_et_dintervention_judiciaire

Amnesty has in recent reports on how the torture has been from May 2015:

“Both the SNR and the Burundian National Police (PNB) are responsible for torture and other ill-treatment. Former detainees described being beaten with branches, iron bars, and police batons; and being stomped on, threatened with death, denied medical care, and verbally abused. In one particularly horrific case, a five-litre container full of sand was hung from a man’s testicles, causing enormous pain and swelling, and then the man was made to sit in a shallow layer of what he believed was battery acid, burning his skin severely” (…) “In and after the demonstration in April 2015 this has happen: “The police response to the demonstrations was marked by a pattern of serious violations, including of the right to life, freedom of association and peaceful assembly. They used excessive and disproportionate force, including lethal force, against protesters, at times shooting unarmed demonstrators running away from them. Even where children were present during demonstrations, police still failed to exercise restraint, and used tear gas and live ammunition” (…)”The cases of torture and other ill-treatment under SNR detention documented here all took place at the SNR compound near Bujumbura’s cathedral” (…)”In early June, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Burundi told Amnesty International they had documented nearly 50 cases of torture and other ill-treatment. On 7 July, the UN Secretary General’s report on the electoral observation mission in Burundi stated that “some 307 people have been arrested, including 14 minors. Most of those arrested have been subjected to torture and cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment by security officers (mainly police and intelligence agents)” (…)”According to information received from lawyers, when individuals previously held by the SNR have alleged torture before court, the evidence obtained under such circumstances did not appear to have been declared invalid in spite of clear provisions in the Burundian Code of Criminal Procedure. To date, there is no investigation and nobody has been arrested for torture at the SNR” (…) “However, the Burundian Code of Criminal Procedure makes provision for a detainee to remain silent if his lawyer is not present and for a detainee to communicate freely with his lawyer.16 A leading Burundian human rights organization, the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained People (APRODH), is no longer granted access to the SNR’s compound. At least one detainee says that he signed a document under duress” (…)”A man held at the SNR was also told by other detainees that the Imbonerakure had given information to the police for their capture” (…)”several testimonies of torture and other ill-treatment at a place known as Chez Ndadaye in Bujumbura. According to a policeman and UN human rights monitors, Chez Ndadaye is an operational command centre for the police.36 It is known as Chez Ndadaye because the presidential palace that housed President Melchior Ndadaye, the country’s first democratically elected president and first Hutu president, once stood there” (…)”According to the first policeman and two victims, demonstrators were not kept overnight at Chez Ndadaye, but were beaten there before being transferred to the judicial police and/or police stations” (…)”The OHCHR carried out a planned visit to Chez Ndadaye on 12 June 2015, but did not observe any torture or beatings at the time” (…)”One policeman told Amnesty International some policemen are frustrated by the situation. He explained: “Several policemen are not happy about what takes place at Chez Ndadaye and have complained to their superiors. Most of the perpetrators are those who were previously in the bush (ex-FDD). They beat protestors. Maybe around 10 people came through Chez Ndadaye every day. Police used their batons and electric wires to beat them. They’d say ‘you who are against Nkurunziza, you are wasting your time, he’ll be president forever’,” (Amnesty, 2015).

Aftermath:

I don’t really want to comment more on the issues. Because the reports on reports are really telling its own tale, I will not add much on it. Then it’s a sad story of real men and woman who is scared and hurt for their position in society. That the UN, USAID, OHCHR and Amnesty reports from 2006-2015 is telling a vivid stories and painful facts. Too many victims of the government and police of Burundi, they all deserve a voice, they all deserve justice and a society where this wouldn’t happen. Instead the Police and Government of Burundi is going after their own people without prosecution and trial. Putting them in shackles, pushing them in cells and hurting them in places like Chez Ndadaye in Bujumbura and that is not the only house and police institution that is being used in a vile place. So no matter what people are being unjustified threaten and punished by the police and security forces in Burundi. There should be something the world could do to stop this systematic and unjust ways. Not just in writing and councils reviews of the United Nations, but in actual forum that can change the President Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi and the regime of the country. That is the issue and it’s not easy especially with the ways that the president got “elected” into the third term. Pierre Nkurunziza will always be remembered in a unique way and essentially with the shunned sworn-in celebration in mid-August 2015. An also for the reports of torture that the police and security organizations are doing as well in his presidency as well, which isn’t a beautiful view. Peace.

Reference:

AFR 16/2298/2015 – ‘“JUST TELL ME WHAT TO CONFESS TO”, TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT BY BURUNDI’S POLICE AND INTELLIGENCE SERVICE SINCE APRIL 2015’ (24.08.2015) – Amnesty International

CAT/C/BDI/CO/2 – ‘Concluding observations on the second periodic report of Burundi’, Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Committee on Torture (12.12.2014) – United Nations

Human Rights Monitor Series – ‘COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE 37TH SESSION BURUNDI, INITIAL REPORT’ (2006), International Service for Human Rights

‘BURUNDI UNDER REVIEW BY UNITED NATIONS UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW: RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING JUSTICE MATTERS’, Commonwealth Human Rights Intiative

USAID – ‘BURUNDI POLICY REFORM FINAL REPORT October 2007 – September 2011 (12.09.2011) – This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Chemonics International.

USAID – ‘VICTIMS OF TORTURE FUND PORTFOLIO SYNOPSIS 2005–2006’, Victims of Torture Fund, U.S. Agency for International Development

Uganda – President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: Campaign of Fear for 2016 Presidential Election

MuseveniNRM2016Election

When you have been in charge for a long time and no strategies to secure your position, it might be natural start campaigning as a politician with the results and the achievements that been made. A good politician would address the public with the progress and build on what has already been built. But this long term politician and president Yoweri Kaguta Museveni doesn’t do that in the run-up to the presidential election in 2016. Instead, He uses a whole other tool to bring the masses and secure his position in the country. His words are fearmongering and sectarianism, and that only he can keep order of the army. Which can’t be true and doesn’t look wise of a supposed statesman of his caliber, instead he speaks to his fellow countrymen like they need his guns and rigging to be sure of security. These quotes will show from July to August this year of how he speaks of his own regime and the necessary firepower for his reign.

President Museveni said in the 16th of May through the statehouse channel that “I have been involved in the politics of Uganda for 51 years and I have experienced the cost of the politics of lies. So please I advise you to avoid them and stop misleading the population. I have heard some people use bad words like National Resistance Movement is bad for West Nile. Such a statement is poisonous and dangerous for national unity and development” (…) “When we overthrew Idi Amin ourselves, the Uganda People’s Congress with the support from Tanzania, we pleaded with the UPC leaders not to punish the people of West Nile because of the mistakes of Amin as an individual. The UPC leaders did not listen to us and instead imported criminality in West Nile because it was Amin’s home area leading to many deaths and forcing almost all West Nile people into exile in Sudan and DRC” (…) “I drove to Kaya myself near Oraba in Sudan when we had come into leadership and met two families. I asked them if they were Ugandans and they said yes and I asked them what they were doing in Sudan and the message went on. The others followed and today West Nile which was abandoned is one of the most populated areas of Uganda. So politicians please stop meddling in lies, just like the Bible puts it; say the truth it will set you free” (Uganda Statehouse, 2015).

NewVision2015Musveni

According to him on the 21th July 2015: “We have built a strong army but it’s not a dictatorship and needs a well founded and clear headed leadership to be sure that the country’s future is safe. Even if you have a strong army without clear political leadership you can’t guarantee national peace and transformation therefore value your vote because it counts” (…) “We took a leadership decision to strengthen the army against the wishes of many other players because we had realized that insecurity was bred out of the weaknesses in the army and by 2003 we had defeated Kony and you can see the development taking place in Northern Uganda. We have totally defeated Allied democratic forces and arrested their leader Jamil Mukulu who should tell us why they have been killing Ugandans and they can never attack Uganda because they will pay a heavy price” (Waswa, 2015).

On 24th of June he said: “There is peace in Uganda. No one has the capacity to destabilize Uganda” (Uganda Media Centre, 2015).

The President said on 31th July 2015: “We have built a strong army but it’s not a dictatorship and needs a well founded and clear headed leadership to be sure that the country’s future is safe. Even if you have a strong army without clear political leadership you can’t guarantee national peace and transformation therefore value your vote because it counts” (Lutaaya, 2015).

On the 5th of August he said: “he historical agreed that as a way forward, I come and pick these nomination forms and I offer myself for the position of party chairman and NRM presidential candidates for the period 2015-2021” (Omara, 2015).

The President even said on 6th August: “No one should poison your minds with wrong ideology based on tribe” (…) “If evidence is adduced, your victory will be annulled.” (…) “Leaders should be chosen based ability on to uplift the standard of living of the people not on ethnicity” (…) “We defeated ADF and ensured peace. Leadership premised on tribes will destabilize the area” (Ayiswa, 2015).

On his own web page, he quoted on 6th of August: “Let leaders tell you what they want to do for you and their usefulness and leave your tribes because all tribes and people were created by God and none of us created any person. Not even the children that I have and all of you. We are not our own creation. We are all gifts from God; so don’t divide God’s people” (…) “I am not campaigning but when time comes, I will come here and tell you that NRM defeated rebels and brought peace to this region and I will ask you to vote NRM on those grounds not on tribal or religious basis because sectarian politics is evil. Uganda is peaceful, united and developing and nobody should divide Ugandans and spoil all the gains the country has realized” (Museveni, 2015).

Other part of his campaign:

He even sent messages to the people; the President had to send his message to the people literally. Even sent SMS to all the people owning phones in the country, and it wasn’t just to NRM members, but all the telecoms users of their service like the once using Airtel (Kaaya, 2015).

YKMAugustSMSTopYKMAugustSMSBottum

(Kaaya, 2015).

Now, here is a gist!

How the Police keeps the posters of the President on the walls everywhere: 

Fred Enaga said: “The president is the fountain of honour and he enjoys absolute immunity for whatever actions and enjoys structural advantages. You cannot just pull down his pictures under whatever circumstances” (…) “But even then, he has not come out to make such pronouncement (that he will run in the 2016 presidential elections),” (Tumwine, 2015).

How his army men fears him or misunderstood love:

Army Chief Brig Elly Kayanja says: “I am fully aware of the regulation that stops us (soldiers) from engaging in partisan politics but personally, I cannot hide my love and loyality to NRM and to President Museveni”. Vincent Bamulangaki Ssempijja says this: “We fear Museveni so much because he was our bush war leader, so we cannot just easily talk to him” (…) “When he (Museveni) comes to a cabinet meeting, we discuss issues of government and, after that, none of us get the chance to talk to him. Its very few amongst us who can call him, and likewise, he also calls a few of us” (TheInsider.ug, 2015).

All of this sectarianism treats isn’t strong enough to put a kettle on and see if the water is boiling. Because that`s what he is said that if you vote for something else then his, then your diffusing and voting actual ethnic reasons then NRM. Which we all know by now is a bit foolish, even though a party has their strongholds in the country. That is normal anywhere in the world. Certain parties have a stronger vibe in one area than the next because of the leadership of the party in that area and the public will recognize that they have. So that isn’t sectarianism, more given credit to the locals that are credit due.

The security issue that he continues to ponder on that, isn’t un-suspected. In other part of the country it’s all that he has to show for while being in power. So that he also uses the strong-man and big-man has to control the UPDF and the army to keep things secure isn’t something that should come as lightning on a clear sky, instead should be as visible as rainwater in the streets after a rain-shower. It is true that the current president is the reason why the UPDF and UPF are so strong and also as massive as it is. But he can’t believe his own words that he is the ONLY leader who got the power to command this brigades, right? If so, then he has lost his plot. That he is the sole reason for the peace in the Northern Uganda and also that the ADF has lost it strength over time, also their main leader which is now having court-time for his actions. I am sure that their more than one person who should get credit, also the support from SPLA and FARDC to push LRA into C.A.R. where the UPDF is still continuing the hunt. That the generals in the UPDF admire and fear their commander in chief isn’t unexpected though they are kind of over the line when even the president himself has said earlier that UPDF generals should not join into politics and they obviously do!

And that he drops gig songs isn’t new. I will not discuss the second song from the President (since I, myself is not a big fan). That is utter nonsense. But what is worthy of the campaign is the SMS sent to all the ones with SIM-cards for certain companies and not only for NRM members. That means that the President has bought the airtime and lists of numbers that the company has and maybe even violated its nation privacy laws. No matter what laws you have it’s a shady way of spreading your own vision to world. Isn’t it enough that they print your own views day in and day out in the New Vision?          

AmamaNRMElection2016

A Timeline for how the Police and other institutions have gone after the opposition in the recent months before the 2016 elections: 

The Amama Mbabazi planned to start his campaign and have demonstrations on the 15th of June as a “Presidential Aspiration” in the NRM party in Kampala. The day before the Press Secretary of Uganda Police Fred Enanga that if Amama Mbabazi did so it would be: “Therefore, whoever is involved in organizing the demonstrations, or intends to participate in them will be in violation of the law, and will face criminal sanctions in accordance with the law”. IGP Kale Kayihura sent a letter preceding that the Amama Mbabazi campaigning that he needed to be careful about holding public meetings as a presidential aspiration on the 23rd of June. On the 24th of June a letter from the Mbabazi lawyers addressing the IGP Kale Kayihura wasn’t correct according to the law. Because a person in the NRM party should be allowed to ‘run’ for the “Presidential Aspiration” and hold public meetings to gain more popularity for his elections.

Dr.-Kizza-Besigye-speaks-to-NTV-Uganda

Even on the 8th of July the Uganda Communication Commission and their Executive Director Godfrey Mutabazi who wrote to all Medias in Uganda that they have to be careful with the messages and what kind of voices they spread to the press either if it is radio, tv, newspapers and other formats. On the 9th of July Dr. Kizza Besigye was arrested by the UPF when going from Kasangati in Wakiso Disctrict when he was supposed to start his political campaign for his presidential front runner for the FDC. He was admitted on a “preventative arrest” from the Police. Even the Insepctor General of Police Mr. Okot-Ochola on 13th of July wrote a warning letter the FDC on their public meetings and explaining to them how the “Public Order Management Bill” works.

“Team Amama Mbabazi for President 2016-2021” had one NRM Youth Leader named Vincent Kaggwa that lost his ranks and was missing from 18th of July until 20th of June because he wore a T-Shirt with Amama Mbabazi.

After rallies in Jinja and Iganga on the 21st of July, Dr. Kizza Besigye was supposed to have an interview on Radio Baba/87.7 Basogo Baino FM. Only minutes into it the transmitter for the radio station was turned off by the government. On the 8th of August Dr. Kizza Besigye was not allowed to travel from his home and into a meeting at the American embassy in Kampala.

Even in Lira when FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye had a rally in town. The police was all over town held the town under Siege the whole of 10th of August. In Padre the day after the FDC wasn’t able to hold a decent rally in the 11th of August the local police took the microphone from one of the FDC leaders holding it and Dr. Kizza Besigye wasn’t able to hold at the venue, instead the police went mad and trough tear-gas and beat the people attending. On the 14th of August the Lord Mayor of Kampala DP Erias Lukwago was blocked to attending as a speaker on a seminar on the Makerere University.

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Afterthoughts:

I have no plan of going into too deep waters with this time line. Since this is a picturesque and historical how the progression of the police and other institutions are going after the opposition parties and those who are going against him as the flag-bearer and presidential candidate in the NRM party. It’s obvious that it’s nearly daily for months now that the regime has tracked and gone against those who isn’t following the president and NRM regime, even if the comply to the rules and laws of the Public Order Mangement Bill/Act, still they will be incriminated or threaten and violate common sense with sending troops with tear-gas and beating people up for showing up to FDC rallies. Then also to top it all off they have without being judged in court taken people to custody for wearing a Team Amama Mbabazi shirt in Kampala. This should be seen as something foolish and not as actions of rule of law. The fear the president is spreading with his words and actions is astonishing.    

With being in this day and age we should expect of something else of our presidents and prime ministers. This is a leader he has been educated back in the day, though seem to forget the lessons he had learned there. In his thesis written about Frantz Fanon he wrote: “The process of creating the subjective conditions is as hard as the organising of revolution itself. However, it can be accelerated by various devices. The most important thing is to win confidence of the masses. It is necessary for all the local cadres or ‘terrainers’ as they sometimes called, indeed for all the activists that seek to enlist support of the masses, to lead a pure, exemplary and, most preferably, ascetic life. The person seduce peasents’ wives or daughters, will never win the confidence of the masses. Though personal example, political propaganda – in the simplest language about the simple and, to begin with, parochial problems – and through demonstrating the power of the people vis-à-vis the enemy, the cadres are able to create the subjective conditions, a fully and politically conscious people, that are indispensable for the revolution” (Museveni, 1971).

When he could write this and stand behind this words while being a student and seeing how he comes with force and fear now. His mind can’t be the same as it was. We should expect something else from somebody that makes the population either eat the fear or he actually never won “the confidence of the masses”. The president has surely forgotten these words while he stated in his speeches and outlets during start of his campaign for Uganda Presidential Election in 2016. That the Police Spokesman is saying that people don’t have the right to take down posters from the walls. He should already know that it’s not right how he speaks and acts. Generals are even afraid of him. Even quoted some members of the MPs who feels the same when he is around! So he is not the example he supposed to be anymore. So if the people are politically conscious they should by his own-old-selves be able to brush his fears off, right?          

And also the speeches and daily acts against opposition should be addressed by bigger multilateral institutions and nations so that this “so called” and “multiparty democracy” isn’t really an actual state of affairs the country and republic of Uganda should be proud of. The way that the NRM regime is hurting its radios and newspapers, how it goes against the FDC leaders and certain DP leaders. Even though who’s has become independent and not dependent on the “Mzee” or the President of Museveni. It’s the same natural and calm level of fear that the president Museveni are both speaking in his speeches and acting out with the UPF and the UPDF. If this is his way to regain his popular stance somebody or even a presidential advisor! The Presidential Advisor should ask him behind closed doors “have you lost the plot?”

Peace.

Reference:

Ayiswa, Issa – ‘Museveni warns those pedaling sectarian talk risk losing seats (06.08.2015) link: http://www.ofuganda.co.ug/articles/20150806/museveni-warns-those-pedaling-sectarian-talk-risk-losing-seats#sthash.TgvP4A2E.dpuf

Kaaya, Sadab Kitatta – ‘Uproar over unsolicited Museveni campaign SMS’ (10.08.2015) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/39174-uproar-over-unsolicited-museveni-campaign-sms

Lutaaya, Henry – ‘Museveni exploits incumbency ahead of 2016’ (31.07.2015) link: http://www.sunrise.ug/news/201507/museveni-exploits-incumbency-ahead-of-2016.html

Museveni, Yoweri – ’Sectarian politicians to be arrested, prosecuted” – Museveni’ (06.08.2015) link: www.yowerikmuseveni.com/news/%E2%80%9Csectarian-politicians-be-arrested-prosecuted%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-museveni#sthash.aJNiX7oP.dpuf

Museveni, Yoweri – ‘FANON’S THEORY ON VIOLENCE: ITS VERIFICATION IN LIBERATED MOZAMBIQUE’: which was an essay/thesis in “Essays on the Liberation of Southern Africa”, Tanzania Publication House (Released in 1971).

TheInsider.ug – ‘Army Chief, minister confess love, fear for Museveni’ (05.08.2015) link:

http://www.theinsider.ug/army-chief-minister-confess-love-fear-for-museveni/

Tumwine, Albert – ‘We cannot pull down Museveni posters- Police’ (16.07.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/We-cannot-pull-down-Museveni-posters–Police/-/688334/2753854/-/lr6i1x/-/index.html

Omara, Chris – ‘The journey to 2016 and beyond under Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (YKM)’ (05.08.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/671825-the-journey-to-2016-and-beyond-under-gen-yoweri-kaguta-museveni-ykm.html

Uganda Media Centre – ‘“No one has capacity to Destabilize Uganda” (24.07.2015)  link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/news/%E2%80%9Cno-one-has-capacity-destabilize-uganda%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-president-museveni#sthash.9ovML4Po.dpuf

Uganda Statehouse – ‘President Museveni warns politicians on lies and sectarianism’ (15.06.2015) link: http://www.statehouse.go.ug/media/news/2015/05/15/president-museveni-warns-politicians-lies-and-sectarianism

Waswa, Sam – ‘Museveni: UPDF Needs Clear-headed Political Leadership’ (21.07.2015) link: http://chimpreports.com/museveni-updf-needs-clear-headed-political-leadership/