The National Resistance Movement Primary Elections in Sembabule district and in Mawogola North County especially. Where there was a need to postpone the election twice and having the polls finally on the 30th September 2020. The first primaries was slated for 4th September and was moved to 28th September, but happened on the 30th September 2020. The first polls was stopped because of election violence between the two main parties in the polls. These are people related to high ranking officials and therefore, the results are even more important.
This is all because of the ones involved. On the days of the polls on the 30th September, there was 2,000 soldiers in the district to ensure peaceful elections. That says a lot and what is at stake. This was one seat in question and the army had to go in like they we’re defeating a militia.
The Primaries here was the highest stakes. This is why it was so extra contested. The battle of Museveni versus Kuteesa. A race that was reminding people of when Yoweri lost to Sam to in 1980 and took him to court, where he lost the petition as well.
Times has changed since then. Sam Kuteesa is still a Minister and a powerful individual. Who are connected deeply in the State House. However, he is still not the President.
While the President had his brother going to the polls here. That being Godfrey Aine Kaguta aka Sodo. Sam had his daughter Shartsi Kuteesa Musherure.
Just to put the family structure into a grander scale. The other son of Museveni, Muhoozi Kainerugaba have married the twin of Shartsi Kuteesa Musherure, that being Charlotte Kuteesa. While Sodo is a half-brother of Museveni and is therefore a Uncle to Muhoozi. That was all done to put things into perspective. Also, Sam Kuteesa himself is a “father-in-law” as his late wife Jennifer Kuteesa was a cousin to Janet Museveni, the wife of the President Yoweri. Therefore, the whole clan was internally battling out in this Primary.
Which meant that the big-men, the ones at the highest table was sending their closest family members to challenge each other. That would be a battle of pride and honour. Especially for Kaguta who has already lost once to Kuteesa. He didn’t want that to be repeated.
So, yesterday, Sodo fixed the bill and won the race. Even as Shartsi and her team won’t concede the loss. They are taking the polls to the courts and having the election contested there. That is repeating history, but the other way around. Now, Sodo has the one in office on his side, just like Sam had in the 1980s. Therefore, I doubt that this petition will bare any grounds or change the Primaries.
Sodo has this, but whoever he challenges in the General Election that matters. There might even be an independent he has challenged before. Which will try their luck again. Sodo is lucky to be a half-brother of the President. If he wasn’t there would be very much in the hands of Shartsi, as she has not only the support of her father, but would have Muhoozi as well.
This is the sort of family affairs turned politics. As they all wants part of the stakes. Secure the next generation and ensure their legacy. That is what this was all about. Kuteesa wanted his own to excel too. The Son of Kaguta wanted that for his own well. We saw how that went.
We can always question if these numbers are accurate and the results are a honest representation. As there well known rigging and that wouldn’t shock anyone here. Tanga Odoi wouldn’t offend the Don and mock the half-brother of the President. That he cannot afford.
These elections was bound to be this way. Neither way, they would be contested and would be messy. As there is not only the next generation ambition, but old scores to fought. Secondly, the one in power wants his folk first. At this junction that happened to be Sodo, even as Shartsi could easily been one too. As the extended family is all in the near proximity of the First Family. It isn’t far from Janet, neither far from Muhoozi, which means Yoweri know them all. Peace.
It feels deliberate, that Eduardo Kukan dropped a statement on the 8th March 2018 as the General Election in Uganda was in February 2016. That is two years after, this is the Follow-Up Mission to the Electoral Observation Mission, that is long finished and didn’t deliver anything of significance. The whole thing ended up being a charade and mockery of the principals the EU is supposed to stand for. The rigging, the spending and buying votes, the inside deals and pre-ticked ballots should all say that the re-election to a fifth official term and unofficially 7th shouldn’t be legitimized by any entity. This is the same fellas that left Kololo, because the President’s stance on the ICC. Like they didn’t know?
So, we are in March 2018 and its two years and a month since the entered the port and all of the containers are left, all produce is eaten, all parts of the products is sold, stolen or gone. Therefore, there is very little to regard about the process. Very little the EU can do, because they are beholden to the man they validated. They validated the Supreme Court ruling, they validated the Mbabazi petition, they accepted the stolen votes from Besigye and the obvious lies of the Kiggundu Electoral Commission in favor of Museveni.
The EU should have pushed for the reforms in 1995-1996 if they we’re serious. While the President still looked like he cared a little bit and was a donor-friendly guy, now he despise anyone questioning him and his authority. He is always right, and the rest of you is wrong or can be bought. That is President Museveni now. They could have had a short in 2000-2001, even 2005-2006. Even as the term-limits was deposed at the time. When the true reality was that Museveni had no place of really retiring and spend time with his cows. The EU could have pushed for reforms in 2010-2011, even as the Walk to Work demonstrations (W2W) and the Activists 4 Change (A4C) who both challenged the Presidency. Clearly, the EU could have done more as an outside entity, if they cared about the Electoral Reforms.
So now, that the last election went through, the syncopates, the technocrats and cronies of Museveni is elected, appointed as advisors and whatnot. The EU is asking and begging for changes, since suddenly now is the time. Like Museveni would care about the plight of the Follow-Up Mission in 2018, when he just gotten his carrot in December 2017, the Life Presidency. Did the EU miss that charade? Did they sleep in Brussels and eating Belgian waffles? That is how it seems to me.
That the President that has centralized most of the power around him and his State House would now care about the EU, is to say bluntly naive. That the EU comes with recommendations now will not be listened too. Unless, they are dropping bunch of external funds and juicing the rabbit a little bit. Because Museveni is eating, his cronies is too and there is nothing you can tell him.
So when the EU stated this on the 8th of March 2018, its not hard to understand, why it is like this: “ The EU EFM has been heartened to find that the recommendations of the EU EOM have been disseminated across several institutions of State and that many interlocutors were familiar with the content of the recommendations. While there has been virtually no progress on implementation of the recommendations to date, awareness of proposals, and the grounds thereof, is a crucial first step in the achievement of the recommendations. Similarly, there is widespread awareness of the directives of the Supreme Court” (Eduardo Kukan – ‘EU Election Follow-up Mission to Uganda urges Authorities to take positive steps to improve electoral process’ 08.03.2018).
Like did you think the man, that has been running since a coup in 1986 would give in and change to a more democratic structure, the one who house-arrest his biggest threat without any jurisdiction or right by laws? Do you think the man who has all the state coffers, has all the bidders at his feet, will finally give way to your advice? Do you think the man who has used the guns to silence opposition and does it will kind of acronyms too.
I hate to say it to you Kukan, but your late to the party. The party-goers have left, they have their whiskey, their Waragin, their vodka and their Nile Brew, but are not interested in your anecdotes. They would have mattered some time ago, when the fire was burning, when Usher and Radio & Weasel was banging on the stereo. But now, the party has died down, the only left is the straws and the memories of the late night charade.
Kukan, you should have acted swiftly, you should have cared about the implications, but your entity and others validated Museveni. Just like you have done in the past. You let him of the hook and this here, will be a stain, but not something that covers the obvious. The theft of February 2016. That you accepted and did for selfish reasons beyond me.
You could have, you should have, but you never did. Peace.
Sometimes, you wonder if all the payments from the big-man has deluded someones mind and vision. Like he has to call hardliners in the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) extremists, because supporters of FDC are vicious people in his eyes. That is because they don’t pay him to spread their vision. The more Andrew Mwenda speak, the more he sounds like the brethren of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Today is no different. He speaks of the beautiful rain-man style voodoo of the National Resistance Movement (NRM). Take a look!
“Lessons for Besigye from Kyadondo East
So yesterday the state deployed its full military might on display like it has never done before. The aim? To win in Kyadondo East. In spite of the deployment (and perhaps because of it) the NRM candidate lost. Bobi Wine won. First lesson: no amount of rigging can stop people power. Second lesson: Kizza Besigye and his hooligans have no people power. Third lesson: FDC extremists claiming anyone stole their votes are deluded. Advice to FDC extremists: Go to the people and get their support first. Stop lying to yourselves that someone steals your votes” (Andrew Mwenda, 30.06.2017).
I don’t know if Mwenda was considering that if it was the same with Presidential Elections compared to the a smaller By-Election. He should think of it differently. There was play of Police Officers and Military Police in the Kyadondo East polls. But they we’re not as significant as during the General Election of 2016. When the whole militarized politics and the police interference in politics was into another level. Yesterday, the only thing IGP Kale Kayihura did was smiling and not calling all his brigades, neither all of the RDC or DPC to act upon the promise to cherish the Presidents vision.
That is what happens, all of the state are in the works during a Presidential Election, where the State are already using all their methods and all organizations to take control. They use even fighter planes to fly over Kampala to spread the fear and stop people from demonstrating. They used all sorts of policing to barricade and stop party works of the FDC. They imprisoned major parts of the FDC leadership, activists all over the country and there wasn’t any sort of momentum to gain. The public couldn’t be engaged when they are fighting court-battles and not have the time to significantly move them.
It wasn’t like in February 2016 the team around Dr. Kizza Besigye and Gen. Mugisha Muntu was chilling it on Lake Victoria on the beach with a Nile Brew. Certainly, the state was using all tactics to stop the movement and possible demonstrations, they we’re even more eager to arrest, detain and silence the opposition FDC and others. They were more vigilant. Not like in Kyadondo East where 10 people we’re arrest at Kasangati, if it was in and around February, there were dozens of people arrested, the we’re people shot and killed during demonstrations. The police was using tear-gas and ensuring massive amounts of fear. Not like yesterday, they we’re really just barricading and driving around compared to the Presidential Election.
That the people’s power in the General Election would means that the engagement of the Bobi Wine style in whole of Uganda. The difference is that the NRM regime wouldn’t allow that. If the locals in every village and every town, than Mwenda’s people would have reacted and called in uncivilized, not called it people’s power. They would claim that people had lost their marbles and should trust in the NRM. Because people like Mwenda praises and lives of the NRM. Mwenda doesn’t want the public to take control of the National Talley Centre where the Electoral Commission together with their officers we’re rigging the election. That one was close guarded and would need an army to stop it.
That the Opposition party officials and the ones with the copies of the Declaration Forms, they we’re hold at gun-point, their houses raided and the offices cleared as well. This was not how they did it at the By-Election. They acted more peaceful for a simple reason. The NRM didn’t need this one… If they needed it they would acted like they did during the General Election of 2016. The NRM already owns the Parliament, owns the State and controls the Security Organization. This is just formalities at this point, the Parliament are a majority of NRM MPs. These are all men and woman loyal to the crony system of the President.
There is a vast difference and if Mwenda’s vision would be real, as the ones around Kasangati Resort, he would like the people to rise-up, walk together towards Okello House and throw the President in Lake Victoria, leave his Presidential Lodges and Farms burning across the land. See citizens on every corner throw stones at the Police Officers. Act up on the Military and Soldiers, stop paying VAT and really not act as a citizens. Stop the whole system, revolt and act with true resistance and defiance against the NRM regime. Be worse than Walk to Work, be more vigilant than the Action 4 Change and get all sorts of demonstrations against the system.
If this happen, he would call of them extremist, but that is what the Kyadondo really did. They closed off and stopped the rigging inside the Kasangati Resort. If this would have stopped during the election, the Police had be taken hostage by the public, the Talley Center’s had been taken by the public and the Electoral Officials would been followed by the public every moment. Not had the capacity to rig the numbers and give the polling stations different numbers. They would have made issues in every town, every village and in every parish. The Police would have to act upon it and the military too. There wouldn’t be breathing place and a place of ordinary peace.
I want to wish you good luck Mr. Mwenda, if the FDC are radicals or extremists, than his wish of Kyadondo East election, means that he wishes true defiance, true resistance and expression towards the Electoral Commission in unprecedented levels. Such that the NRM never seen and we can only hope happens. But Mwenda seems to forget the legacy of how the Police and military attacks the FDC in the hour of dire need and how the leadership are taken behind bars in and around the polls. But hey, Mwenda has forgotten how it is to be a voice against the NRM, when your could suddenly be silenced and be taken behind bars. For any sort of speech and acts against the regime. This he shouldn’t forget, but the paychecks from them, let is dementia hit early. Peace.
You would think on a day like this as the final rallies in Kyadondo East, which is part of Wakiso District, that the National Resistance Movement and the Police Force would bring peace. But they didn’t, they created chaos and moved independent candidates, as well as detaining them for interfering in their campaign rallies. This is the proof of vicious ruling regime and how the basic freedoms are limited for others, than the NRM elite and the President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, rallying for his candidate in the district. But it seems strange that he cares, since with all due respect. He didn’t care about their votes in the General Election of 2016, as these areas have been a stronghold for opposition party Forum for Democratic Change and because Dr. Kizza Besigye reside in Kasangati, which is a vital part of Kyadondo East.
“In Kampala and its adjacent districts, the Group observed voting delayed by as much as two to four hours and subsequently observed polling locations where voting was delayed by as much as six to nine hours. Anecdotally, in Kampala, there were several polling stations located within minutes of the premises of the Electoral Commission that did not receive voting materials on time” (…) “The voting hours were subsequently extended in Kampala. However, it appeared that this information was not extensively communicated, as voters and polling officials appeared confused and uncertain of the process. The EC announced that polling would continue in a number of constituencies in Wakiso and Kampala districts the following day. Turnout, however, was low on the second day – which was a working day – and it is possible that many potential voters decided not to attempt to vote, after having waited for many hours the previous day”(Commonwealth, P: 13-14, 2016).
“Furthermore, eight teams across the country reported that polling stations could not open before 10 AM. A number of polling stations, notably in Kampala and Wakiso, had not opened within six hours. Significant delays and a lack of effective communication by the EC fuelled frustration and tensions among voters, with EU EOM observers and media reporting about large crowds protesting against being deprived of their right to cast the ballot. In at least four cases, the police used teargas to disperse voters at polling stations. Only shortly before the official closing of the polling stations at 4 PM did the EC chairman announce the three-hour extension of voting in Kampala and Wakiso district. This was poorly communicated to the polling staff in affected areas, and EU EOM observers reported polling stations being closed at first and only after some hesitation did the polling staff improvise and try to re-open voting sites” (EU, P: 29-30, 2016).
“The EC failed to communicate and declare final results of presidential and parliamentary elections in a comprehensive, timely and transparent manner. The announcements of the presidential election’s preliminary results started while voting was still ongoing in parts of Kampala and Wakiso. The final results were declared within the legally binding 48-hour deadline, but they did not contain data from seven per cent of all polling stations, and therefore excluded some 675,000 votes cast. The EC delayed the publication of the final results broken down by polling station till 25 February and uploaded them on its website in a manner that did not allow for easy access or use. The EC also did not publish the scanned copies of the DRFs online although they were readily available in electronic format, thus further reducing voters’ access to information of public interest and in contravention of the principles outlined in the ICCPR” (EU, P: 3-4, 2016).
“The 2016 Elections witnessed a number of violations of the right to vote, most notably due to late delivery of materials in Kampala and Wakiso districts, described by the Supreme Court as evidence of incompetence and gross inefficiency by the electoral management body. A number of potential voters we’re disenfranchised during the voting exercise, in particular persons who turned 18 between May 2015 and February 2016, detainees, including some pre-trial dententions and Ugandans in the diaspora” (FHRI, P: 25, 2016)
So both, the Commonwealth report, FHRI report and the European Union Observer Group saw the same vast indifference for the votes and voter turnout in Wakiso, the same was seen in capital, but that isn’t where the By-Election is happening now. This proves the lack of care and common sense as President Museveni drives Tuk-Tuk and talk of importance of electing people who serves him. He might say he wants to be challenged in Parliament, but everyone knows that is a lie. Therefore, he detained Bobi Wine earlier in the day and moved him to Gyaza town, so his presence could be in Kasangati and at Szasa Grounds. Not like he could be more ruthless, but surely he would rig these election like he did in 2016. Nothing new there, if the turnout would be meager and lack-lusting that would hurt the old-man. Since he cannot show 90-100% turnout, when there would be no lines of people showing up. Harder to rig just a bunch of paper compared to buck-load, which can be pre-ticket into ballot boxes and look legit. That is how they do, especially under President Museveni. The man who made himself a revolutionary by claiming UPC rigging in 1980s. Such a class-act the President, becoming worse than the ones he toppled! Peace.
Commonwealth – ‘Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group Uganda General Elections – 18 February 2016’ (18.02.2016)
COMESA – ‘COMESA ELECTION OBSERVER MISSION TO THE 18 FEBRUARY 2016 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA’
EU – ‘Final Report – Uganda Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Council Elections 18 February 2016’ (April 2016)
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI) – ‘COMESA ELECTION OBSERVER MISSION TO THE 18 FEBRUARY 2016 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA’ (June 2016)
I don’t know if I should laugh or cry, but what sort of discussion should be from people who gave us IKEA, Volvo and tiny meatballs. We know that the Swedish needs to prove their worth in the world on other venues, than the Eurovision and hair-styles of Zlatan Ibrahamovic. Still, the recent of willingly sending Pro Bono people to mediate between the long serving, self reliance and thief in chief, the National Resistance Movement wizard, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the Opposition leader, creator of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Dr. Kizza Besigye are supposed to talk between cups of tea and biscuits provided with Swedish hospitality.
“The Swedish Government has confirmed that it has been approached and, has accepted, to mediate planned talks between President Museveni and former presidential candidate, Dr Kizza Besigye” (…) “The government of Sweden is involved in supporting and promoting dialogue in many parts of the world, as part of its policy of conflict prevention and support to peace processes. Sweden has been asked to facilitate a possible dialogue in Uganda,” Swedish Foreign ministry spokeswoman Katarina Byrenius Roslund, noted in reply to email inquiries from this newspaper. The “discussions are still at an early stage”, she noted, adding: “When there is concrete progress to communicate, we will do so” (…) “Ms Annika Söder, the Swedish state secretary, has been agreed on by the principals as the mediator for the expected talks. She flew into the country last week and held separate back-to-back meetings with the President and Dr Besigye on Thursday and Friday, respectively, in what knowledgeable sources described as “exploratory” (Butagira, 2017).
First and foremost, can the Swedes explain the content of tear-gas into public meetings, police blocking, detaining of FDC Youths, falsified charges against the FDC leadership, the Public Order Management Bill who is created to stop meeting of anyone else, than the loyal men of Museveni. How can there be talks between the parties?
Secondly, when every travel and meeting of FDC and Besigye is met with heavy police force, blocking of main roads and tear-gas when they congregate. What is there to discuss? What perimeter of Kasangati he is allowed to leave before it is an issue? What sort of ideas do the Swedes have in mind, except selling Volvo and SAAB to Uganda, instead of Isuzu and Toyota!
Seriously, that the Government of Sweden must either be blind or ill-minded if they think this will give way. If they know the history of Nairobi Talks of 1980s. When the National Resistance Army and the other parties gathered to iron out the differences. Than that was used to forge more way for the NRA agenda and silence the others with guns and ammo. Not generate peace without knowledge of Museveni landing on top. So this is in his blood and the blood that is shed for him to gain all power.
Global IDP Database wrote this about his negotiations:
“In July 1985, conflict between some Langi and Acholi soldiers led to the overthrow of the Obote regime. The coup, which brought General Tito Okello to power, shattered the military alliance between the Acholi and Langi and escalated ethnic violence. The Okello regime invited all fighting groups and political parties to join the military government. Every armed group and political party, with the exception of the NRA, joined the administration. The NRA, however, engaged the regime in protracted peace negotiations held in Nairobi. In December 1985, the Nairobi Agreement was signed under the chairmanship of President Moi of Kenya. However, the Agreement was never implemented and Museveni seized power on the 25th January 1986” (Global IDP Database, P: 18, 2004).
So will the Swedish buy into the mantra that everything can be reassembled and rebuilt? Since they want to forge a relationship between Besigye and Museveni. Museveni, who rather take up guns and get rid of opposition and vowed last year to destroy the opposition. Well, I am sure the Swedish we’re busy finding ways to export designer materials, than following the post-election dogma of Museveni. Since a man who only believes “he is the only man with a vision”. That is the man who is supposed to co-operate and negotiate with an advisory! Really?
A man who doesn’t want to talk about succession and doesn’t want to speak about his lingering in charge. A man who has run a country and nation since 1986, has nothing more to win or to gain by playing soft. If he does so and the Swedish is dumb enough to buy into the fake wood and think they get mahogany, than they will offer donor-funding and possible other prices for the so-called negotiations between the NRM and FDC. Even as the FDC Headquarter we’re a year ago a crime scene and many members and leaders we’re detained on manufactured charges.
There shouldn’t be these sort of talks at this point, if so, than the Swedish are legitimizing the thieving of Museveni and his NRM elite. Does the Swedish government want that on their plate? Is that the Swedish people’s prideful mission to support and trust in a corrupt and militarized government, while they at the same time is using Besigye as pawn?
The Swedish government, if they care should back-off, go home to Stockholm. Cut their aid and stop the talks. As they will only give more way to dictator and his clientele at the Okello House. There aren’t anything else to give.
Did the Swedish government do any research and care about the track-record of the Museveni regime? Have they seen how many mysterious deaths and men who has worked close who has either had to flee or been detained by his regime? Have the Swedish considered their implications in establishing legitimacy of the current leadership? Who doesn’t care if they bankrupt their country? While they are driving expensive cars on the State coffers?
Does the Swedish government need this win or this talks to gain international recognition, and not only sell IKEA furniture? Time to take the dozens pieces and assemble that the chairs in Umeå, and step away from Kampala.
Or do the Swedish government and their team no problem with losing their credibility for helping a fellow dictator? Peace.
Butagira, Tabu – ‘Sweden to mediate Museveni, Besigye talks’ (29.03.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Sweden-to-mediate-Museveni–Besigye-talks/688334-3868674-b3fqil/index.html
Global IDP Database – ‘PROFILE OF INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT : UGANDA’ (17.06.2004)
Dr. Kizza Besigye and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) do not need to have dialogue or negotiation with the National Resistance Movement (NRM) or the President himself. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni needs more the dialogue than the FDC and their party needs it. It is the NRM government and NRM regime who needs legitimacy and needs funds. That is proven with Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG) who proves with the 16 trillion shillings funds the for the 2017/2018 budget of the 30 trillion shillings needed. With this in mind there is certainly that the NRM needs more international support to fix missing funds.
That Museveni would need Besigye now a year after the General Election of 2016 shows how dire the situation is, the added debt and the troubling waters on the giant infrastructure projects, as much as the missing funds for the salaries or the other financial expenses that are occurring for the government. So the proof of issues is growing as the direct budget support has dwindled down as well as the elite and the cronies still expect to be fed by the regime.
Besigye has still a forged treason case, as much as Rwenzururu king Charles Wesley Mumbere has as well. The FDC headquarters was attacked and a crime-scene as the FDC Youth and FDC P10 was attacked as the defiance campaign was even banned by the Deputy Court Justice Stephen Kavuma. As well, the Police Force under IGP Kale Kayihura monitored and followed the leadership of FDC like they we’re criminal. There were many detained and house-arrested, there was more people hurt and hospitalized by state security organization. Also, the many inflicted and detained without warrants or court order shows the impunity of the state towards the FDC.
So after this impunity, after the illegal house-arrest of Besigye and the others who has been taken into prison without any justice served, why should the FDC try to sell their soul to the Movement? That is waste of time and waste of energy, it would be like the men who traded their political lives in Nairobi talks: “The NRA and the government signed a peace and power sharing agreement in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital Dec. 17 that called for an immediate cease-fire, the freezing of all troop movements and a half share of the ruling Military Council for the NRA” (…) “The provisions of the accord were largely ignored and both sides used the lull in the fighting to reposition and resupply their forces. The guerrillas claimed the military committed widespread human rights abuses after the accord was signed” (Charles Mitchell – ‘The National Resistance Army of rebel leader Yoweri Museveni…’ 26.01.1986 link: http://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/01/26/The-National-Resistance-Army-of-rebel-leader-Yoweri-Museveni/5549507099600/ ). So the agreement done by NRA in December 1985 wasn’t a big deal, so that Museveni could do a final sting and coup to gain power, which he has never left.
A negotiation with Museveni would only enforce his rule and his longevity in power nothing else. Besigye would not be offered anything substantial; his part in the matter would end in little or nothing. FDC would get the stick, but not get the price. Just like they wouldn’t feel a difference between now and then since the price of going into partnership would benefit Museveni. The Movement would get beneficiary funding and regard internationally since FDC has a higher standing abroad than Museveni.
Museveni is well-known now because of his 7 terms and his position of executive since 1986. The reality of this that a negotiation or dialogue with Museveni at this stage is redundant, unless the President all of sudden turns his own self sideways. That he would go back on all his empty promises and all of his glory. Certainly Museveni could do so, but he knows that he has too many people on his consciences to leave it all behind. The President has eaten too much of the state coffers and cannot leave the bank-accounts behind. The family is too connected and has all the leverage in the state. The movement is built around him and if he fails than the party does as well.
The Movement and Museveni would not co-sign their powers or the authority, not after the rigging and the massive misuse of the state funds, therefore the lacking funds for the current budget. Museveni knows that his loyal friends abroad will not give in to his ways anymore, therefore hoping to play other cards. Use his political brain to suck other donors in. That while waiting for more oil-monies and also trade of other with making the UPDF to mercenary army in Equatorial Guinea or South Sudan if needed. This is because they need to get fresh funding for the State House, which hasn’t paid their payment-arrears to the owners of the Okello House!
So Besigye doesn’t need Museveni at this point, he needs his party and the loyalty of his supporters. That is more than Museveni has who needs to pay for loyalty and to secure funding for the movement itself. Therefore the jobs and funds to come steady, there is always more mouths to feed and more people to silence with brown envelopes. So Museveni needs foreign support and foreign aid as the Uganda Revenue Authority has just enough regulations and taxes to bring in funds that scrape the surface, but not fill the state coffers.
So again I say and I stand by it, Museveni is the only one earning political capital on negotiations and dialogue, nothing is really to be earned by the FDC or Besigye. So with this in mind, Museveni will only gain and Besigye will only lose on it. If you know you would lose, why give way to somebody who comes to take it all and deplete it all? Peace.
It’s not easy to give words of advice to the men and woman who are in the line of fire. But we cannot let the Movement and their spin-control run the mill. They are stealing and thieving with massive speed and impunity. They are trying to avoid the weakness of the economy, trying to find new ways of revamping the economy without too much state debt and without loving donor direct aid. They still have the military and equipment served from loyal allies in the United States, if that will happen under Trump and it has happen under Bush/Obama is not easy to know; certainly U.S. will still let other brigades do the dirt they don’t want to do themselves.
The ones who toll with the problems are Dr. Kizza Besigye and his Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), they work for a peaceful transition in Uganda from the militarized politics of the President Museveni’s Movement. So with this in mind, after a year of issues, a year of tribulations, arrests, detained and charges of treason against the government; the political change is still in the wind. Besigye had deserved a better start and a fresher place as he is still monitored and still has Police following all movement done by the man. The same with his party who cannot hold meetings and public consultations without police taking stereo equipment, arrests or intimidation of citizens who shows up or just happen to be around.
Besigye had started the Campaign of Defiance under the Election Road Map for the General Election of 2016. So in 2015 it was started and has been put under fire from the Resistance Movement, an ironic problem for a draconian and tyrant regime who cannot really be democratic as they tries to silence or get rid of the worst opponents. Besigye is only kept because of known place and international scrutiny of they try to attack him too much.
First Step – Defy with actions:
Besigye should continue and with more force, use more than just words and get the FDC to actually take a stronger stand against the ones that supports the regime. The Mafia regime or junta government, which he has described the Movement so many times. If FDC wants to be fair and wants to defy the Movement, they should suspend themselves first from Parliament. It is risky, but would be a grandeur position to take away the Shadow Government and the legitimacy of the current government.
Second Step – Defy with dialogue with other opposition:
Secondly the FDC should be in talks with Democratic Party and other smaller parties that are not involved directly in the Movement regime, as they can try to weaken and strengthen the other voices. As Besigye have already done with his friendship with Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago and Gen. David Sejusa. FDC needs to be connected with people of stature like Norbert Mao and others, who are real opposition to Museveni. Not talk to Jimmy Akena or others who just uses their parties as fronts of beacon of democracy, instead of actually challenging the Movement.
Third Step – Defy the Courts like IGP Kayihura:
Just as IGP Kale Kayihura defied his own court-orders, the same should Besigye himself start to do in 2017, to show that he doesn’t respect the unlawful character of the regime; as the peaceful acts of showing up for treason charge that continue running into oblivion. Time to just say it is a kangaroo court and is only doing it to silence his voice. Therefore not showing up and instead continue to travel around the country to meet and greet party officials and locals to prove the value of building institution over being a sole candidate in Museveni and the NRM.
Times is a wasting, it’s hard to do stuff when you’re behind bars or at court, it’s hard to always move when the Police Force and other Security Organizations follow your every step.
Fourth Step – Hurt the pocket of the Government:
Certainly the Defiance needs to be hurting the regime. Try to stop the foreign exchange rates, the taxation and the revenue of the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), even the business that is inter-connected with the Movement. As much as it should stop the state owned businesses that is being used by the Movement. Museveni would hate that he couldn’t misuse the profits of needed businesses, the ones that are owned by investors who are supplying him funds to pay Special Force Command and other militarized outfits that keeps him as the Executive.
If the Besigye and his folks stood behind and hurt the pocket and legitimacy, not in words only, but also actions that could move the regime and also create a vacuum that Museveni and his movement couldn’t control. The ripple effect and the true hurt would be shown. Especially with the knowledge, that the Election already hurt the economy with massive effect. So if they continue pounding on it took out the cash out of the Museveni owned banks and stopped profits to companies that the Museveni clan partly own. Than the Movement and family would feel the pinch.
Defying the state institutions and the government procedures, stop respecting the Police and Courts, stop listening to the draconian laws and also stop the funding of taxes and funds to directly keep the Movement alive. Something that would really hurt Museveni and his elite; this would really make it hard for the Movement to continue to use Police Force and use the state to gain wealth.
Besigye can continue to talk peaceful transition and I respect that. This sort of acts is not easy. They are hard and costly. Many will be arrested, many more detained, more torture and more innocent dying, but there been so much over 30 years that the defiance campaign has to take it to the next level. Show disrespect, let the government lose its value and show the world that the ones behind Besigye don’t see Museveni as their President. Museveni is just a citizen, not an Executive, as he wasn’t really elected to be so; he coup d’état again when he got sworn-in on the 12th May of 2016.
Time for acts, not talk, time for really defying the government and use the power of the people. Time to use the popularity and risk being harassed, as if you don’t than the Police will continue as they do; business as usual and also target the FDC as much as possible without it costing much for the illegitimate government it is. The illegal detained and the illegal arrests cannot be sustained, as much as the house arrests and unlawful behaviour of the Police towards the FDC is unbearable. This is not militant; it is fighting for a just cause. The real freedom and liberty, not to talk about a real legitimate government who represent the citizens of Uganda! Not a government representing Museveni and only his vision. Peace.
There been written a lot about the General Elections in Uganda of 2016, myself is guilty for doing so and with that in mind. I have read through the newly released Report of the European Union Election Observers Mission of 2016. That is worthy of taking what I see fit to broadcast and what the Europeans who went quick, took a safari and also spent some time at the Polling Stations. Here is what they said about the elections!
An important factor in what the EU thinks about the General Elections of 2016:
“Vital electoral reforms did not take place prior to the 2016 elections. Proposed amendments to the electoral legislation, compiled under the ‘Uganda Citizens Compact’, aimed at enabling the conduct of democratic elections, including to increase transparency in the appointment of the EC’s members, to restore presidential term limits and to improve parties’ financial accountability, were disregarded by the executive. Consequently, the legal framework contains gaps and ambiguities and therefore, in several instances, falls short of international principles for holding genuine democratic elections” (EU EOM, 2016).
Election Verification of Voters:
“The newly introduced voter registration system improved inclusiveness and accuracy of the voter register (VR). The final VR contained 15.277 million voters. However, establishing the cut-off date of 11 May 2015 for inclusion in the voter register disenfranchised approximately half million potential voters who turned 18 after this date” (EU EOM, 2016).
Lack of Transparency:
“While legislation contains provisions on reporting and disclosure of political finance, these are neither followed by parties and candidates, nor enforced by the EC. This lack of transparency weakens the credibility of the elections” (EU EOM, 2016).
Maladministration of the vote:
“Voters showed remarkable determination on election day, waiting long hours to cast their ballots. The markedly late arrival of electoral material in certain areas marred an otherwise calm election day. The EC failed to address growing tensions among people deferred from voting. Instead, an imposing presence of police in the vicinity of polling stations was observed. Further shortcomings, such as unsealed ballot boxes in 20 per cent and compromised secrecy of vote in 11 per cent of polling stations visited, were observed by the EU EOM. Positively, party agents and domestic observers were mostly present in polling stations visited by the EU EOM” (EU EOM, 2016).
Talley Centre mishaps:
“In 85 per cent of the District Tally Centres (DTCs) observed, the printed sub-county results, broken down to polling station level, were not handed out or publicised. The Electronic Result and Transmission System, used to transmit the collated results from districts to the EC, did not contain key anti-fraud measures. In several districts, the electronic transfer did not take place; the results were brought to the EC by the district returning officer in person. The final tallying for these districts could not be observed, further undermining the integrity of the process” (EU EOM, 2016).
The Badru Kiggundu’s soul:
“The chairperson of the Commission expressed regret that he had nominated an opposition presidential candidate; made public remarks on a candidate’s family member, and on another occasion described him as not “exactly being a fountain of honour” (EU EOM, 2016).
Police intervene in the Election:
“On a number of occasions, opposition candidates, particularly from the FDC and TDA/Go Forward, were denied access to campaign venues, restricting their ability to campaign freely. The EU EOM received reports and observed extensive use of force by police, including teargas and assault rifles, to disperse crowds during Kizza Besigye’s and Amama Mbabazi’s rallies in Bukwo, Kasenge, and Ntungamo, among others.25 On 15 February, police detained Besigye twice, preventing him from addressing scheduled rallies in Central Kampala, and used teargas and live ammunition against his supporters, resulting in one death and several injuries” (EU EOM, 2016).
Government officials intervene in the Election:
“The orchestrated use of state resources and personnel for campaign purposes was observed. Government officials took an active role in the NRM campaign, with several Resident District Commissioners and high-ranking security officials openly endorsing the candidacy of President Museveni and the NRM campaign. Thus, candidates’ equality of opportunity was not respected” (EU EOM, 2016).
Intimidation during the Election:
“In Bukwo district on 6 January, the police dispersed the campaign rally of FDC presidential candidate Besigye in Toriet Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp using teargas and assault rifles. Several senior FDC figures received minor injuries. The police stated that Besigye diverted from his planned route without justification and thus provoked acts of public disorder” (…)”On 25 January, the IGP stated that all critics who are simply ‘political opportunists’ can ‘go hang.’ On 27 January, he was also quoted saying ‘power shall not be handed over to the opposition to destabilise the peace the country has fought for.’ In a press release, the police later claimed that the media had misquoted the IGP” (…)”EU EOM observers received reports of intimidation of opposition and opposition supporters in Amuru, Bujenje, Buliisa, Gulu, Isingiro, Kamwenge, Kapchorwa, Kasese, Kiruhura, Kisoro, Lira, Masindi, Mbarara, Moroto, Mukono, Nakapiripirit, Nwoya, and Wakiso. Intimidation of voters was reported from Kiboga, Lira, Luweero, Moroto, Nakapiripirit and Sembabule districts” (EU EOM, 2016).
Bad rhetoric during the Election:
“On 9 October, the President was quoted as saying that anybody who attempts to oppose him will, ‘Be smashed completely and no trace of his remains will be found on the ground,’ and on 20 December that ‘The thugs who attacked NRM supporters in Ntungamo will pay dearly.’ NRM secretary general Justine Kasule Lumumba was quoted on Radio Simba on 25 January saying, ‘We shall shoot anyone who will come on the streets to demonstrate against vote rigging.’ On 1 February, the deputy RDC in Jinja was quoted saying: ‘Whoever will be found disrupting the February 18 elections in Jinja District will be shot dead.’” (EU EOM, 2016).
Campaign funding disclosure:
“The total amount of money jointly spent by presidential and parliamentary candidates is not independently calculated and verified. According to presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi, he funded his three billion UGX campaign from his personal funds and received no donations. Kizza Besigye disclosed that his expenses totalled one billion UGX, of which 96 million UGX were donations. Incumbent president Museveni’s campaign team refused to disclose the amount/value or sources of his campaign funds” (EU EOM, 2016).
Media Freedom during the Elections:
“The NRM, with more funds at its disposal, admits to frequently using paid-for pseudo-journalism to boost its visibility and enhance the reputation of both the party and its candidates. An edifying example of the system in place occurred in Rwenzori, where 17 outspoken journalists were compelled to attend the President’s briefing in Masindi state lodge. The President not only instructed journalists to campaign for the NRM at grassroots level, but also provided them with financial ‘facilitation’. Consequently, the line between advertisements and editorial content was blurred and the impartiality of information offered to the electorate was eroded” (…)”Hostile statements targeting outlets owned by the country’s largest commercial media house, Nation Media Group (NMG), were repeatedly made by the President and reiterated by the state’s top executives. This reverberated at the local level, with the RDCs and other state actors orchestrating measures that encourage self-censorship on issues that might be perceived as critical to the President or the government. Intimidating phone calls, “guidance meetings” for journalists and editors chaired by the law enforcement bodies, as well as requests to submit the radio’s programming to the RDC or local UCC representative prior to broadcasting were the most wide-spread measures applied to put media under pressure. The EU EOM received reports on such occurrences in 20 districts” (…)”On 24 January the President stated: “Monitor and NTV don’t know that there is a good, they just tell lies…. NTV is an enemy”. The President voiced a similar statement on 31 January. On 29 January the minister of Information and National Guidance: “There is no media house that can take the law in their hands…we definitely shall close them down”. The government/NRM spokesperson criticized media on 1 February. On 9 February owners and editors of all leading media houses were invited to the dinner hosted by the EC and the UCC where all were warned that UCC will “without a hesitation sanction the media outlets” (…)”Media monitoring findings correspond the parties’ and candidates’ assessment of the balance and quality of local radio coverage of their campaign. While 78 per cent of the NRM’s local leadership believes that media featured them fairly, the FDC’s assessment of radio’s impartiality is diametrically opposed, with 78 per cent of local party representatives listing examples of biased coverage. In 21 districts, opposition candidates were denied access to radio broadcasts or stations, and in 32 districts, biased coverage against FDC, Democratic Party (DP) or Go Forward was reported” (EU EOM, 2016).
“In at least four cases, the police used teargas to disperse voters at polling stations. Only shortly before the official closing of the polling stations at 4 PM did the EC chairman announce the three-hour extension of voting in Kampala and Wakiso district. This was poorly communicated to the polling staff in affected areas, and EU EOM observers reported polling stations being closed at first and only after some hesitation did the polling staff improvise and try to re-open voting sites” (…)”Unauthorised persons were present in eight per cent of polling stations observed, and in none of them did the presiding officer requested them to leave. Essential election material was missing in 12 per cent of polling stations observed. Typically, the missing material was seals, but in a small number of cases also ballot boxes, ballot papers in sufficient numbers and the voter register was not available” (…)”In one quarter of the polling stations, observers encountered voters being turned away for not being on the voter register. Such a high percentage of voters not being aware of the location of the polling station indicates the lack of voter information prior to the elections. Only in two per cent of the polling stations visited were voters deprived of voting without lawful grounds” (EU EOM, 2016).
“In 37 per cent of polling stations observed, the Presiding Officer had difficulties completing the Declaration of Result Forms (DRF), and in almost half of the polling stations the filling in of the Accountability of Ballot Papers Form proved to be problematic. In 20 per cent of polling stations where closing was observed, the numbers in the DRFs did not reconcile. This can be attributed to malpractice, negligence and/or numerical errors. The latter two were widespread since there were neither provisions nor even proper guidelines on how to conduct the reconciliation at the polling station level. Moreover, after filling in all forms, the safety and integrity of the DRF was not ensured in 30 per cent of polling stations observed, as they were not put into the tamper-proof envelope as prescribed by EC instructions. Intimidation of polling staff during the counting was reported from four polling stations observed by the EU EOM observers. In 93 per cent of polling stations observed at closure, results were not posted outside the polling stations, as required by law. Nevertheless, party agents were given copies of the DRFs in 93 per cent of cases” (EU EOM, 2016).
“The ban on social media on mobile devices was not lifted for four consecutive days. The overall environment created by state actors during the final stages of the tallying of results curbed voters’ right to access to information as called for in Uganda’s international and regional commitments” (…)”Further constrains on the public’s access to information originated from the EC’s statement de facto prohibiting media to publicise results announced at the polling stations. Such live reports on results by polling station is a habitual and defining feature of Ugandan media’s election coverage as it enables each voter to independently verify the results in his or her polling station. With the FDC’s leadership being detained, the police surrounding Mbabazi’s home, and with critical media being effectively silenced, the EC held a monopoly over both the content of electoral results information and the pace of its disclosure” (EU EOM, 2016). “The results, however, did not contain data from 1,787 polling stations, affecting 43 districts, eight of them strongly” (EU EOM, 2016). The EC eventually updated the final result on 22 February, adding the results from 1,658 polling stations. The EC also nullified results from 129 polling stations in 34 districts due to various malpractices, including disruptions during voting and the number of votes cast exceeding 100 per cent of registered voters. However, the list of affected polling stations was not published, thus compromising the EC’s accountability” (…)”These were Jinja with 388 polling stations (PS) out of 399 missing, Rukungiri with 273 PS out of 276 missing, Kyenjojo with 277 PS out of 337 missing, Kabale 190 PS out of 478, Kampala with 162 PS out of 1,338, Wakiso 119 PS out of 1,359, Isingiro with 88 PS out of 385, and Ntungamo with 78 PS out of 432 missing. These eight districts account for 1,575 or 88.5 per cent of the missing PS” (EU EOM, 2016).
It is good to see that the Elections Observers is saying the same as so many other people have said about it. This here counters the words of Andrew Mwenda, Ofwono Opondo and President Museveni. The words that should stick to into President Museveni mind is this:
“Consequently, the legal framework contains gaps and ambiguities and therefore, in several instances, falls short of international principles for holding genuine democratic elections”.
Because he said this after the elections was over: “am glad that my people here have seen the mistake of listening to foreign meddlers.” (…) “If the international community has lost confidence in us, it is a compliment and it means we are right”.
So in his mind because the European Union now saying he is wrong and that the framework is co-operative with free and fair elections; then in the mind of President Museveni means we’re right. The President Museveni has now “won” the 7th Term and is ready for his 31 years of power. He is double the age of average aged Ugandan. So there is something missing and wished for. Therefore the ending of the tension and the presence of security outfits in nearby area. The Army and Police Force is close by and the ones that keep him in Power. Not the loyalty of the people or the legitimacy of the way he became the incumbent again! Peace.
P.S. Mr. Eduard Kukan I will be honest I had little faith in you and your mission as the fraudulent and praising foreign missions to express faith in the government they are funding through donor-aid and direct-budget funds. Therefore I thought that you would naturally say it was free and fair without hesitation. Because you went from Slovakia to go on Safari, drink some sodas and have matooki and be merry. But I am glad you did your job well, not because of your view, but because of sense observations and reports been told. That seems genuine as your concern for the maladministration and fraudulent elections you observed.
European Union Election Observation Mission – ‘Uganda Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Council Elections, 18 February 2016’ (April 2016)