UK Continues to Support Most Vulnerable in Sudan Through Cash Assistance (21.08.2017)

KHARTOUM, Sudan, August 21, 2017 –  The United Kingdom has contributed £4.5 million (US$5.8 million) to the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) to provide essential food assistance to nearly 370,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Darfur for two months.

The Department for International Development (DFID) contribution will allow WFP to support IDPs through cash-based transfers, which will provide people with vouchers and e-cards so they can buy food and essential supplies of their choice at contracted local traders.

“The UK Government is committed to working with WFP to meet the humanitarian needs of displaced people within Sudan,” said Acting Head of DFID Sudan Kate Orrick. “We have provided a total of £53.5 million to WFP since 2013, providing vital assistance to hundreds of thousands of people in Sudan and enabling them to start rebuilding their lives.” 

“The use of cash and vouchers enables greater choice and dignity for vulnerable Sudanese, stimulates the local economy, and has the greatest positive impact on those receiving our support,” Orrick added.

WFP will use the contribution to support 288,000 IDPs in North and West Darfur states and nearly 81,000 IDPs in Otash camp, located in South Darfur state.

“We are grateful to the people and Government of the UK for this contribution towards our cash programmes, which is a more efficient form of assistance and allows for greater autonomy and dignity while providing a lifeline to those most in need,” said WFP Sudan Representative and Country Director Matthew Hollingworth.

With UK support, WFP successfully launched the first cash programme in Sudan last year in Otash camp in South Darfur. During the pilot phase of the cash transfer programme (October 2016 to March 2017), nearly 75,000 IDPs in Otash camp received approximately US$37.50 per person for five months. The assistance was provided through a prepaid card swiped against a Point of Service (POS) device at pre-selected shops.

In Sudan, the introduction of vouchers in 2009 and cash assistance in 2016 continues to transform the relationship between vulnerable displaced people and their food needs. Cash-based assistance provides people with greater choice of food items and access to locally-preferred ingredients, while stimulating the local economy and supporting WFP’s needs-based approach in a protracted crisis. Over the past six years, WFP in Sudan has expanded the use of cash over regular food distributions. Evidence gathered through ongoing monitoring and feedback from people receiving WFP support shows that cash-based transfers are generally the preferred form of assistance.

Throughout 2017, WFP plans to support more than four million vulnerable people in Sudan, including IDPs, refugees, people affected by climate change and host communities. WFP provides such support through a range of activities, including emergency food assistance, cash-based transfers (or vouchers), nutritional support, and resilience-building activities to help communities become increasingly independent.

Trump Administration planned from July 2017 to build a migrant tent-camp at Guantanamo, Cuba!

On the 7th July 2017 the United States Navy published a Modification Notice on the U.S. land on Cuba, the famous Guantanamo. Again, a new administration has plans to use this land and the parts of island to good use. Seemingly for other purposes than keeping non-trialed terrorist suspects. They are planning to immigrants and asylum seekers put on the Cuban. People who are fleeing camps and war-zones already to be transported to another facility under United States jurisdiction.

The Navy is planning this:

The Naval Facilities Engineering Command Southeast (NAVFAC SE) has been tasked to develop, solicit, and award a single-award, firm fixed-price (FFP), design-bid-build (DBB) contract for the construction of a contingency mass migration complex (Leeward South) for 13,000 migrants and 5,000 support forces, at Naval Station Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The estimated price range for the entire project is between $25,000,000.00 and $100,000,000.00” (…) “The scope of this project is for the construction of a contingency mass migration complex (Leeward South) for 13,000 migrants and 5,000 support forces. Provide site shaping for tents, concrete pads for camp headquarters, galleys and dumpsters, perimeter and service roads, and Mass Notification System. Supporting facilities include utility systems (electrical, water, and sanitary sewer), exterior lighting, information systems to include fiber optic cable service, expansion of the waste, vehicle parking area, storm drainage, and removal of two family housing trailer units. Measures in accordance with the Department of Defense (DoD) Minimum Antiterrorism for Buildings standards will be provided. Facilities will be designed to a minimum life of 50 years in accordance with DoDs Unified Facilities Code (UFC 1-200-02) including energy efficiencies, building envelope and integrated building systems performance. Sustainability/Energy measures will be provided” (NECO Synopsis Database – ‘Subject: Y–Contingency Mass Migration Complex, Naval Station Guantanamo Bay, Cuba’ – 07.07.2017).

So the Trump Administration together with the Navy, the other agencies really has a plan of moving immigrants and asylum-seekers to Guantanamo. To make sure their stay in the United States will be in tents, instead of trying to get them integrated into society. The ones who are worried about the public business into building of the camp and the price of installation.

That the United States can plan to move and create a temporary space for people in camps on the outside of their territory, to scare more from not coming and also making it worse for their moral obligations to facilitate for their refugees. Just like Americans has said it is problematic with the state of camps in Italy, Greece and Turkey. This one will not make it better, especially when it is a created affair and professional enterprises creating it. As the tenders and government procurement of the camp are clearly planned affairs on how the refugees will leave.

That the United States are planning a tent-camp not far from the U.S. state of Florida and on leased land on Cuba, is extremely bad and offensive. Especially, since many of the refugees are leaving from places that the Americans has attacked with military operations, where the United States has supported drones, where U.S. Soldiers has killed and created turmoil in the nations. Therefore, as moral obligations to where they sent troops and made a fuzz, they should accept that people are fleeing these wars and conflicts for a safe-haven in the Untied States.

Therefore, that the Navy and the United States government plans a tent-camp on territory of Guantanamo, Cuba for 13,000 migrants and 5,000 support personnel. This means they planning a small-town size of tents and needed necessities for them. Instead of taking care of them through more friendly neighborhood, they are now planning to drop them off in tents. Hope they get tired of the meager lifestyle to go home. Even if it means leaving peace and going back into war-zones and dictatorships.

The moral fall of the United States is clearly there. They could have used other means, used other types of facilitation for migrants. Instead of making provisions without creating a permanent tent-camp for them. Usually, they are put-up because the need for it.

Why I find it strange that UNHCR from 2007 says: “Family tents may be useful and appropriate, for example, when local materials are either not available at all or are only seasonally available or for refugees of nomadic background. The life-span of an erected canvas tent depends on the manufacturing, length of storage before deployment, as well as the climate and the care given by its occupants. Where tents are used for long durations, provisions for repair materials should be considered. Larger or communal tents may serve as transit accommodation while more appropriate shelter is constructed” (…) “In general, tents are difficult to heat as walls and roof do not provide sufficient insulation. Therefore, tents are not suitable as cold climate shelters, but if there is no choice, they can save lives and bridge the time until more suitable shelters are established” (UNHCR P: 221-222 – ‘ Handbook for Emergencies – Third Edition’ February 2007).

So, when the U.S. Government puts up a tents, that is not suitable for long-term solution. Because even the UNHCR says it is temporary, since the tents are not insulated. Therefore, Guantanamo tent-camp for the migrants coming to the US. Clearly, the US state will not build a proper place for the migrants, but the people fleeing should get proper shelter. Not be put in tents, but build more suitable shelters. Especially, when the US can build proper housing for the migrants. Since they are moving them from main-land US to the area controlled by US on Cuba. Peace.

USA: DHS Announces Implementation of Travel Restriction Provisions (29.06.2017)

UN Special Expert report of June 2017 reveals the hardships of the citizens in Eritrea!

The government of Eritrea is usually keeping it low-key and not telling their stories. The nation which has since liberation from Ethiopia since 1993. Therefore, the long-term stay of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and their President Isias Afwerki, who is still in power. His use of the power and keeping it all close, is the reason that the state of Eritrea is like it is. The oppression of their own citizens and total control. That is the reason for the fleeing Eritreans, as well as the military service and tight-control of the industries. It is all in service of the Central Leadership in Asmara. Which doesn’t concern the citizens, they are being used by the EPLF and their needs. Therefore, every time a United Nations report comes out, it reveals new aspects and shows by the admission of the diaspora who are telling the stories that needs to be told. Since the media, the government and all parts of society in Eritrea is silenced by the President Afwerki. Take a look!

Support of Al-Shabaab and North Korea:

In 2009, the United Nations Security Council imposed an arms embargo on Eritrea, primarily in response to Eritrea’s suspected support for Al Shabaab in Somalia. In its most recent report, the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea stated that it had found no firm evidence of Eritrea’s support for Al Shabaab. It also described the use of Eritrean land, airspace and territorial waters by the Arab coalition supporting the anti-Houthi military campaign in Yemen, as well as the construction of a permanent military base at Assab International Airport and a new permanent seaport adjacent to it.3 In November 2016, the Security Council noted the finding about the lack of evidence pointing to Eritrean support for Al Shabaab, but expressed concern for ongoing Eritrean support for other regional armed groups and lack of cooperation with the Security Council; it extended the arms embargo on Eritrea” (…) “February 2017, the Panel of Experts supporting the Security Council Sanctions Committee on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) accused Eritrea of violating the arms embargo by buying military communications material from the DPRK. On 21 March 2017, the United States imposed sanctions pursuant to the Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act (INKSNA) on the Eritrean Navy and any successor, subunit, or subsidiary thereof for prohibited transfer to or acquisition from DPRK of goods, services, or technology controlled under multilateral control lists” (Keetharuth, P: 5, 2017).

Arbitrary Arrests:

During the reporting period, the Special Rapporteur continued to receive reports of new cases of arbitrary arrest and detention. The reasons for the arrests appear to be those previously identified by the Commission of Inquiry, namely attempting to evade military service or trying to assist a family member in doing so; trying to leave the country; practicing an unauthorised religion; or offending a high-ranking Government or official of the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice, the sole political party in the country. The Special Rapporteur has received no official communication indicating that the Government has released arbitrarily detained prisoners or that it has provided information about the fate of high profile individuals subject to enforced disappearance” (Keetharuth, P: 6, 2017).

Food Supplies:

While some interlocutors told the Special Rapporteur that they had witnessed an active economic life during visits to Eritrea, with thriving markets and well-stocked shops, she heard from Eritreans in the diaspora that their relatives back home are struggling to meet their basic needs. While they confirmed the availability of food, they indicated that many households were unable to afford adequate and sufficient basic supplies, and were trying to cope with acute water shortages, especially in Asmara. As noted above, the recent UNICEF report confirmed this, indicating that half of the children are stunted. Reportedly, increasing numbers of people are leaving drought-affected regions in search of better living conditions. The ability to purchase food and other basic items has also been hampered by cash withdrawal limits which are still in place following the Nakfa currency exchange programme introduced by the Government at the end of 2015” (Keetharuth, P: 8, 2017).

Internet Freedom:

Since October 2016, reportedly, internet cafes must now require that customers register before being permitted to use the internet, allowing for the tracking of their browsing history. If confirmed, this new regulation would have an impact on the conduct of internet users and further restrict freedom of expression. In addition, frequent power cuts and very slow connections interfere with the use of internet” (Keetharuth, P: 8, 2017).

I think this things says a lot. The admissions and the connections to rouge elements prove the issues of Eritrea. This are just a few of them, there been more admissions in the past of the breaches of Human Rights, the lack of transparency and justice for the citizens. This proves the grand-issues of the Eritrean government and how they violate their own people. Peace.

Reference:

Keetharuth, Sheila B. – ‘A/HRC/35/39 – Eritrea’ (07.06.2017)

The 691st meeting of the AU PSC on the situation in Darfur, Sudan, and the activities of the AU-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) – (14.06.2017)

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, June 14, 2017 – The Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU), at its 691st meeting held on 12 June 2017, adopted the following decision on the situation in Darfur, Sudan, and the activities of the AU-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID):

Council,

1.    Takes note of the Joint Special Report of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the Secretary-General of the United Nations on the strategic review of the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) [S/2017/437], which was undertaken from 5 to 17 March 2017, as well as of the introductory remarks by Ambassador Smaïl Chergui, the Commissioner for Peace and Security, and the presentation provided by the Joint Special Representative of UNAMID, Ambassador Kingsley Mamabolo. Council also takes note of the statements made by the representatives of Sudan and Egypt, in its capacity as an African Member in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), as well as those of the Permanent Members of the UNSC, namely, France, United Kingdom and the United States of America;

2.    Recalls its previous communiqués and press statements on the situation in Darfur, including communiqués PSC/PR/COMM.(DCV) and PSC/PR/COMM.(DCLXXIII), adopted at its 605th and 673rd meetings, held on 13 June 2016 and 29 March 2017, respectively. Council also recalls the UN Security Council resolution 2296 (2016)  of  29 June 2016 ;

3.    Reiterates its appreciation to the UNAMID leadership, in particular the Joint Special Representative, the Force Commander and the Police Commissioner, as well as to the Mission’s personnel, for their dedication and contribution to the promotion of peace, security, stability and reconciliation in Darfur. Council notes with appreciation the efforts made in the implementation of UNAMID’s mandate, particularly with respect to the protection of civilians. In this regard, Council pays tribute to the UNAMID personnel who have paid the ultimate sacrifice in the line of duty for the cause of peace in Darfur. Council also conveys messages of condolences to the Government and the people of  Nigeria in honour of the peacekeeper, who lost his life recently in line of duty;

4.    Commends the Government of Sudan for its cooperation with the Joint Strategic Review Team and constructive approach to the review of UNAMID. Council welcomes and notes with satisfaction the Outcome Document of the 23rd Tripartite Coordination Mechanism meeting held on 22 May 2017 and the spirit of cooperation that characterized the deliberations, as well as the commitment to strengthen coordination between the Government of Sudan, the AU and the UN towards sustainable peace and security in Darfur. Council also welcomes the report of the Joint Working Group (JWG) of 26 February 2017 on the UNAMID Exit Strategy, which acknowledged an improvement in the security and humanitarian situation in Darfur;

5.    Notes the significant decrease of hostilities between the Government of Sudan and the rebel forces, as well as the declaration by the Government, the Sudan Liberation Army/Mini Minawi (SLA-MM) and Justice and Equality Movement/Gibril (JEM/Gibril) of unilateral ceasefires. Council commends the steps taken by the Government and the Darfur State Authorities towards the creation of a safe and secure environment and further applauds progress made to secure the Chad-Sudan border, as a result of the political commitment of the two countries and the work of the Joint Border Monitoring Force established in 2010;

6.    Strongly condemns the recent incursion of armed groups into Darfur and remains concerned over alleged claims of use of neighboring countries as launching grounds for such acts. Council further calls on the Government of National Unity and the rebel movements to pursue the path of direct political talks for a durable solution to the Darfur conflict;

7.    Notes the important steps taken by the Government of Sudan to advance the Darfur political process, including the incorporation of the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), which contains critical provisions that address the root causes of the conflict, into the Constitution. Council further notes the conclusion of the National Dialogue process on 10 October 2016, with the adoption of a national document, as well as steps taken towards its implementation, including the appointment of a Prime Minister, on 1 March 2017. Council commends the subsequent formation of a Government of National Unity, as well as the signing, by the Government of Sudan, the SLA-MM and JEM/Gibril, of the Road Map Agreement proposed by the AU High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP), in March and August 2016, respectively;

8.    Stresses that the overall positive evolution of the situation is consistent with the findings of the visit undertaken by Council to Khartoum and Darfur from 15 to 18 May 2017. Council expresses its appreciation to the Government of Sudan for the assistance availed to its Delegation during the visit;

9.    Underlines that, in spite of the significant progress made, a number of challenges that may impede the speedy restoration of sustainable peace, security, stability and reconciliation, as well as socio-economic recovery remain. In particular, Council notes that the security situation remains fragile, mainly due to the continued activities of armed militias, the proliferation of weapons and the prevalence of acts of banditry and criminality, as well as the continued occurrence of inter-communal conflicts closely linked to the root causes of the conflict. Council further notes, with great concern, that such challenges exist within a context of inadequate capacity and effectiveness of the rule of law institutions. Furthermore, Council condemns the recent attacks perpetrated by Darfuri armed movements in East and Northern Darfur. Council reiterates the fact that only an inclusive and participatory dialogue can ensure sustainable peace, security and peaceful coexistence in Darfur;

10.    Notes with concern that, in spite of the improvement of the security situation in the past months, a total of 2.7 million people are displaced, of whom 2.1 million are in need of humanitarian assistance, and that 300,000 Sudanese refugees are located in neighboring Chad. In this regard, Council appeals to the AU Member States and the international community at large, to continue to extend their support to the population in need in Darfur;

11.    Underlines the relevance of the new strategic orientation for UNAMID as proposed in the Special Report, namely a two-pronged approach combining peacebuilding in the areas outside the Jebel Marra area, where there has not been fighting for an extended period of time, and peacekeeping and emergency attention in the Greater Jebel Marra area, due to the insecurity prevailing in the areas, which is preventing Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from voluntarily returning to their homes;

12.    Endorses the recommendations of the Strategic Review of UNAMID, as contained in the Special Report , including issues relating to:

a.    the establishment of the Jebel Marra Task Force and the reconfiguration of UNAMID in two phases of six months each, resulting in the reduction of the strength of the military component by 44% and that of the police component by 30%, the closure of 11 team sites in the first phase and the withdrawal of the military component from another 7 team sites in the second phase, it being understood that the Mission shall retain adequate and mobile quick response capabilities to be able to respond to security challenges as they arise;

b.    the effective implementation of the DDPD, including a comprehensive assessment of its provisions, with the view to ensuring a sustained focus on the outstanding provisions of the Agreement, as well as continued support to the AUHIP efforts towards an all-inclusive political process linked to the national dialogue and a national constitutional reform process;

c.    protection of civilians (PoC), with a lead role for the aforementioned Jebel Marra Task Force, working closely with the humanitarian country team, while in the rest of Darfur, PoC efforts will revolve around livelihood issues and police/rule of law capacities;

d.    inter-communal conflict, with priority given to those conflicts that have the potential to cause the highest number of causalities and derail the national political processes;

13.    Looks forward to the full cooperation of the Government of Sudan with UNAMID, as well as with the AU Commission and the UN Secretariat, to facilitate the effective implementation of the recommendations of the review as approved by Council and the UN Security Council. In this respect, Council underscores the imperative need for the Government of Sudan to ensure sustained cooperation with UNAMID in the discharge of its mandate, including the respect of UNAMID’s freedom of movement, timely issuance of visas and customs clearances. Council notes with satisfaction the progress made in this respect over the past months and underscores the need to reinforce this cooperation during this critical transitional period;

14.    Strongly urges the Government of Sudan, working with UNAMID and the UN Country team, to ensure that it fills the security and humanitarian vacuum that may arise out of the withdrawal of UNAMID, in order to consolidate the progress made on the ground;

15.    Stresses the need for building capacities of the Sudanese defence and security institutions and for the Government of Sudan to initiate the Security Sector Reform (SSR) process based on the national context, in line with the AU Policy Framework on Security Sector Reform endorsed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Governments Assembly/AU/Dec.472(XX), during its 20th Ordinary Session, held in Addis Ababa, in January 2013;

16.    Expresses its deep concern over the widespread proliferation of weapons in the areas of returns of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and urges the Government of Sudan to urgently implement its Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programme, in order to disarm all armed militia, movements and civilians. Furthermore, Council calls on all relevant stakeholder to extend their support, in this regard;

17.    Reiterates its full support to the AUHIP for its efforts to resume negotiations between the Parties on the basis of the Roadmap Agreement including facilitating a cessation of hostilities between the Government of Sudan and the Darfur armed movements. Council encourages that despite the recent flare of hostilities, all parties continue to demonstrate readiness to engage in the quest to find agreement on cessation of hostilities. Council strongly condemns continued refusal by Sudan Liberation Army/Abdul Wahid (SLA/AW) to join the mediation process and, once again, urges this movement to demonstrate the required spirit of responsibility and expresses its intention, should SLA/AW persist in its current attitude, to impose targeted measures against its leadership and to seek the support of the UN Security Council, to this effect;

18.    Encourages the Government of Sudan, with the support of the international community, to work towards finding durable solutions for the IDP’s in Darfur, on the basis of relevant international humanitarian and human rights law instruments, including the Kampala Convention on IDP’s;

19.     Appeals to the international community to provide all the necessary support to the Government of Sudan, including financial support, in its peacebuilding efforts in Darfur, in particular, in socio-economic recovery and development, the setting up the rule of law institutions and the establishment of the institutional and legal framework to address issues of land and management of resources;

20.    Requests Chairperson of the AU Commission and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, working with international partners, to explore the possibility of convening a pledging conference to generate resources to assist the Government of Sudan with critical post-conflict and reconstruction projects that would assist in averting a relapse to conflict in Darfur, before the end of the first year of commencement of the withdrawal of UNAMID;

21.    Strongly condemns all hostile actions and attacks against UNAMID personnel and assets, as well as against humanitarian organizations and their staff, and urges the Government of Sudan to spare no efforts towards arresting and prosecuting all perpetrators of these criminal acts;

22.    Decides to extend, for a further period of 12 months, the mandate of UNAMID as defined in communiqué PSC/PR/Comm.(LXXIX) of its 79th meeting held on 22 June 2007 and in UN Security Council resolution 1769 (2007) of 31 July 2007, in line with the recommendations contained in the Report of the Joint Strategic Review. Council requests the UN Security Council to do the same;

23.    Requests the Commission, in collaboration with the UN and UNAMID, to provide quarterly assessments of the implementation process of the reconfiguration of UNAMID military and police components and the evolution of the situation on the ground, in order to enable Council to provide guidance as necessary;

24.    Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

Joint NGO letter on Renewing the Mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Eritrea (05.06.2017)

Geneva, 5 June 2017

RE: Renewing the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea

Your Excellencies,

We, the undersigned civil society organisations, write to urge your delegation to co-sponsor a resolution renewing the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea at the forthcoming 35th Session of the UN Human Rights Council. In view of the ongoing crimes under international law, including torture, enslavement and enforced disappearances, and violations of fundamental freedoms committed in Eritrea, the Special Rapporteur’s mandate remains an indispensable mechanism to advance the protection and promotion of human rights in Eritrea.

The mandate of the Special Rapporteur was established at the 20th UN Human Rights Council Session in 2012 to monitor the human rights situation in Eritrea. From June 2014-June 2016, the mandate was also represented on the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (CoI). The mandate of the Special Rapporteur was extended in July 2016 to follow-up on the recommendations of the CoI. It has been instrumental in monitoring the dire situation on the ground, highlighting on-going violations and the failure to implement the recommendations of the CoI and in providing a crucial platform to help amplify the voices and concerns of victims.

The findings of the CoI and UN Special Rapporteur reveal that the Eritrean authorities have continued to impose a broad range of unwarranted restrictions on fundamental human rights, precipitating mass migration, including of unaccompanied children. Despite commitments by the State to reduce national service to 18 months, indefinite national service and forced labor persist throughout the country. [1] Persons who attempt to avoid military conscription, take refuge abroad, practice an unsanctioned religion, or who criticise government officials continue to be arrested and imprisoned for lengthy periods. [2]

The absence of an independent judiciary means that victims of these human rights violations have no recourse to justice at home. As a result, in Eritrea impunity persists and those who have been subjected to enforced disappearances remain unaccounted for.

In light of these concerns, we respectfully request your delegation to co-sponsor a resolution during the 35th UN HRC session that renews the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, provides the mandate holder with all necessary support, and urges the Government of Eritrea to cooperate with the mandate holder including allowing unencumbered access to the country.

Sincerely,

Africa Monitors
Amnesty International
ARTICLE 19
Citizens for Democratic Rights in Eritrea
CIVICUS
Connection e.V
DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
Eritrean Diaspora in East Africa
Eritrean Lowland League
Eritrean Law Society
Eritrea Focus
Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights
Eritreans for Human and Democratic Rights – UK
FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights)
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Human Rights Concern – Eritrea
Human Rights Watch
Information Forum For Eritrea
International Fellowship of Reconciliation
International Service for Human Rights
Network of Eritrean Women
PEN Eritrea
People for Peace in Africa
Release Eritrea
Reporters Without Borders
Stop Slavery in Eritrea Campaign
War Resisters International

Security Council Press Statement on Attack against UNAMID Peacekeepers in Darfur (01.06.2017)

The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Sacha Sergio Llorentty Solíz (Bolivia):

The members of the Security Council condemned in the strongest terms the attack on African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) peacekeepers by an unidentified group in a carjacking incident in Nyala, South Darfur State on 31 May 2017. One Nigerian peacekeeper was killed in the attack.

The members of the Security Council expressed their deep sympathy and condolences to the family of the victim, as well as to the people and Government of Nigeria and to UNAMID.

The members of the Security Council called on the Government of Sudan to swiftly conduct a full investigation into the attack and bring the perpetrators to justice. They underlined that attacks targeting peacekeepers may constitute war crimes under international law.

The members of the Security Council reiterated their full support for UNAMID and called on all parties in Darfur to cooperate fully with the mission.

UNAMID calls for restraint amid renewed Darfur clashes (22.05.2017)

EL FASHER – Fighting has been taking place in the past few days between Government of Sudan forces and non-signatory movements in North and East Darfur, with reports of multiple casualties.

UNAMID’s Joint Special Representative, Jeremiah Mamabolo, said that the Mission was deeply concerned about these developments.

“Significant progress has been made on the road towards peace and security in Darfur, and it would be a serious setback to see these gains jeopardized” said Mr. Mamabolo.

“UNAMID calls on all parties involved in this latest round of fighting to show restraint and use the peace process to resolve all outstanding issues. This is the only course of action that can satisfy the interests of the people of Darfur.”

UNAMID wishes to remind all the parties of their unilateral commitment to a ceasefire which was decided in goodwill with a view to advancing the peace process.

UNAMID personnel in the vicinity of the clashes have been put on high alert. The Mission has dispatched verification patrols and is collecting information by other means from areas mentioned in incoming reports

Eritrea must free prize winning journalist, says UN human rights expert (03.05.2017)

Mr. Isaak was arrested in September 2001 during a political crackdown on the so-called G-15, a group of politicians, and journalists critical of Government policies.

GENEVA, Switzerland, May 3, 2017 – The Government of Eritrea must free journalist Dawit Isaak who has been awarded a prestigious press freedom prize some 15 years after he was detained, a United Nations human rights expert says.

The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, Sheila B. Keetharuth, is also calling on the authorities in Asmara to release unconditionally all others detained unlawfully.

“The Eritrean authorities should stop the practice of arrests and detention carried out without legal basis instantly,” said Ms. Keetharuth, welcoming the award of the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize 2017 to Mr. Isaak.

Dawit Isaak, who is 52 and a playwright, journalist and writer, moved to Sweden in 1987, where he later became a citizen. He returned to Eritrea only after independence in 1993 and was one of the founders and reporters of Setit, the first independent newspaper in the country.

Mr. Isaak was arrested in September 2001 during a political crackdown on the so-called G-15, a group of politicians, and journalists critical of Government policies. Some were detained and tortured, others disappeared. The last known sighting of Mr. Isaak was in 2005. His whereabouts now are unknown.

“The case of Mr. Isaak is emblematic of all those who have been subjected to enforced disappearances by the Government of Eritrea and remain unaccounted for,” said Ms. Keetharuth.

The Special Rapporteur recalled the findings of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, which concluded that there were reasonable grounds to believe that Eritrean officials had committed crimes against humanity, including the crime of enforced disappearance, in a persistent, widespread and systematic manner since 1991.

“The Government of Eritrea has an obligation to urgently provide information on the fate and whereabouts of all those deprived of physical liberty. This would be a first and long-overdue indication that the Government is committed to rebuilding trust with the Eritrean people,” Ms. Keetharuth said.

“By allowing independent monitors immediate and unhindered access to all places of detention, official and unofficial, the Government would send a strong signal that it acknowledges human rights violations of the past, while taking steps to improve the situation on the ground now.
“The arrests of Dawit Isaak and his fellow journalists remain the most visible sign of repression of freedom of expression. The Eritrean authorities continue to stifle all forms of expression that could be perceived as critical of the Government and its policies,” she said.

Ms. Keetharuth reaffirmed that freedom of expression was a basic human right, and a free press one of the tenets of a democratic society, providing a valuable check on potential excesses by government.

What do Mobutu and Museveni have in common after thirty years in power? Massive looting of their state reserves!

Museveni: My critics always forget to mention that I was democratically elected, the others were not. Everyone in Uganda can challenge me, everyone can vote, the elections are free. Not many countries have achieved what we did. One third of the seats in parliament are reserved for women, five seats for youth, five for workers, five for the disabled and 10 for the army. How many democracies with such a record do you know?” (Koelbl & Puhl, 2016).

Just as the knowledge of the all the state businesses and properties of President Museveni that he has amassed over the 31 years in power in Uganda. It reminds more and more of the state of affairs under President Mobutu. Mobutu Sese Seko was a dictator that President Museveni was proud to ouster and reinstate President Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). So that President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni knows about Mobutu’s fatal fall, is certainly known.

President Museveni has gotten rid of other dictators before the fall of Mobutu, he even knew or had knowledge of the death of the plane of Juvenal Habyarimana, the plane who got shot down in April 1994, as his fellow comrade General Paul Kagame of Rwandan Patriotic Front was on the way to overthrow the current regime there. Also that the President Museveni together with President Milton Obote overthrew President Idi Amin in the late 1970s. So the current President Museveni has been involved in lots of armed change of power, he is even rumored and not verified if he had knowledge of the death of John Garang of SPLA and the South Sudan.

Still, the man who has used force and taken weapons to change history and his own fate, again and again, also to get puppets in states around. Have certainly thought of the demise of the men he got rid off. So when the stories of the last year of Mobutu sounds like this:

Mobutu’s Wealth:

For 32 years President Mobutu has treated Zaire like a toy and used its rich mineral reserves like his own private bank account. He plundered its mines, insisting their entire annual profits be transferred to personal accounts overseas” (…) ““We had to be close to the regime to do business,” admitted Mohammed Abdul, a Lebanese businessman yesterday as he fortified his shop for an expected pre-Kabila pillage by Zaire’s ruthless and brutal army. The Lebanese are hated by Zaireans who believe they colluded with President Mobutu to plunder the country’s diamonds” (Kinshasa, 1997).

Swiss assets:

The decision by the Swiss Federal Council came a day after judicial and police authorities seized his luxurious villa at Savigny near the lakeside resort of Lausanne. The 30-room mansion is estimated to have a market value of more than $5 million” (…) “After three decades of plundering the mineral wealth of his country, Mobutu is believed to have accumulated an enormous fortune. There have been persistent reports that he has stashed as much as $4 billion in Switzerland, but a government review of the country’s 400 banks last week said that none reported having accounts in his name” (Drozdiak, 1997).

Just as you think the dictator of Democratic Republic of Congo would be different than the current one in Uganda, your terribly wrong and President Museveni tries to keep it hidden, the way he is using the state reserves on himself and build his wealth. Just like President Mobutu was trying to move the money to the Swiss accounts, President Museveni has his own way.

A look into Museveni:

The way the Museveni family is paid royalties, or rent, by escrow accounts for their ownership of the title deeds of the Stanbic Bank business name in Uganda (what was once the Uganda Commercial Bank, Uganda’s largest banking group) is the way it is paid for their ownership of other apparently South African or foreign-owned businesses in Uganda” (…) “These sources say that it is Stanbic Bank that is used to finance businesses like Roofings Ltd, Speke Resort Munyonyo, the J&M Hotel along the Kampala-Entebbe highway, businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba’s hotel and Kampala International University, all of which actually belong to the Museveni family” (The London Evening Post, 2012).

This is just the business side of it, it could be worse by now and they could own more pieces of all the businesses that are bailed out or even getting tax breaks by the government, because who knows the true deeds or royalties going to accounts owned by the royal Ugandan Museveni family. So the next says more about the value of the Museveni family and their estates.

Museveni’s wealth includes ranches in Rwakitura and Kisozi Uganda which accommodates over 2,000 healthy cows which produce thousands of liters of milk daily. The Uganda president makes at least Ush 100 million per month from his farm” (…) “Apart from livestock farming, Museveni has interests in real estate, hotel industry as well as transport industry. He has also invested heavily in the banking industry” (…) “The longest serving president of Uganda is estimated to be worth $ 700 million” (Venasnews, 2016).

So when you see how the Museveni family has become as wealth and rich as President Mobutu did. Mobutu had after his 30 years of dictatorship stashed away US$ 4 Billion into Swiss Bank Accounts, what is more uncertain is the total value of the 30 years President Museveni rule in Uganda. What is right now and known is the businesses that the President is involved in or having ownership in. Secondly is the knowledge of estates, as well as ranches in Uganda with livestock that the President owns. Therefore, the extended wealth of secret bank accounts and not revealed businesses could show the true value of the Museveni family.

With the knowledge of this and the sudden departure that President Museveni together with President Kagame, as they forced the dictator away in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). I don’t think there will be an intervention on President Museveni from one of the neighbors. Still, the world can see the dictator protocol is kept by Museveni as he himself have crafted ways of emptying the state coffers. Therefore, that the riches, the estates and the value of Museveni have risen over the three decades in power isn’t strange. What is more worrying is how he has been able to keep is wealth and ownership.

That President Museveni wishes to look like a hardworking rancher and that he works for his fortune. The yields are coming from hard-work and dedication. At the same time the ownership in banking industry and in other parts of the economy shows how much control the family and the President does have. The private industries and companies are run or ordered directly from the State House.

So that President Museveni said this in 1997 as he overthrew Mobutu is now insane:

Mr. Museveni’s ideology is simple. For too long, he says, African politicians have hoodwinked the common people, manipulating tribal sentiments to stay in power and steal millions of dollars in foreign aid and taxes. A former Marxist, he sees the true struggle on the continent as one between corrupt leaders and the dirt-poor people they exploit” (McKinley Jr., 1997).

So he said for to long African Politician played the commoners, using the sentiments of tribe on their populations and using this tools to stay in power, while doing so taking an emptying the state reserves and donor funding to themselves. Therefore, 20 years since he stood for this and said these words, he has now done the same.

President Museveni of today would assassinate himself or overthrow himself… since he is now the Mobutu of Uganda, he has the character of the men he overthrew in past. He should be worried, because the ghosts of the past and the reckless leadership will follow him and that is why he trust the guns more than people. Since his own insincere political game might catch up with him.

On some levels now, there aren’t much difference between President Mobutu and President Museveni. Peace.

Reference:

Drozdiak, William – ‘Swiss Freeze Mobutu’s Assets; Reports Put Worth at $4 Billion’ (18.05.1997) link: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/africa/zaire/swiss.htm

McKinley Jr., James – ‘Uganda Leader Stands Tall in New African Order’ (15.06.1997) link:http://www.nytimes.com/1997/06/15/world/uganda-leader-stands-tall-in-new-african-order.html

Kinshasa, Mary Braid – ‘Mobutu takes the money and runs to a safe haven’ (16.05.1997) link: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/mobutu-takes-the-money-and-runs-to-a-safe-haven-1261945.html

Koelbl, Susanne & Puhl, Jan – ‘’This Is Our Continent, Not Yours’ (10.06.2016) link: http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/interview-with-ugandan-president-yoweri-museveni-a-1096932.html

The London Evening Post – ‘Revealed: How the Museveni family owns Uganda’ (03.01.2012) link: http://www.thelondoneveningpost.com/comments/revealed-how-the-museveni-family-owns-uganda/2/

Venasnews – ‘Yoweri Museveni Salary and Wealth’ (27.06.2016) link: https://venasnews.com/yoweri-museveni-salary-and-wealth/