Press Statement: Season B labor opportunities and Season A harvests support food access and availability in Rwanda (30.03.2016)

Rwanda Mountain Farm

Poor households are currently engaging in Season B agricultural labor, including land preparation and planting. It is expected the April to May lean season will be mild given average to above­ average Season A harvests as the ongoing El Niño contributed to favourable cropping conditions. With adequate household stocks and typical incomeearning opportunities, most poor households are expected to remain in None (IPC Phase 1) until Season B harvesting begins in May.

However, Season A harvests were below average for the third consecutive season in Kayonza, Kirehe, and Nyagatare Districts of Eastern Semi­Arid Agropastoral livelihood zone. As a result, many households are atypically dependent on food market purchases. Although agricultural labor income supported food access in February and March, labor opportunities will seasonally decline in April, reducing purchasing capacity. An increasing number of poor households are likely to be Stressed (IPC Phase 2) during the April to May lean season.

As of March 29, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that Rwanda is hosting 75,700 refugees from Burundi, with nearly 98 percent in Mahama and Kigali camps. Some refugees continue to seek labor opportunities in areas surrounding the camps, contributing to a reduction in labor wages and inflationary trends in some areas. Refugee populations remain Stressed (IPC Phase 2!), but only with continued humanitarian assistance.

Press Statement: Kigali Regime’s Dangerous, Desperate, and UN-Diplomatic Attacks Against the United States at the United Nations (26.03.2016)

Rwanda Press Release 26.03.2016 P1Rwanda Press Release 26.03.2016 P2

The Oppression of the Opposition in Rwanda; the recent story of Victorie Ingabire Umuhoza; and today’s kidnapping of the person delivering food to her in prison!

The crackdown on Opposition in Rwanda is well known abroad and the FDU (Forces Democratiques Unifies) leader Victorie Ingabire Umuhoza who was in the late 2013 through a trial sentenced to jail for 15 years. She is deemed as a political prisoner and gotten the court rigged for her sentence and jailed as certain opposition of the RPF and the Presidency of Paul Kagame. Reason why the world knows little of this is because of the stranglehold the Government of Rwanda has over the media and information.

Important information about the trial of 2013:

“Gatera Gashabana stated that the witness would testify Michel Habimana discharge but this was refused by the MP. This prompted Ingabire to no longer submit to the Court. Another witness wanted his testimony to be heard without being present to the Court for its safety and this was refused. Me Ian Edward has meanwhile raised the crime of genocide denial. He reported that Ms. Ingabire said that there was a genocide of Tutsis but also Hutus are killed and this comes from their own ideas and this is allowed in the Rwandan law ; thereto, Me Ian added that Ingabire should not be prosecuted for it” (LIPRODHOR, 2013).

She appealed in December 2013:

“The Supreme Court has turned down Victorie Ingabire’s appeal against an 8-year sentence handed to her by the High Court last year” (AllAfrica, 2013). “The judge, stating that Ingabire should be serving a 27-year jail term, claimed to have shown her leniency due to the fact that this was her first conviction and because her family was based in the Netherlands” (…)”Ingabire’s trial – which saw her accused of offences related to terrorism, genocide ideology, discrimination and disseminating rumours aimed at inciting the public against the existing leadership – took place between September 2011 and April 2012, and has attracted a considerable amount of criticism from international non-governmental organization” (Joyes, 2016). ” Considering accusations against her, various identified irregularities and ignorance of due process, it has been clear that Rwandan justice system has been used by the Rwandan government as a tool to oppress legitimate and peaceful exercise of freedom of expression and freedom of association” (…)”Freedom of expression and associations are important base and foundations of a democracy. Their absences undermine one of important fundamental rights of people. This situation not only has the potentiality to cause insecurity and conflicts, in Rwanda as result of consequences of oppression, it also affects the country ability to achieve its various social and economic potentialities as result of participation of its people in environment of freedom and rule of law” Said GCRHR coordinator” (Kamuzinzi, 2016).

The Application to the African Court:

“In the year 2000, she became the leader of a political party known as Rassemblement Républicain pour la Démocratie au Rwanda (RDR) (The Republican Movement for Democracy in Rwanda). She had been a member of the party since 1998” (…)”Sometime later, a merger between this party and two other opposition parties (The ADR and the FRD) led to the creation of a new political party known as Forces Democratiques Unifiees (FDU Inkingi) led by the Applicant till date” (…)”In the year 2010, after spending nearly seventeen years abroad, the Applicant decided to return to Rwanda, according to her Counsel, to contribute in nation building” (…)”She did not attain this objective because as from 10 February 2010, charges were brought against her by the judicial police, the Prosecutor and Courts and Tribunals in Rwanda” (…)”On 21 April 2010, the Applicant was remanded by the police and placed under detention” (African Courts, 2014).

In February 2016:

“Her lawyer Gatera Gashabana wrote in letters to the head of the Bar in Rwanda that “on 5 February 2016, I went to the prison to meet with my client to prepare for the hearing before the African Court on Human and People’s Rights based in Arusha (Tanzania) on 4 March 2016.” He went on to say he was told that before any visit all his documents had to be checked and that this hindrance would make it impossible to prepare for the upcoming hearing. He demanded an end to “these excessive demands and intimidations,” according to the letters released by Ingabire’s opposition United Democratic Forces (UDF) party, which is not officially recognised in Rwanda”  (AFP, 2016).

Today – FDU Supporter jailed for bring food to imprisoned Vicoire Ingaire:

“Boniface Twagirimana, FDU-Inkingi 1st vice-president of the political party of the imprisoned Victoire Ingabire, is alerting the Rwandan and international community that 15 minutes ago, Ms Gasengayire Leonille, the person in charge of bringing food to the prisoner from outside, has just been kidnapped by RPF security forces which were waiting for her inside the prison at lunch time. When she entered the prison compound, she was told to get in a civilian car with number plate RAA442M which took her rapidly to an unknown destination” (Twagirimana, 26.03.2016).

Afterthought: 

As much as the Government of Rwanda trying to silence the opposition and the leader of Victorie Ingaire Umuhoza of the FDU who has been jailed and sentenced since 2010 after her arrival back from diaspora in the Netherlands. The last straw and the recognition of the African Court, a African Court that the Government of Rwandan the Rwandan Patriotic Front and their President Kagame tries to distance themselves from or discontinue themselves from.

The proof here is how far the Rwandan Government stifle the opposition and to what extent they don’t value the democratic values, as they even now goes to the point of kidnapping the person who feeds a opposition leader in jail; who is sentenced for 15 years in jail and has not gotten her appeal accepted and also gotten refused to go to African Court on Human Rights in Arusha, Tanzania. This might be the reason for why the Rwandan Government trying to distance themselves from the African Courts as they don’t want the outside to understand their dealings or get grips to the sovereignty.

The state might be sovereign still they will have to be responsible from the actions. That is why they have ratified certain statues and Human Rights laws, even charters as they want to be legitimized internationally and that is why the Rwandan Official defended their case this week. But this kind of imprisonment of an opposition leader and using genocide as a motive for taking her in and letting her rot in prison. As she just returned from Netherlands to do her duty and for her party, not to destroy the RPF or the Government, but create and prove democratic values, as President Kagame neglect and doesn’t care about it, only that he have power and holds on to it by any means. Peace.

Reference:

African Courts: ‘Application No. 003/2014 -Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza v. The Republic of Rwanda’

AFP – ‘JAILED RWANDAN OPPOSITION LEADER’S LAWYER SAYS DENIED ACCESS’ (16.02.2016) link: http://www.newstimeafrica.com/archives/41785

AllAfrica – ‘Rwanda: Ingabire Loses Appeal, Sentenced to 15 Years’ (13.12.2013) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201312160001.html

LIPRODHOR – ‘In the trial of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, his lawyers suggest the innocence of their client’ (29.04.2013) link: http://www.liprodhor.org/en/2013/04/dans-le-proces-de-mme-ingabire-umuhoza-victoire-ses-avocats-evoquent-linnocence-de-leur-cliente/

Joyes, Ben – ‘Rwandan Supreme Court Increases Sentence Against Victoire Ingabire’ (14.03.2016 link: http://arcproject.co.uk/2013/12/rwandan-supreme-court-increases-sentence-against-victoire-ingabire/

Global Campaign for Rwandans Human Rights (GCRWHR) / Kamuzinzi – ‘Rwanda: Opposition leader conviction extinguishes some hope of political freedom and put Rwanda on a dangerous path’ (13.12.2013) link: http://www.inyenyerinews.org/democracy-freedoms/rwanda-opposition-leader-conviction-extinguishes-some-hope-of-political-freedom-and-put-rwanda-on-a-dangerous-path/

The Power of arguments during the UN Security Council on the Security and Stability in the Great Lakes Region

East-Africa

There been talk about the long terms in Great Lakes Regions, as the big-men lingers, it is a tale I written about for a long time. That Samantha Power addressed it yesterday during the United Nations Security Council in New York. This is where she was direct to the Presidents of the area on accountability and democratic values.

KabilaCartoon

On President Kabila

“The DRC is not the only country in the region where civil society is threatened, or where democratic processes are being deliberately undermined. This, unfortunately, has been the accelerating trend in recent months – evident at the top, where leaders make increasingly blatant power grabs to remain in office”.

This here a remark on the long-term plan for President Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) who is thinking and making the possibility for a third term in the coming election. This is together with the detaining and jailing the opposition and human rights activists. That is what she is calling this grabbing the power and office, which is true. He plans to continue his power and leave the public wish behind even with the #Telema uprising. Still he want to linger and keep the power in his reach as the Executive. So the coming time will be interesting to see how far President Kabila will go to keep power and how much he oppress the other candidates, medias and civil society during the pre-election period in the country.

KagameCartoon

 

On President Kagame

“The United States remains deeply committed to our partnership with Rwanda, but the continued absence of political space – the inability of individuals and journalists to discuss political affairs or report on issues of public concern – poses a serious risk to Rwanda’s future stability. Rwanda can achieve lasting peace and prosperity through a government centered on the principle of democratic accountability, not centered on any one single individual”.  

Here the American is singling out the Rwandan President and his work to get a third term for President Kagame, who has first been the Vice-President, then the President. He has been a central figure in the political framework since the Genocide in the country. Kagame might have built a steady economy, but killed the democratic values as he strengthens the powers and government: President Kagame has steady getting rid of opposition and silencing them.

MuseveniandIdiAmin

On President Museveni

“The government and its security forces detained opposition figures without legal justification, harassed their supporters, and intimidated the media. It passed legislation restricting the operations of NGOs, banning them from acting against the “interests of Uganda.” President Museveni’s actions contravene the rule of law and jeopardize Uganda’s democratic progress, threatening Uganda’s future stability and prosperity”.

A man I have discussed and written page up and page down. This is all not news, as the detaining opposition, rigging the election and shutting down the media. As media and radio stations lost transmitters because of their content during the pre-election period, even loses the passes to go the NRM rallies for being against the President. Having NGOs and seeming them as a problem. That the U.S. now claims that Museveni is the man who creates unstable society seems viable, as the creates lawlessness where a Presidential Candidate can be detained for no “charges”, detained witnesses and rewritten the Candidates Declarations Form from the Polling Stations to fit the announced Election Day results; so they fit the result wished from President Museveni, and not the people’s will. NRM more owns the country, then getting the blessing to control the country. It is in that disregard that President Museveni clearly didn’t recognize the power he controls and what he has lost. As he needs more the army and guns to keep it, while losing the goodwill of his own citizens; also the trust between the government and people is gone; that is what creates an unstable future.

Burundi Cartoon

On President Nkurunziza

“We need look no further than Burundi to see the dangers of pursuing personal power over the people’s interests. Burundi’s economy grew steadily for a decade, but contracted by an estimated 7 percent last year. President Nkurunziza’s decision to stay in office in defiance of the Arusha Accords and his crackdown on political opposition have swiftly undone the country’s progress of recent years. This is evident in the widespread reports of sexual violence, the more than 400 people who have been killed, the 250,000-plus who have fled the country, and the even-more challenging economic times that unfortunately lie ahead”.

President Nkurunziza made sure with a little fix in court right before the election to secure a third term, as even the opposition decided to skip the election, as the result was fitting the President to keep power. This in turn led to the failed Coup d’état and after been a civil unrest and crises. Which has led to people fleeing and recurring violence has ever since happen, opposition leaders killed, tried assassinations and governmental leaders killed. Even top officials and ministers have fled the country to safety as the power of unstable forces happens in the country, even circulated that the Rwandan Government have sponsored militias to coup the power and settle the regime in the country. The Army strength even with the international problems and suspending the aid; even having issues with inter-Burundian inclusive dialogue that even

US Magazine Zaire LR

Here is the remarks from the Burundian, Congolese and Rwandan officials as they re-addressed Samantha Power during the Security Council meeting with this.  

ALAIN AIMÉ NYAMITWE, Minister for External Relations and International Cooperation of Burundi, said” his country was recovering from a massive and severe campaign of violent regime change.  Contrary to the rhetoric used in the Council, the security situation was improving, he said, adding that, on the human rights front, the Government had issued a presidential decree granting pardons to 2,000 prisoners.  While emphasizing his understanding of the legitimate concerns raised by Member States, he invited them to understand Burundi’s peculiar situation.  It was difficult to understand some of the decisions made against Burundi, he said, pointing out that cutting aid to the Government did not fall into the category of decisions aimed at stabilizing the country” (…)”On Burundi’s cooperation with the United Nations, he noted that the Government had demonstrated its openness to working with the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser, stressing the need to discuss the deployment of his office to Burundi.  Turning to Rwanda’s actions against his country, he emphasized that such acts of aggression contravened the United Nations Charter and the Framework agreement”.

RAYMOND TSHIBANDA N’TUNGAMULONGO, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said “the recurring conflicts in the Great Lakes region were the result of the moral and political failings of the elite, which had resulted in a selective application of international law.  Nevertheless, the spirit of the United Nations Charter was alive and well in the region, he said, pointing out that, since the creation of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, the signing of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework, and the adoption of the relevant Council resolutions, his country had been one of their most responsible implementers.  The Democratic Republic of the Congo continued its collaboration with MONUSCO, and the country’s struggle would not end until the remaining retrograde forces and armed groups had been neutralized”, he emphasized (…)”The Democratic Republic of the Congo called upon other signatory States of international and regional instruments to be scrupulous in their implementation, with a particular eye to non-interference in the affairs of other States, and asked them not to provide assistance to retrograde armed groups.  He called for the adoption of policies that would encourage private investment and regional cooperation in order to achieve balanced development.  “The wounds of the past cannot lock us forever in a hopeless situation,” he emphasized, calling upon all States in the region to eschew the use of force for dialogue in settling disputes”.

EUGÈNE-RICHARD GASANA, Minister of State for Cooperation of Rwanda, said “that, while conflict prevention and resolution had become the centrepiece of the work of the United Nations since the 1994 genocide in his country, the concept had been used more in theory than in practice.  The Council was still much more focused on crisis management than on crisis prevention.  Instead, early warning mechanisms should guide its efforts to prevent conflict.  In the Great Lakes region, very few efforts deployed had been aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict, he noted, adding that the current situation in Burundi proved that the region was far from stable.  That country was in political turmoil, with State-sponsored militias killing civilians in broad daylight.  Unsubstantiated allegations against Rwanda by the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo were yet another attempt to shift responsibility away from the real causes of conflict, he said, stressing that his country should not be “negatively exploited” by those who were expected to find solutions to the crisis in Burundi” (…)”In conclusion, he responded to the statement by the representative of the United States by noting:  “Ms. Power does not have power over Rwanda”.  She should avoid lumping the countries of the Great Lakes region together because there was no “one-size-fits-all” solution to their problems.  Moreover, no other country could occupy Rwanda’s political space, he added”.

That was the defense for the remarks from the United States of America during the UN Security Council. They all defended the authority and sovereignty in different ways, thought the Burundian government claims the suspension of aid is not stabilizing the county. The DRC officials was more on the implemented laws and the ratifications as a recognition of what his government has done to be a better society and would not step the United States comments on the leaders. The Rwandan Official was more on the defensive telling the Security Council that they we’re not at fault for the violence in the DRC or Burundi as the violence is state-sponsored by the Congolese and Burundian, and they are not involved. They claim they are victims by the neighbor countries and do not accept the stance of the United States. Just as Rwandan Government says that Mrs. Power does not have over Rwanda and feels the urge to say so. All of this here is interesting and should be discussed as this is a high-end discussion in the United Nations. This is firmly not over as the situation in the Great Lakes area is tense and interesting as the Big-Men keeps power at any cost and at any price of lives and justice. The world will discuss it and the question remain will it be more than words or just silently. Peace.

 

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

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About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

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Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

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UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

UNHCR – Burundi Situation – 2016 Funding Update as of 14 March 2016

UNHCR Burundi 14.03.2016

Rwandan Video Report: “The “Spy” who lied to Burundi” (Youtube-Clip)

Here is Rwandan’s Counter-claim to the Burundian pick-up and reports of  the arrest of Corporal Rucyahintare Cyprien. That the Rwandan news company The New Times, claimes is wrong. We can question who is right, is it the Burundian who wants evidence of Rwandan involvement in counter-intelligence in their country? Or is it Rwandan interest to counter-address it and say the “Spy” is lying. Hard to know whom to believe as the UN report told that the Rwandan Government we’re training militias. When Government of Burundi affirming it, and the Government of Rwanda saying it was not true.

This is the second of these between the countries. First the militas, now the spy case. Wonder what is next, do you? Peace.

UN Secretary-General Report on the DRC: the humanitarian and security situation of March 2016; Unsure situation with Guerrillas, M-23 and coming election!

M23 Goma P3

The Secretary General has written a report on the status of Democratic Republic of Congo. This here is for me the main aspects of it, as I don’t look at the general cooperation’s and work between the countries in the Great Lakes areas, I will not look into the laws and ratifications that DRC as a nation supposed to follow. As this is the UN and the moral authority, as they work together with other nations to set a standard in the nation, and create an environment for peace. Therefore I have picked certain aspects from the report. As it is a continuation of what I have described before and we can see continuation of it. Take a look!

Context of Illegal groups:

“Continued presence of illegal armed groups, including the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), the Allied Democratic Forces, the Forces de résistance patriotiques de l’Ituri (FRPI) and several Mai-Mai militias, continues to threaten the security and stability of the region and negatively affects the implementation of the Framework. Furthermore, there was little progress towards the repatriation and demobilization of ex-combatants, including from the former Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) and FDLR, registered during the reporting period. The crisis in Burundi and its far-reaching impact have also contributed to the deterioration of the political, security and humanitarian situation in the region” (United Nation, 2016).

M23 Goma

On M23 situation:

“Almost two years after the signing of the Nairobi Declarations by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the former M23 rebel group, implementation remains stalled. Hundreds of ex-M23 combatants are yet to be repatriated from Rwanda and Uganda” (…)”On 23 October 2015, ex-M23 political leader Bertrand Bisimwa issued a statement asserting that the former rebel group would not continue to honour its commitments under the Nairobi Declarations on the grounds that the Government had deliberately refused to implement its part of the agreement. He further stated that the former rebel group would not accept any attempt to repatriate ex-combatants outside the provisions of the Nairobi Declaration” (…)”The National Oversight Mechanism denounced the lack of will by ex-M23 leaders and recalled the Congolese Government’s efforts to fulfil its commitments, notably by promulgating an amnesty law in February 2014 and by initiating the repatriation of consenting ex-M23 combatants” (…)”On 10 November, Mr. Bisimwa appointed Désiré Rwigema as the new ex-M23 coordinator tasked to oversee the implementation of the Nairobi Declarations in close coordination with the National Oversight Mechanism. Mr. Rwigema replaced René Abandi, who had stepped down as coordinator in January 2015 and is now in charge of transforming the former rebel group into a political party” (United Nation, 2016).

Lusenda Burundi Refugee Camp

Humanitarian Situation:

“The humanitarian situation resulting from the influx of some 245,000 refugees from Burundi into neighbouring countries since April 2015 remains a matter of concern and priority” (…)”Inside Burundi, the crisis has exacerbated the situation faced by an already vulnerable population that includes 25,000 internally displaced persons. Protection of civilians is a growing concern; over 445 people have been killed since violence erupted in April 2015. The country’s instability has also caused the deterioration of already fragile livelihoods, with the result that some 3.6 million people are considered food insecure and 150,000 children under 5 years of age acutely malnourished” (…)”Some 1.5 million people have been internally displaced, while 7.5 million people are in need of assistance throughout the country. The forced closure of the site for internally displaced persons in Mukoto, North Kivu, on 12 January 2016 caused new displacement” (United Nation, 2016).

Human Rights:

“In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, security and intelligence officers have reportedly clamped down on activists and political opponents opposed to changes to the country’s constitutional provision on presidential term limits. As indicated above, the security situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo remains volatile, with armed groups, particularly the Allied Democratic Forces and FDLR, carrying out deadly attacks on civilians and committing acts of sexual violence” (United Nation, 2016).

Ladislas Ntaganzwa

Arrests:

“the Congolese National Police arrested Ladislas Ntaganzwa on 8 December 2015, pursuant to an arrest warrant and order to transfer issued by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals on 7 May 2014. Mr. Ntaganzwa had been indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda for genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity, in connection with his actions during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. He had been at large since 19 June 1996 and was allegedly living in North Kivu under the protection of FDLR” (…)”the Government of Rwanda reciprocates by transferring the former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People, Laurent Nkunda, as well as other Congolese nationals who are the subject of arrest warrants issued by the Democratic Republic of the Congo. On a related note, little progress was made in bringing to justice six ex-M23 members who are sought on Congolese arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity” (United Nation, 2016).

drc-election

Elections:

“The past six months have seen a number of electoral processes in the Great Lakes region. Elections will continue to be held in the region over the next two years, and the risk of attendant instability cannot be ruled out. Electoral processes must take place in a fair, transparent, inclusive and non-violent manner” (…)”The Democratic Republic of the Congo is entering a crucial period marked by preparations for a national dialogue ahead of upcoming general elections. I reiterate my call for any dialogue to be inclusive and enable stakeholders to discuss contentious issues in a climate of openness and mutual respect. I urge all Congolese to commit to resolving their differences through dialogue and consultations, with a view to creating the conditions for peaceful, inclusive and credible elections in an environment that provides adequate political space and in which human rights are respected. I express the full support of the United Nations for the former Prime Minister of Togo, Edem Kodjo, in his role as facilitator of the national dialogue” (United Nation, 2016).

Afterthought:

This here should be interesting and also seen as a continuation of the M23 situation and IDPs who has not a secure situation, as the violence, guerrillas, as the Nairobi Declaration is not been acted upon. Therefore the guerrillas are walking free with no pressure as the Nairobi Declaration gives pressure to Rwanda and Uganda who has kept the M23 Guerillas.

The situation is certainly questionable with the Human Rights situation with the arrests of certain people and the troubles of the Electoral Process before the General Election in the DRC, this report is about the general security situation, with the MONUSCO and the guerrillas that the National Army of the DRC work to contain, together with the citizens who lives in the conditions that the army and peacekeepers make. That is why the army and the Congolese have to follow.

The DRC continues to struggle with FDLR and ADF-NALU, also the issue with M-23 and other aspects that make the national security situation volatile and creates the problems for the citizens while the Army and MONUSCO have missions to sustain the guerrillas and secure that the M-23 get the trial and the once that are freed and the once creating a political party, while waiting for the Nairobi Declaration to be followed by the Authorities, and also get the once with the warrants has not been returned and worked on as they did crime against humanity. That is worth thinking about, and why certain government stifle on those guerillas. Peace.

Reference:

United Nation Security Council – ‘Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region’ (09.03.2016)

Press Release: Uganda’s Routine Immunization ranked among the lowest in the East Africa (14.03.2016)

NMS Amuria

KAMPALA, March 14: “In God we trust, all others bring data,” a quote attributed to American professor and statistician William Edwards Deming, is widely used to underscore the role accurate data play in building credibility.

As a result of the lack of verified, up-to-date data, a report released ahead of the ministerial conference on immunisation in Africa last month ranked Uganda’s routine immunisation coverage as among the lowest in the East African sub-region.

The report which tracks immunisation progress and challenges across the continent since the Global Vaccine Action Plan (GVAP) was launched and entitled, “Fulfilling a promise: Ensuring immunisation for all in Africa”, rates Uganda’s 2014 diptheria-tetanus-pertussis (DTP3) coverage at 78 per cent compared with 80 per cent for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), 81 per cent Kenya, 97 per cent for Tanzania and 99 per cent for Rwanda.

Coverage with the third dose of DTP is used to measure the strength and reach of a country’s routine immunisation programme.

The DTP3 target for countries was 90 per cent for national coverage by 2015 or at least 80 per cent coverage in every district. Experts recommend that children receive DTP three times at appropriate intervals.

Press Release from the Rwandan Parliament on DGPR’s demands for Political and Electoral Reforms (10.03.2016)

Rwanda 10.03.2016 PR