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The NRM Regime have during the FY2015/2016 fallen behind on paying out UGX 2.7 trillion!

Today I am dropping numbers that are devastating, as the numbers of debt that the National Resistance Movement (NRM) isn’t paying, show’s sufficient motives for malpractice when it comes to budgeting and the structure of payments. There are certainly not enough transparency and clear audit of the state reserves, as the State is misusing seriously amount of funds. The NRM Regime and their President should be ashamed by their record.

Emmanuel Katongole is the Head Information Technology in the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MoFPED) in Uganda on the 12th April 2017, he dropped a document on their web-page that show’s the domestic arrears of the Republic of Uganda in the last Financial Year.

If you wonder what Domestic Arrears means: “The amount by which a government has fallen behind in its payment of interest and principal on debt to lenders within its own country” (Encyclo.co.uk). So Katongole will literately show how bad the National Resistance Movement is on paying their bills and expenditure. All the sums of this report is in Ugandan Shillings (UGX).

Like under the Office of the President and the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) who itself leaves arrears in the margin of 3.8bn shillings and 8bn shillings in other payable arrears. That one part of the budget and current audit of the Office of the President as the total of verified arrears at June 2016 was 37bn shillings alone. So the Office of the President owes a lot of funds that it hasn’t paid, not only for the ISO!

The State House by the verified arrears at June 2016 was 1bn shillings. What is more unsettling is that the Pensions and Gratitude for Veterans are the sum of 183bn shillings, Survivors 315bn shillings, EXGRATIA 10bn and UNLA 26bn shillings. The Ministry of Defense by June 2016 verified arrears was 718bn shillings! So the MoD are a lax payer of their expenses and expenditure.

Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs owes verified arrears by June 2016 the amount of 684bn. Shillings Court Awards unpaid by the Ministry is 203bn shillings. The Electoral Commission has growing verified arrears by June 2016 because of Unsettled penal insterest for URA in the total sum of 3.2bn shillings. Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) has by June 2016 billed up verified arrears by 283bn shillings.

This is just some of the government that has not paid their dues and their expenses, their salaries or pensions, even their lacking covering of funds to pay debt, either internal or external. So the National Resistance Movement are clearly running an economy and fiscal policy that isn’t healthy for the republic.

Just to drop the total sum that the Government of Uganda has failed to pay or failed payments on their debt are by June 2016 the total of 2.7 Trillions of Uganda Shillings! Which is an insane number and amount of misspent monies by the state. The strategy by the Republic to fail so miserably cannot be sustainable, as the invoices and the target to pay their debt should be the most important. Still, the NRM doesn’t seem to think so. They are surely missing steps to having a sound economy when the verified arrears are hitting 2.7 trillions by June 2016. So the Financial Year of 2015/2016, the Ugandan government failed to serve out over 2 trillion of their needed expenses!

What is troubling that the year before, the total state had not paid on their debt and failing expenses in the Financial Year of 2014/2015 as by June 2015 we’re totally 1.389 or close to 1.4 Trillion shillings. So the miss-match between FY2014/2015 and FY 2015/2016 are 1.3 Trillion shillings. So the clear picture is that the Election Year for the NRM is very, very expensive.

Just think about that… eat the bill and pound on the amount of lost monies in the system. Peace.

 

CSBAG Statement: The Budget We Want 2017/18 (20.01.2017)

csbag-20-01-2017-p1csbag-20-01-2017-p2csbag-20-01-2017-p3csbag-20-01-2017-p4csbag-20-01-2017-p5csbag-20-01-2017-p6

Mzee is either in the darkness of the forest or walking in the banana-plantation; he surely have no plans to leave; that is the true #SteadyProgress

m7-1970

It’s hard for me to write this in all seriousness. Since I writing about an African President whom himself said this in 1986: “The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power” (Ross, 2011).  The President in particular is His Exellency Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the President of Uganda for 29 years and counting!

Mzee said this in 1980 while running as a presidential candidate:

“Using a government position to a mass wealth is high treason. If the UPM is not going to be supported because it denounces such methods of getting rich, let it be”.

This he said while campaigning in Bushenyi and Mbarara districts(Weekly Topic, August 27. 1980).

So Mzee have  had a few points back in the day and knew this was an issues. Now he deflects  them to the extreme, to a point where it nearly get’s boring. Still here is his recents comments on the matter of riches and staying in power.

This was what Mzee said in November 2015:

““I have my own job at home of keeping cattle. Why would I stay when I have been defeated in the elections? I am not power hungry but I have missions to accomplish. I can’t leave without finishing with them” (Kazibwe, 2015).

Well, he has promised to step-down before, doubt he means this for long or even if this utter words was sincere other than for a show. This was for show from Mzee because of the coming Papal visit in Uganda (all seriousness the visit happen around 2 weeks after this interview). Well, let me continue on what he has said over the new-years and his ordinary modus operandi. When the pope has left the country and he could do what he normally do!

e8807-votemuseveni

Mzee saisd this on 5th January 2016:

“I have been hearing people accusing me of sticking around; that I don’t want to leave government. Why would I want to stay in government?” (…)”First of all I am a very rich man. I have a lot of wealth and therefore it cannot be riches that I am seeking in government” (Waswa, 2016).

Well, you have in been in power since 1986. That is sticking around for a while in government and as executive power for nearly three decades. We know you are rich you have a giant farm in Ankole, you and your families own a dozen businesses, some hotels and even some transport businesses as well. You started earning big bucks on transport under the DRC war in the 90s, but that is a nearly forgotten chapter for you and your brother Salim Selah, right? Still you’re in government because you fear what will happen if you leave it. Especially when there is oil-money soon coming into the accounts of Uganda and you want that slice to. The minerals and wood from Kisangani will be small-fry a bogoya. Well, we know about that and as your businesses and family businesses can be lost if you leave government. Therefore you want to secure those, it is a valid argument to stick around in government for wealth as man men make their wealth that way, one of the reason why you went to the bush to eradicate corruption and embezzlement. Well, that chapter is also forgotten and loyal cronies is more and more important therefore we have NRM-Independent and NRM Flag-Bearers in the coming elections, this is new and the NRM-Independents are breach of inner-party law. We know it is okay as long as Mzee,says it’s okay; he even pays the fees for the NRM-Independents to the Electoral Commission. This is to gain their loyalty as well as the ones the members picked in the district and sub-county. That is beautiful right? So, that is the reason why people wonder why you stick around and what can you do now that you haven’t already done? Still, let’s continue to the 10th January 2016.

MuseveniQuote

Mzee said this on 10th January 2016:

“cannot leave power now because all he planted has started bearing fruits” (…)”Those who say, let him go, let him go, they need to know that this is not the right time. This old man who has saved the country, how do you want him to go? How can I go out of a banana plantation I have planted that has started bearing fruits?” (…)”We can’t be in the middle of a forest and want the old man to go. This is not right. We must concentrate on development, my time will come and I will go. I don’t fear going because I have where to go, but we must first see where we go” (…)”We can’t be in the middle of a forest and want the old man to go. This is not right. We must concentrate on development, my time will come and I will go. I don’t fear going because I have where to go, but we must first see where we go” (Rumanzi, 2016).

Now he is proclaiming that he has made a country into a banana-plantation, where it is finally bearing fruits. That means sweat bananas with good yields. That must be from the mustards seed he planted in 1986. Wait, this isn’t a mustard farm, but still the metaphor can be extended to the Banana farm. Yes, he has made the country into a Banana farm or should I say a banana republic. Now that all of that was daft, but the point is clear.

The economic state is getting dire in Uganda, the loans rate on the government budget is going up while the aid and donor funds goes down. While the oil-price lowers before the oil-monies are getting in. The sale of coffee is growing but it has not the yielded price on it neither is the sale of the tea. Like they are not producing enough sugar for consumption and have to import from Kenya.

Bank notes Uganda

IMF in July 2015 wrote in their report this: “Short-term benefits of the oil price decline have been less pronounced in Uganda than in other countries in the region. In the past nine months, petrol average pump prices have declined by 10 percent in domestic currency”.

He surely isn’t done by seeing all the campaign teams struggling with the villages roads his been building since 1986. Since FDC Campaign Convoy have been stuck in Rwenzori and in certain northern districts, while Mzee himself needed a military vehicle to be able to get to campaign rallies in Abletong. Well, the Banana-plantations don’t need a good road as long as the banana gets to market?

500px-Uganda_Regions_map

Or is it the growing amounts of districts, sub-counties and municipalities? Is that your proud work to make sure that that every corner of the country have a local council to control 1000 people and have loyal payment from you?  That seems like the final goal while going through your banana-plantation. In 1967 there was only 18 districts, by 1989 where already 34 districts and 150 counties. By my reckoning in late 2015 there are 111 districts and 167 counties. So the numbers has grown staggering amount of districts and steady rise of counties. Was this the big plan in 1986 make sure that there 3 times over district then when you came to power?

You might feel that you’re in the forest and not really in the mellow place of the banana-plantation since the situation economically, infrastructure, youth-employment, industrial-development, police-violence and so on. There are much darkness in the forest and not any sweat yields of the banana-plantation. The development that you have left is surely questionable; secondly the legacy you’re leaving behind is not the ones you wish you had. You could have been a man who led to real progress and stand for something new.  Instead you’re the same old tribe of African leaders who overstays in power and does let other people rule.

The economic state, together with the lower prices on coffee and oil should be worrying. Together with edged prices on imports as Uganda imports are higher than their exports. The weaker currency and higher inflation makes the trading barrier even higher. There are so many signs that the general election together with the laws that parliament passes gives more and more power to the Executive and his regime. Ever since Public Order Management Act there been more and more laws who gives the government more stronghold over the public instead of giving them freedoms and opportunity to evolve and think on their own. The laws that gives the government carte blanche to borrow money through the new Public Finance Management Act; one section of this law says this: “Amendment of Section 36: (5a) In addition to subsection (5), a loan raised by the Government as a temporary advance by the Bank of Uganda, which does not extend beyond a financial year shall not require to be approved by the Parliament” (P5, 2015, PFMA). That says how the government can initially use the Bank of Uganda as an ATM, was that the problem you had in the forest or the fruits your having yield on the banana-plantation?

NAADS Piggery Enterprise Ibanda

I know that you have no plan of stopping being in power, I am just wondering when you actual thought of leaving since you have been there as long as have lived. Something not many Presidents have done except your friend in Zimbabwe, and maybe aquatints like Paul Biya in Cameroon, and Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatoral Guinea. But hey, they are from francafrique countries so I only expect you smile at them when you arrive at African Union meetings in Addis Ababa. Since they know and you know that all the fellows who meet with decades ago are no longer there.

We know that what you said before new years are utter rubbish since you have promised before to step down and haven’t. That has happened before 2001 and before 2006. Even before you got the multi-party system back into place; Gen. Benon Biraaro said this early part of his campaign in 2015: “When we captured power in 1986, Mr Museveni promised to rule for only five years and after he will go and look after his cows, I never knew his cows would be Ugandans”.

Old Taxi Park

Surely, if his still is in the forest or in the banana-plantation or even with his cows in Ankole, it is for certain he is still the executive power and will do what he can to keep that in 18th February 2016 or make sure the counting is fixed to measure the right way. Mzee will make sure that the counting of the ballots from the Electoral Commission declares him the President, AGAIN! If not he has prepared the police with a bucket full billions of shillings for post-election violence. So he must have looked in the darkness of the forest and worried for the outcome. In the sense that he smells the people are not his anymore. They do not follow him blindly and let him guide them freely. The banana-plantation is not as peaceful as it once was; This means that Mzee is not directly entitled anymore, to get the fruits of the plantation without any questions, from the people who are working on it. Peace.

Reference:

Kazibwe – ‘Museveni: I am Ready to Hand Over Power If Defeated’ (19.11.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/museveni-i-am-ready-to-hand-over-power-if-defeated/

Ross, Will – ‘Would Uganda’s Museveni recognise his former self?’ (07.05.2011) link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/9477930.stm

Rumanzi, Perez – ‘I can’t leave power now – Museveni’ (10.01.2016) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-can-t-leave-power-now—Museveni/-/688334/3027090/-/ldhhetz/-/index.html

Waswa, Sam – ‘It Is Never My Intention to Stick To Power – Museveni’ (05.01.2016) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/it-is-never-my-intention-to-stick-to-power-museveni/

NRM-Supports reacts to non-payment for shunning JPAM-Rally and demonstrate today in Maska; Uganda Cranes donates a charity match the Masaka Hospital;the World Bank promise funds to roads in Masaka

Masaka NRM 090116 Shun Mbabazi

We have today a nice Saturday when the UPDF supposed to be deployed and take control of security towards the end of the General Election. Well, in Masaka NRM-Organization promised towns-people an NRM-Supporter’s if they shunned the campaign rally of Go-Forward and Hon. Amama Mbabazi campaign venue in town. While the NRM members who cried out for not being paid not to show-up somewhere. Shows the lacking mentality of NRM to pay their own and keep their promises! Yet again I guess! While the Police had to throw tear-gas and shot live rubber-bullets towards the crowd because of the missing funds of UGX 100millions to them.

Masaka NRM 090116 P2 Shun Mbabazi

The Go-Forward had a rally in Masaka 9th November 2015 when they held a rally at the Masaka Golf Course and they reacted today 9th January. Technically two months after the rally and  now they wondered where the money they was promised to get wasn’t arriving. That is slow service delivery!

Eddy Kenzo Masaka Hospital 070116

Something worth reporting is that Musician Eddy Kenzo and the Ugandan Cranes Football Team sponsored and was charitable towards the Masaka Hospital with a facelift and upgrade on the 7th January. They donated to Masaka female ward and this was done through a charity match!

And something that would be lost in the wind about Masaka is this is just in today on 9th January 2016:

“Masaka Municipal Councils have received financing from the World Bank towards the cost of the Uganda Support to Municipal infrastructure Development Programme (USMID) for the Civil works of Infrastructure projects and Consultancy Services of supervision of road works”. Well, World Bank has to finance this for Masaka and not the local tax-base, wonder who is financing the missing funds for the shunning the campaign rally that was in 9th November 2015…? That is why they have more missed funds and why the NRM-O in the area had the reaction today.

While also the Masaka District Local government had to tell the civil servants how to allocate the money at a hotel yesterday 8th January 2016: “Regional Data Quality Assessment (DQA) at Mariaflo Hotel in Masaka District with a call on participants to appreciate data for improved service delivery through proper planning and resource allocation”. That must be why World Bank has the wishes to finance the civil works in parts of Masaka. That must be golden.

Think that is enough of Masaka today! Peace.

Museveni dismisses criticism that he has stayed too long in power (Youtube-Clip)

“President Yoweri Museveni has scoffed at critics who say after 30 years in power, he should not be seeking yet another five years at the helm of Uganda. The NRM presidential candidate who was campaigning in Ndorwa country, Kabale district, said it doesn’t matter how long he’s president but what he does for the country. He boasted of transforming Uganda and that he still has a lot to accomplish” (NTV Uganda, 2016)

What NRM’s #Steady Progress really is…

KCCA at work

We all know that the election is going on and that NRM have a campaign slogan as such: “Steady Progress”. This is the time when NRM is telling in each district they visit about the 29 years of “steady progress”. Well, I will not, I am not NRM. And not a great fan of the NRM. As those of you who read my page/blog should understand by now. I will show another story of the #Steady Progress have been under the NRM and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s presidency.

#Steady Progress under the NRM-Regime is that there been violence and arresting the opposition leaders with different claims. And have rhetoric that attacks others then look into their own missteps. Especially when Mzee hear the reports of the violence were from NRM-Supporters together with the Police in an area (Ntungamo clashes for instance). There isn’t the first time the President Museveni spreads fear in the name of democracy and not the last. He can put his words into a leopard’s mouth and see if the animal bites.

#Steady Progress is to have close hospitals in the weekends and having no nurses at the referral hospital in the districts. #SteadyProgess is to suspend health workers after showing the terrible working condition of the Health Care facility.

Burundi Report Police

#Steady Progress is to use the colonial law of preventative arrest when it fits the NRM-Regime and if it fits the new law Public Order Management Act then the Police will take care off or silence Political Opposition leader, Human Rights Activist or even random pedestrians.

#Steady Progress is that the police tells the world and journalist on how to conduct themselves and how to be a part of campaign convoys of the opposition leaders.

Jinja Police 10915 P1

#Steady Progress is that the Police are interfering in Opposition leader’s rallies instead of securing them.

#Steady Progress is to give a higher pay-rise to the Electoral Commission chairman from 6 million shillings a month to 35 million shillings each month.

#Steady Progress is first to lose the money to sustain and make the National ID cards, and not give them to the citizens. Then later deliver this to the Internal Displaced People in the camps and also immigrants from neighbor countries then the initial voters and citizens of the country.

#Steady Progress is to have terrible roads in and around the villages. #Steady Progress is to finally have rail system working between Kampala – Namanve, but not for the rest of the country, and it had to happen right before the election.

cadets10 UPDF

#Steady Progress is to go into neighbor countries with the army without international mandate for securing the friends and caretakers of nations around to secure loyalty to the President of Uganda, not to secure Uganda.

#Steady Progress is to make the currency weaker and weaker. #Steady Progress is to make the Bank of Uganda a personal visa card for the government because of the new amendments to the Public Finance Bill of 2015.

#Steady Progress is to make the nomination of candidates for elections more expensive so only the ones that are friends and cronies of the President will be sure of having the funding and support to stay on as candidates.

#Steady Progress is to bankrupt the national airliner and still only have on international airport in the country, also to get British Airways to cancel their flights to Entebbe and stopping fly to it after the set date of contract with the Airport.

Cars 051115 Frank Tun.. P1

#Steady Progress is to give away expensive cars to Regional District Commanders to ensure the safety of NRM and not the people of the northern regions.

#Steady Progress is to promise loyal cronies more districts and sub-counties to secure loyal men in charge over areas and make the opposition unsure of the new constituency.

Kable NRM Primaries P1

#Steady Progress is to have a chaotic internal elections with pre-ticked ballots, late ballot delivery, wrong names on the ballot, stealing the forms for final counting, winners jailed for misconduct, bribing voters in villages to vote for candidates, letting members of other parties vote in the internal ones, sole candidacy in many constituencies and also clear indication of rigged for loyal Mzee men and woman.

#Steady Progress is to land as hunting-grounds or for services rendered for the government either to the likes of Aga Khan or other foreigners, even trade of forests and mineral rich land, to get it pocketed while the Government of Uganda can.

#Steady Progress is to borrow more and more money to fund the aid deficit created by the “Anti-Gay-Bill” fiasco. That left a vacuum from foreign interest together with the strategic loss of partners to sustain their aid to the country and picking other feasible projects there.

#Steady Progress is give money to religious leaders to secure their congregation who their God has picked as leader and who their lord has anointed to the position.

#Steady Progress is to get a bigger government and more ministries so that all the ones closes and most loyal get a place in the central government.

Uganda Parliament Museveni

#Steady Progress is to give a person the role of ministry without a portfolio or office

#Steady Progress is to use more on private plans and military equipment then on basic school kits, school buildings or even medical supplies.

#Steady Progress is for the President to claim again and again that he is the only Mzee who can keep the country safe and keep control of the army.

#Steady Progress is to have old medicine or copy medication instead of having extra supplies through the NMS.

#Steady Progress is to have ghost-workers, ghost-voters, ghost-schools, ghost-roads or ghost-expenditure.

#Steady progress is to fire all of the UNRA workers and getting the funding for bigger projects through the World Bank cancelled.

#Steady Progress is to see that Uganda Human Rights Commission loses it funding from it’s donors.

Crime-preventers-on-the-parade-in-Kasese-district-2

#Steady Progress is to hire “Crime Preventers” as securing votes and create havoc in other candidate’s rallies to make sure that people stay loyal to the Mzee, and also ship them from NRM rally to NRM rally to make the party look more popular.

#Steady Progress is to have more and more car accidents on the bad roads, even lose the lives of more Members of Parliament due to bad roads in the districts.

#Steady Progress is for the rich and for the wealthy to take their family members or themselves to health facilities abroad to heal and prosper.

#Steady Progress is to borrow money on the future-oil monies and trade of the oil refinery from Russian state-owned company to buy military equipment.

#Steady Progress is to lose battalions and soldiers in Somalia and leave new recruits with little or no supply. The army in Somalia has to sell equipment for food and necessities; instead of fighting the terrorist group Al-Shabab.

#Steady Progress is that landslides after heavy rains and floods have no covering or security funds from the government nor any restrictions or helping agents to save lives on that matter.

#Steady Progress is given funds of 51 billion to the post-election violence for the Police and army for the “excuse” to secure the safety and peace in the country.

#Steady Progress is to tear down other candidates posters while sealing off and securing with Police force the incumbent presidential candidates ones on the walls.

Ready to Move with Sevo Music Campaign for 2016 P5

#Steady Progress is to use a tiny fortune to make a gig-song and have singers on the campaign trail.

#Steady Progress is to pay boda-boda men in town and villages to not drive to opposition rallies.

#Steady Progress is to have a rising inflation and devalue the currency before and after every election time, leading the results for more expensive fuel, food and living prices in general. 

#Steady Progress is to send SMS’s to everybody to tell them to VOTE MZEE, even if they don’t are NRM members or belongs with the Party, instead he sends to all Ugandans in the companies to gain support.

#Steady Progress is to pay boda-boda drivers to drive people to Mzee’s venues, give away t-shirts, give away free fuel, feed the public food and give money to the attendance of the crowd.

#Steady Progress is to use 500 billion shillings for campaigning for the presidential candidate, to give out handouts to loyal men and woman in the districts, cars to chiefs and other gifts of that nature to feed the loyal NRM people in up-country and the rest of the country.

#Steady Progress is to close off transmitter of radios who send messages opposing the NRM-Regime.

#Steady Progress is to deliver a campaign package of 20 million shillings to NRM Parliamentary candidates.

We can all see and this a gist of the actions and events leading up to the 29 years of #Steady Progress from Mzee and his NRM party. This was certainly not the things he fought for in the bush-war or the idea he sold at the time. It has surely changed. I could have displayed all the corruption cases, embezzlements and such, but as I said this gist of the actions from the NRM party and Mzee. We have not taken in account his foreign adventures and military actions, or all the people that have been left behind. Peace.

$50M sugar plant to open in Amuru district (Youtube-Clip)

“A multi billion shilling sugar processing plant in Atiak within the northern district of Amuru, will be commissioned soon” (…)”The USD$50M (UGX 175B) investment will have an installed capacity of 5,000Metric Tons, according to the project managers” (…)”The facility sits on 15,000 hectares of land half of which has now been planted with sugarcane” (NTV-Uganda, 2015).

You want more meat to the barbeque:

Check these blogs:

Here you get certain information about the land-grabs that is vital and pivotal to building of this kind of factory and development in Amuru:

Amuru Land Grab: What is Our’s is Our’s; What is theirs is ours; Whatever is yours, is still ours

Some prequel stuff as well:

Amuru Land Grabbing and MP arrested

Hope you also found this interesting! Peace.

 

Amuru Land Grab: What is ours, is OURS; What is their’s, is OURS; and Whatever is your’s, is still OURS

YKM Amuru Land Deal

There has been a lot of news and articles on this matter because of the sensitive issue of owning land. Land can secure families and secure the heritage of the local people in the area. The issue is how to deal with wish of growing society and also keeping traditions. Also settling people in after years of war with the LRA and settle especially the ones that are seen as Internal Displaced Persons (IDPs). Another issue is if the government tries to deal with big monies and doesn’t include local patrons or community. That disfranchises the people and also grows a bigger distrust from the community about the government institution. That also shows the true color of especially some of that is, also the matter in the Amuru Land grabbing. I will not look into the local squats between families and also IDPs and local farmers stealing land from each other. That is equally important. But don’t have the space to write and find a good way to put it into this one. NRM-Regime has from day one been laisses faire economics and not governmental business orientated even if the President of 29 years was into communist thinking in the 70s. Also into business that gains the government, but not actually the public and citizens always. Therefore we have the heavy prices and expenditure of roads. The deals and arrangements hasn’t been made in sincerity of the public, therefore has also the MPs from the area in now bot the 8th Parliament and the 9th Parliament has reacted to deals that been set in fruition. The Madhvani deal is the big one and the one with the most flesh and grants. Also the Apaa village dispute over the land becoming a hunting ground instead of being a village for the people who actually live there. Then I will show other deals that have been questioned. This was the gist!

Professor Ogenga Latigo spoke his mind:
“While referring to the process of land acquisition for the project, Professor Ogenga Latigo, the former Member of Parliament for Agago county and Leader of Opposition in the 8th Parliament indicated that ―Government mishandled the Amuru case, while others informants argued: ―”The idea is not bad but the approach of establishing the sugarcane factory [was wrong, and besides the project] is imposed on the people, the project should be started when the people have returned to their land. The priority should be to give chance to the locals to resettle before establishment of the sugarcane factory” (Serwajja, 2012).

Basic information from 2005:
“Gulu district in her endeavor to alleviate poverty and promote development is committed to mainstream environmental concerns in its implementation strategies. The district continues to rely on the natural resources as important sources of income. It is been noted that over 82% of the population depend on agriculture and this can call for immediate up-date on status of the natural resources in the district” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

Land Law information about in Uganda:
“Tenure arrangement:
Until 1995, customary tenants did not legally own land they occupied. The land belonged to the State, and the tenants were merely permitted to live on it (Tenants at Sufferance). According to its preamble, the Decree was intended to provide for the vesting of title to all land in Uganda IN TRUST for the people of Uganda. The Constitution of 1995 vested land in the citizens of Uganda as opposed to land vested in the State, as was the case with the Crown Land and consequently Public Land.
Therefore:
• Customary tenants on Public Land were empowered to own land occupied.
• Three quarters of land in Gulu falls under customary tenancy hence Communal Land Management.
• The Land Act 1998 favoured the Acholi customary land holding e g. communal cultivation, communal grazing, and settlements” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

Important land law:
“Section 92 of Uganda’s Land Act (1998, Cap. 227) states that “a person who…makes a false declaration in any manner relating to land” or “willfully and without the consent of the owner occupies land belonging to another person”… “commits an offence.” Notably, however, the Penal Code Act does not mention land-related crime or theft, robbery, or grabbing of immovable property” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 6, 2014).

Alternative dispute resolution (ADR), or ‘mediation’ as it is known, is not as technical, costly, or time-consuming as formal court processes, and aims to promote harmony among community members rather than naming a winner and a loser” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 18, 2014).

“Migration characteristics:
Virtually, there are no refugee settlements in the district. However, large number of people in rural areas has moved to the forty six Internally Displaced Persons’ Camps and urban areas (RUM). It is noted that the Population in camps have risen from 291,000 people in 2001 to 438,765 people in 2004 and those in the urban centres from 38,297 people in 1991 to 113,144 people in 2002. Due to the same insurgency, there is also movement of people from Gulu district to the neighboring districts of Nebbi, Adjumani, Apac, Lira, Masindi and other Districts, not mentioned here” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

“Three criteria are found to be reliable indicators of bad faith. These reveal themselves as the ADR process unfolds, and include:” (…)”RIGHTS: Land rights of each party. These are determined by family ties, marital status, and transactions (gifts and sales)” (…)”INTENT: Parties’ demonstrated willingness to (not) respect these land rights. Usually evidenced by the presence of any “warning signs” and/or similar actions, body language, and statements” (…)”POWER: Parties’ perceived ability/opportunity to deprive opponent of land rights. This is context-specific, and may be assessed through probing” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 7, 2014).

amuru-disctrict-shannon-tito

Some information on the Area Land Committee(ALC):
“A major point of breakdown apparently concerns the integrity of the Lands Administration itself. Although Area Land Committees are the “eyes and ears” of the District Land Board—thus vital to the process of land surveying and registration at the grassroots—these bodies remain under-facilitated, unsupervised, and unsurprisingly corrupt” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 75, 2014).

Witnesses from the ALC:
”There’s no supervision of ALCs. So they go and do the work the way they want… because they’re human, sometimes they’re stubborn. On the basis of relationship… they can favor somebody. There may be a boundary dispute that was really not resolved – but in their report they say the dispute was ‘decided” (…)”“…a nightmare. The Kakira Sugar Works Limited overdemands money! Your file can be lost if you don’t pay them. I have to be very bold with these people, and tell applicants what really goes on. The corruption is highly coordinated, you can’t penetrate it. They look at you as if you are stupid if you don’t hand them extra money. I think the reason why no official fee structure exists has to do with the people behind private survey firms. If survey rates become fixed, then they lose business.” (…)”If I want to do something, you have the knowledge, I have the money. Money is very evil. However principled I am in my work, there’s some degree to which I will bend. All government offices are strained. No department says they have enough facilitation to do their work… We need to agitate, put it to the government that resources be looked at. Facilitating the ALCs alone will not solve the problem. Instead of centralizing the court, where people cannot afford travel costs (80-100km away), can we facilitate departments to do their work?” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 75, 2014).

One set of background for Acholi land grab:
“To a number of locals in Northern Uganda, the issue of Customary Land Titles/ Certificates continues to evolve, and the rush to pilot this project has raised a number of questions and concerns about state involvement in land-related issues” (…)”In 1995, the Constitution of Uganda gave the right to own land to Ugandan citizens and any Ugandan could settle anywhere following due procedure. Following the passage of the 1995 Constitution the customary land tenure system was uplifted to the level of freehold tenure” (…)”As such, a clear definition and understanding of public land becomes imperative to securing access to land rights. One such example is the act of Amuru District Land Board allocating 40,000 hectares of land to Madhvani Group of Companies for sugar cane plantations. This allocation was made in the understanding that the land was public land. To community members this was a clear mismanagement by the land boards and manipulation of customary land rights by state institutions” (Otim, Ina & Cody, 2012)

“Lending credence to the perception of threat was highly public pressure from central government (including the President personally) for the opening up of Acholi land to investors, large-scale commercial farming, and other forms of ‘development’. From early 2007 this pressure was focused on giving land – originally 40,000 hectares, later reduced to 20,000 – in western most Amuru District to the Madhvani-owned Kakira Sugar Works Limited for a sugar cane plantation” (United Nation, 2013).

Main issues in Acholiland on land:
“Many Acholis oppose the project not only because Acholi cultural land is not to be sold, but also because many of the owners of that land are still in camps and, because of displacement due to war and the consequences, have not yet been able to return to their ancestral birthplace” (Kligerman, P:28, 2009). A World Bank report in July 2008 recommended a moratorium on land titles to investors in Acholiland until residents had residents had returned home from camps and people had been “sensitized” to land issues (Atkinson, R, 2008). The report also recommended that the government demonstrate its commitment to protecting natural resource rights (Atkinson, R, 2008); this is remarkable support for the Acholi people, particularly considering that the World Bank is one of major promoters of land privatization globally” (Kligerman, P: 29, 2009).

Insecurity when it comes to Land in Acholiland:
First one:
“Previous and on-going attempts by private individuals to acquire private interests in land which is perceived to be owned communally. Acholi leaders believe that Government is engaged in designs to help well placed and politically influential people from other parts of the country to access and enclose land in Acholi land. Common Property Resources are particularly targeted by individuals as well as government agencies” (Rugadya, P: 3, 2009).

Second one:
“Investor interest in the region; Pursuit of land access by large-scale commercial interests, speculators and grabbers was also causing tension particularly in the Acholi sub-region. The concern is that commercial agricultural interests will be cavalier in their treatment/understanding of land rights and land use issues. A number of highly publicized multiple attempts to acquire land in the sub-region presumably for investment and potential government development programmes, while some of these proposals may have been legitimate investment programmes to help re-establish peace and spur economic development activities in the region, the absence of a clear national policy and institutional framework for pursuing these initiatives has fueled the suspicion that “government” or investors as trying to usurp their land” (Rugadya, P: 4, 2009).

On Land Policy:
“Hostility towards government land policy is acute. MP Reagan Okumu asserts that there is a kind of ‘scramble’ for Northern Uganda, accompanied by a deliberate effort to deny Northern Uganda any development by scaring away investors. He says that because people in Northern Uganda are poor, whenever one flashes money around, they will sell their land at even low prices” (Otim & Mugisha, P:9, 2014).

Continuation on land and allocation of it:
“In Uganda, land is the single greatest resource for which a large majority of the population derives its livelihoods – because of the importance attached to land in all communities, conflicting interests in are unavoidable” (…)”Okoth-Ogendo describes land as a political resource which defines power relations between and among individuals, families and communities under established systems of governance” (Mabikke, P:6, 2011).

Allocation Part II:
“These land allocations dominate in the western area of Amuru district. These concessions have spurred major discussions on land grabbing in Acholi land. Central to these concerns has been highly public pressure from central government for opening up of Acholi land for “development” since early 2007 to allocate” (…)”land in Amuru district to the Madhvani Group for a large-scale sugar cane plantation. Reports from aggrieved Acholi Parliamentary Group (APG) – a group of Acholi parliamentarians accuse the GoU for assisting investors to grab land in northern Uganda. According to APG, the Central Government’s support for alienating land for commercial sugar cane farming in the north has been accompanied by powerful individuals gaining, or attempting to gain, private title to land that overwhelmingly belongs to communal landholding groups” (Mabikke, P:19-20, 2011).

Amuru

On IDPs and Returnees:
“Some returnees allege that the government grabbed large tracts of their land while they were in the IDP camps and offered these tracts to private investors. For example, in March 2008, the Madhvani Group submitted an application to the Amura District Land Board for 20,000 ha of land near to the Nile River for a sugarcane plantation. The local government approved the application with an initial allocation of 10,000 ha for a period of 49 years. Some of this land is claimed by returnees. In November 2008, several parliamentarians from the Acholi sub-region filed an application in the High Court in Gulu and obtained an ex-parte (temporary) injunction against the Madhvani Group, Amuru District Land Board and other respondents for interfering or encroaching on the disputed land. In ensuing court hearings, the Amuru District Land Board was forbidden from issuing new leases on the disputed land until the hearing and determination of the main suit. As of June 2010, the suit is still pending in the High Court” (Veit, 2010).

The Land Matrix database indicates that four large scale land deals amounting to 76,512 hectares were concluded in Uganda. In 1992, the government of Uganda signed an agreement with the Libyan government to allocate three large chunks of land, i.e. Bukaleba Beef Ranch (4,000 hectares), Aswa Ranch (46,000 hectares) and Maruzi Ranch (16, 376 hectares (Okello, 2006). Meanwhile, Egyptian government planned to establish grain farms on land totalling to 840,000 hectares (Kugelman and Levenstein, 2009) and Agri-SA holds about 170,000 hectares of arable land in Uganda (Mabikke, 2011). Similarly, the Ugandan government tried to allocate 7,100 hectares of land to the Sugar Corporation of Uganda Limited (SCOUL) to produce more sugar although the civil society resisted the allocation through massive demonstrations and appealing to donors to block the proposal (NAPE and Friends of the Earth International, 2012)” (Serwajja, 2012).

First information on Sugar factory in Amuru district:
“Box 1. Madhvani Amuru sugar works proposal:
In 2006 news began to emerge of a planned sugar works to be built by the Madhvani Group on 40,000 hectares of land in Amuru district. The proposal envisaged a joint venture between the Amuru Sugar Works (owned by the Madhvani family) and the government, with a projected cost of US$80 million (Shs 162 billion) and included construction of a factory, a power generation plant, a water treatment plant and reservoir, workshops, stores, fuel stations and administration blocks, staff housing and amenities including hospital and educational facilities, etc.34 Amuru Sugar Works anticipated employing up to 7,200 people (25 foreign and the rest local) directly at the factory and some 5,000 on outgrowers’ farms, providing a livelihood to around 70,000 people in total. Five villages to accommodate 200 farmers each were to be built in the nucleus estate. In these villages, farmers would benefit from education and health services, while extension and credit services, agricultural equipment for land clearing, ploughing and furrowing, and a development fund would be used to support outgrowers. According to the proposal, 200km of road network would be built on both the nucleus estate and surrounding areas.5 Despite the proposed benefits of the project, a political storm over the proposal quickly grew, with the Acholi Parliamentary Group (APG), under the leadership of MP Hon Livingstone Okello-Okello, arguing that the investment should not proceed until all internally displaced persons (IDPs) had safely returned and that the required land of 40,000 hectares was too big to be given out for a single investor, since the population was growing fast and in the process of returning from camps.6 Madhvani Group representatives, accompanied by President Yoweri Museveni, visited the north at the end of 2007 in a bid to gain support for the project. Museveni asked the Acholi paramount chief, His Royal Highness Lawii Rwodi David Onen Acana II, to undertake a consultative process by setting up a committee to assess the land in question, research the sugar industry and gather community views. The proposal has subsequently been reduced to 20,000 hectares for the nucleus estate and 10,000 for outgrowers. In July 2008 newspapers reported that during a meeting organised by the APG, residents resolved unanimously not to give their land to any investors. Most recently, following dissatisfaction regarding the ruling of the Amuru Land Board in favour of the Madhvani Group, a group of residents from Amuru district, led by MP Hon Simon Oyet, secured a court order stopping any transactions on land in the district, with the deputy paramount chief of the Acholi, Rwot Otinga Otto, calling on clan leaders and cultural heads to resist giving land to Madhvani if they are not consulted, saying: ‘Just rise up against whoever gives away land without your consent’” (International Alert, 2009).

The background to deal:
“The first public indication of Madhvani’s interest in a sugar cane plantation in the ‘north’s central part’ of Uganda – that is, Acholi – came in a New Year’s Day New Vision Business article, ‘Madhvani to set up second sugar factory’ (1 January 2007) . By July, this interest had become specifically identified as a 40,000 hectare tract of land in Amuru District – see, for example, two New Vision articles from 30 July 2007, one from the Local North section, ‘Acholi MPs asked to support sugar factory’, the other an Opinion piece by Gulu District
Chairman, Norbert Mao, ‘Sugar is sweet but Acholi cannot afford a raw deal’. It is important to note that the land sought by Madhvani is situated in an area cleared of people by the colonial government almost a hundred years ago and made a game reserve. But evidence of various Acholi group’s historical claims to customary land in the area, and its continued use through most of the 20th century for hunting by groups with recognized customary rights is extensive. It is also worth noting that this is also a part of Amuru where preliminary research indicates possible oil reserves, and where Government has given out licenses for oil exploration – as confirmed in a letter dd. 4 September 2008 from Daudi Migereko, the Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, in response to a request for information on the matter by J.J. Okello-Okello, Chairman of the Acholi Parliamentary Group” (United Nation, 2013).

“The project entails acquisition of 40,000 hectares of land in perpetuity and at zero cost, implicitly the people of Lakang are meant to give away the land for development of the sugar industry. Half of the land, 20,000 hectares, will be used to establish a central business district (nucleus estate) of the factory that will entirely be under the management of the Madhvani Group and the remaining land will leased to the communities to grow sugarcane under the out-grower scheme. At the same time, the Madhvani Group will acquire a title deed to the land in question (40,000 hectares) in a quest to secure additional funding of about US$50 million from the African Development Bank” (Serwajja, 2012).

A review of the feasibility study report for proposed sugar project in Amuru district revealed that the area was preferred because of availability of permanent source of water which would provide water for irrigation and proposed factory. The proposed project is located about 6 kms is near the river Nile. Other suitable conditions for sugar cane growing identified included suitable topography with undulating plains, reliable rainfall of 1029 mm annually and fertile soils (sandy clay loam and loam) and availability of spear type of grass which is easy to clear (Madhivani Group March 2007). For the investors acquiring land from the UIA, they had to ensure that the land had no conflicts. For investors who acquired land from the UIA and DLBs, there are guidelines that prescribe all the processes for acquisition” (…)”In Amuru district, an investor had fenced off land cutting off adjustment villages from a health centre and a weekly market. Similarly, in the Kaweeri coffee plantation, the community complained about restrictions of movement through the plantation to access their villages. Since part of the process of land acquisition does not require understanding a gender analysis, its implications on women and men will not be understood and therefore such scales and effects will not inform planned actions“(Kanyesigye, P:13 & 15, 2014).

Amuruland

On the 11th December 2014 Attorney General Peter Nyombi wrote this in a letter:
“In a cabinet meeting presided over by H.E. the President, while briefing cabinet on the progress made so far by regarding the above project you informed cabinet that the survey of the project land would be done after the by-elections in Amuru District” (…)”Could you therefore have the land surveyed and the occupants of the same established and their property on the same recorded and valued so that the project can go ahead” (Nyombi, 2014).

Two other cases:
First case:
“According to the minister’s letter dated 7th January 2008, Major General Julius Oketa had applied to be issued with a certificate of title for approximately 10,000 hectares of land located in Amuru district for a sugar industry. The letter shows that there was no functional
Area Land Committees (ALC) in place which would inspect the land before issuing the title” (Mabikke, P: 20, 2011)

Second Case:
“A similar case of alleged land grabbing is cited in the petition presented to the Speaker of the Parliament, filed by Hon. Okello-Okello John Livingstone – chairman APG. Okello reported several attempts of land grabbing involving senior government officials in northern Uganda.
In 1992 the GoU signed a protocol with the Government of Libya giving away the following large chunks of land namely;
• Bukaleba Beef Ranch 4,000 hectares,
• Aswa Ranch 46,000 hectares
• Maruzi Ranch 16,376 hectares” (Mabikke, P:20, 2011).

A third case:
“The case of land in Apaa Village (Amuru District) illustrates the suspicions of local people concerning the acquisition of large tracts of land. In 2005, when people were still living in the camps, land was given to Bruce Martin from South Africa who was investing in game reserves for sports hunting. When resistance from the community intensified, it is claimed that the government changed tactics and asked the neighbouring district of Adjumani to contest ownership and claim that this land actually lies within Adjumani District. The Adjumani District authorities then passed a council resolution giving the land away to the ‘investor’. Some participants in this research argued that the boundaries between the two districts of Adjumani and Acholi are clear, and that some district politicians are manufacturing the boundary conflict. During an interview with the District Chairperson of Adjumani, he showed a map of the area in dispute claiming the area belongs to Adjumani District” (Otim & Mugisha, P: 8, 2014).

Fourth Case: 

Omoro County Suvey of Land

On the 9th of September of 2015 the police arrested the Amuru MP Hon Gilbert Olanya. Residents has reacted to buy of land and grabbing of Apaa village. The Villages and the MP was forced into the Police car even with the NTV camera crew in the place.

The TDA press release said this: “Three people are now confirmed dead by sources in Apa. Several people suffered grave injuries and are being treated at Amuru health centre. The Member of Parliament Gilbert Olanya was arrested and is believed to be detained in Masindi police station” (Minbane, 2015).

Afterthought:
I think I have said enough. If you’re not enlighten and gotten more clear information on the subject and the issue that these people are living through, then I am sure you should read more reports and dwell on the matter at hand. It is a sensitive matter that by my reckoning hasn’t been dealt in the best way. The arrangement and deals has been beneficiary for the government and state institutions, but not in favor of the demand in the districts. Also it has not put into an account what the local area needs or settlement of the IDPs after the long war in the war-torn area of the Northern Uganda. So many people are still in tents in the camps instead of building themselves into a stabile life. That is really growing prosperity and not just short and quick bucks with the sale of big areas located to foreign and not local merchants. Also fertile land is being sold to either facilitate a giant sugar-factory or as another big time deal to become hunting grounds instead of a place where the citizens can live and earn a livelihood. When this kind of actions happen from the government officials in Kampala and not directly with due diligence locally, then there will be frictions and anger towards the men who gave the businessmen the opportunity to occupy the lands. There are already as seen in many of the reports many smaller incidents between neighbors and family members to allocate lands in the Amuru and Adjumani district. Therefore this will be a sensitive issue that will not be over, especially not over until the next sunset. There will be many moons and even more hot air before a certainty is there. Especially when the Government overrules and sells the land without doing proper procedure and allocations, without checking the status of the area as it unfolds. They the government officials are just pocketing money quick and then send police to get rid of those who live there. At the same time having citizens in the camps as IDPs without a possibility to land and harvest, to find work to sustain them and live. That should have been the priority and not the businessmen from a far. Which is also the main reason why the locals reacts that strongly towards this land grabs and how they feel overrun and not listen to by the powers to be. In this case of the Government of Uganda and their LDC and certain ministries that have put the allocations into effect. An in this particular cases might put the quick monies before the additional and usually most important feature of any government institutions the people and the citizens before the contracts of selling the lands. Henceforth it’s understandable why people react and demonstrate when they feel wronged by the ones that supposed to serve you and secure security and care so you earn your livelihood. And that shouldn’t be too much to ask from the NRM-Regime, though it seems more likely that the big sums of monies matter more than the public reactions at this present time. Also that the continuation of disfranchising the northern districts of Uganda continues, especially with the Oil findings in Western/North Western Uganda – Bunyoro while Amuru and Adjumani will lose more to that area than even before. Peace.
Reference:
Kanyesigye, Juliet – ‘Hearing the other Voice: Investor perspectives on Protection of Women’s Land Rights in Large scale Land Acquisition in Uganda’, Submitted to the World Bank Conference 2014 on Land and Poverty 23-27th 2015, Washington D.C.

Kligerman, Nicole – ‘Alienation in Acholiland: War, Privatization and Land Displacement in Northern Uganda (2009)

Langoya & Ochora Odoch, Walter – Gulu District Local Government – ‘District State of Enviroment Report (2005) – Gulu, Uganda

Mabikke, Samuel B – ‘Escalating Land Grabbing In Post-conflict Regions of
Northern Uganda: A Need for Strengthening Good Land Governance in Acholi Region’ (08-11.04.2011) – Paper presented at the International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, University of Sussex

Minbane – ‘Press Release: TDA condems the violent and forceful eviction in Apa Uganda’ (08.09.2015) link: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2015/09/08/press-release-a-condemns-the-violent-and-forceful-eviction-in-apa-uganda-08-09-2015/

Northern Uganda Land Platform – ‘Power & Vulnerability in land Dispute Resolution – Evaluating Responses to Domestic Land Grabbing in Northern Uganda’ (Lira, May, 2014)

Nyombi, Peter – ADM/7/168/01 – ‘Re: Land for the Sugar Project in Amuru District’ to Hon. Daudi Migereko, Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Kampala

International Alert – ‘Contributing to a Peace Economy in Northern Uganda:
A Guide for Investors’ (06.2009)

Rugadya, Margaret A. – ‘UNVEILING GENDER, LAND AND PROPERTY RIGHTS IN
POST-CONFLICT NORTHERN UGANDA’ (November, 2008)

Serwajja, Eric – ‘The Quest for Development Through Dispossession: Examining Amuru Sugar Works in Lakang-Amuru District of Northern Uganda’ (17-19.10 2012) – Land Deal Politics Initiative (LDPI)

Otim, Denis Barnabas, Ina, Jahn & Cody, Emily – Refugee Law Project MUK – ‘Conflict Watch: “Land and Investment” – Balancing Local and Investor Interest’ (August 2012)

Otim, David & Mugisha, Police Charles – Saferworld: ‘Beyond the reach of the hoe: The struggle for land and minerals in Northern Uganda’ (April 2014)

United Nation – ‘LAND CONFLICT MONITORING and MAPPING TOOL for the Acholi Sub-region – Final Report March 2013’

Veit, Peter – ‘Focus on LAND in Africa – Breif: CONFLICT, DISPLACEMENT, AND LAND RIGHTS IN UGANDA: Uganda’ (December, 2010)

United Nations Security Risk Assessment of South Sudan by September 2015

df26UNMISS

Today is a day where I will discuss and show findings for certain UNMISS report that is from UN Department of Safety and Security (UNDSS) and UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) its numbered: ST/SGB/2007/06. It is the United Nations Security Risk Assessment – South Sudan. It was approved 11th September 2015! And here are some interesting findings. I think the quotes speak for themselves!

“Following the onset of the conflict in December 2013, UNMISS could not fully perform its mandate given it under Security Council resolution 1996 (2011) because of the security situation and the need to maintain impartiality. Subsequently, Security Council resolution 2155 (2014), 27 May 2014, fundamentally shifted the basis of UNMISS’ mandate from support of the Government in capacity-building in traditional UN peacebuilding areas to four key areas. In the line with the UN Security Council resolution 2223 (2015), UNMISS activities are:

  • Protecting the Civilians
  • Monitoring and investigating human rights
  • The Creation of conditions conducive for humanitarian assistance
  • Supporting the implementation of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement” (UN SRA SS P: 2-3).

“Despite the attacks on the Akobo CSB and the BOR PoC in April 2014, that were more linked with the ethnic based targeting of South Sudanese sheltering within UN premises, generally speaking the UN is not a primary target for hostilities. Moreover, the UN is more often caught in crossfire during armed conflict and access is affected as a result of armed conflict. This will continue to be a risk”(…)“The fact that UNMISS hosts over 166,000 Internally Displaced People (IDP) increases the UN’s operational risk profile and reputation” (…)”PoC sites are volatile with the potential that the high level of tension amongst the IDPs may spill over in violent clashes. Staff members are therefore at a higher risk working within these sites” (UN SRA SS P: 3).

“The armed conflict, which is now in its second year, followed last year’s pattern where the dry season was fighting season enabling forces to take control of vast areas of the country. During the rainy seasons (July-Nov) the roads become impassable curbing direct clashes for the period. Even with the IGAD peace agreement signed in Juba on 26. August 2015, assessment is that the country security situation in 2015/16 will remain unsecure” (UN SRA SS P: 4).

“Currently there is no mainstreaming of Security within the UN activities/ programmes. Therefore, the policy that defines that security needs to be involved at all levels of management to ensure security is considered/ mainstreamed into all the activities or programmes is not applied, specifically in UNMISS” (…)”Maintaining security training would enhance the functional expertise of all international and national staff although programme managers would need to receive training in order to learn the identity inherent and associated risks in a timely manner” (UN SRA SS P: 5).

Peace Operation: To help implement the mandated tasks, UNMISS will consist of a military component of up to 12,500 troops of all ranks and a police component, including appropriate Formed Police Units, up to 1,323 personell” (UN SRA SS P: 9).

“Humanitarian programme assessments have indicated that, as the violence deepens, the humanitarian needs and risk to aid workers increases. 27 aid workers are presumed to have been killed in South Sudan since December 2013 and over 150 NGO staff are unaccounted for” (…)”In Juba, there have been a growing number of armed attacks against humanitarian compounds” (UN SRA SS P: 10).

UNMISS Report P11 P1UNMISS Report P11 P2UNMISS Report P12

“At the height of the conflict large numbers of people split over the borders into neighboring countries seeking refuge in Ethiopia, Uganda, Sudan, Kenya and Abyei; these numbers stand at approximately 510,000 individuals” (UN SRA SS P: 13).

“The increased risk specifically in Malakal and Bentiu would require an increase in the deployment of security staff and expansion of the collective security posture” (…)”As the rains of 2015 began to cut off supply lines, military offensives increasingly used riverine methods of transporting goods and fighters to the frontline. The method of delivery was also being used by humanitarian agencies to transfer large quantities of food to communities in need. In April 2015 a barge convoy hired by UNMISS to carry food and fuel supplies for the base in Malakal was attacked by RPGs and small arms fire , injured four persons. In July the government gave strict warnings that all river transportation should stop, further restricting aid delivery around the country. In September there have also been reported incidents of alleged attack on government owned barges and gunboats in Upper Nile State, the SPLA-io claimed responsibility ahead of verification” (UN SRA SS P: 14-15).

“Since the beginning of the conflict (December 2013) until June 2015, there were a total of 594 security incidents involving IDPs in UNMISS PoC sites. Cases include serious assaults, civil unrest, mob violence, robbery, death threats and harassment, and several locations have also recorded serious disruption to humanitarian operation” (…)”Continued accusations by the government actors or affiliates that the PoC sites are a sanctuary for supporters of the SPLA in Opposition also make the PoC sites a target; this point was actively demonstrated in the attack in the Bor in April 2014 resulting in the death of 55 IDPs within the UNMISS site. Similar incidents have occurred near PoC sites in Juba, Bentiu and Malakal” (…)”An outbreak of cholera started in South Sudan on 18 May 2015 reaching total of 1718 cases [dates 4 September 2015], this rapid spread is largely affecting areas of the state capital Juba and also a separate smaller spread in Bor. One death have been reported at the PoC site in Juba with a total of 76 cases of people who contracted cholera inside the site” (UN SRA SS P: 16).

UNMISS Report P16

“UNSMS will have to work much closer with the GoSS security agencies to ensure an improved  security response to UN security related incidences” (…)”In Juba a “blue zone” was implemented to manage the locations which were approved by UN security for International UN staff to reside in based on accessibility to the area, crime rates and distance to UN base in case of relocation and emergencies” (…)”Where the UN has a presence Operational Zones have been created where security clearances are not required in all main urban areas to allow for improved access. This approach is underscore by risk management as opposed to a risk adverse approach, this concept needs to be maintained and where possible further enhanced or monitored” (UN SRA SS P: 17).

The disruption in oil revenues and devaluation of the currency as a result of the fighting has had a detrimental effect on the already weakened economy; government, civil servants, armed forces and police are having their salaries delayed. The breakdown in social infrastructure has reduced employment opportunities; creating desperation which has translated into crime” (…)”For example, the on-going cattle raiding and inter-clan revenge clashes that has been served in retaliation have devastated Lake States” (…)”Government officials have sometimes exacerbated tense situations with alienating remarks on their perception of the UN, often with accusations that the UN is favoring one side over the other within the conflict itself” (UN SRA SS P: 19).

Animosity grew when the government made accusations that the UN was harboring rebels within its Protection of Civilian (POC) sites. Direct and veiled threats to attack POCs became widespread” (…)”The effect of this was in April 2014 when “armed youth” attacked the UNMISS base in Bor resulting in the deaths of 55 IDPs and injuring many others including UN peacekeepers” (…)”On 26 August 2014 under suspicious circumstances a UN contracted helicopter crashed near Bentiu in Unity State, killing three (3) aircrew and injuring one (1) other underlining the threats involved in working within South Sudan. Investigations into the cause of the crash were inconclusive” (…)”In the middle July 2015 there are approximately 166,142 people saying in seven (7) UNMISS bases (UN SRA SS P: 20).

“There is also notable internal political  friction between the Central Government and the Equatoria States who have been calling for the greater autonomy via a federal government system. This has lead to local Equatorian communities feeling threatened and evacuating their families from the area” (…)”In Jonglei state” (…)” During rainy season in 2014 there were major skirmishes between the SPLA and SPLA-io reported in Jonglei. The SPLA-io has continued to threaten to fire upon aircraft flying in the areas, which were seven of the eleven counties during this period; the last threat was on 17 July 2014” Upper Nile” (…)”Several major clashes between the SPLA and SPLA-io have occurred; during one heavy exchange some stray bullets entered the UNMISS camp killing and injuring IDPs and causing structural damage to UN resources. All UN personnel remain concentrated in UNMISS camp including several agencies who had to abandon their own compounds” (…)”Unity State” (…)”To the west of Bentiu, UN staff previously based in the former Mayom UNMISS County Support Base (CSB) regularly were “caught in cross fire” incidents when the parties to conflict attempted to take control of the strategically important town, which is principally inhabited by Bul Nuer. UN Mission and Agencies Funds and Programme (AFP) staffs have become the target with regular ambushes, the demand for their trucks, and/or fuel and the forceful attempt to board UN flight by military” (UN SRA SS P: 22). “Also in the Upper Nile UNICEF reports that 89 boys were forcibly recruited by an unnamed armed group in late February 2015. They were takin in an area currently under government control, which is defended by government-allied Shilluk militia commanded by Maj Gen Johnson Olony” (…)”There are reports of an LRA attack in Western Equatoria State in March 2015 when one person was killed, the village was looted and eleven people were abducted but four were later released. This resuming of LRA attacks has increased fear amongst the population as the last attack in the 2012” (UN SRA SS P: 23).

“The oil pipelines exit South Sudan in both Unity and Upper Nile State, oil is refined in Sudan before being exported. The potential loss of oil revenues affects both nations so good trade relations’ remains key to maintaining income” (UN SRA SS P: 23).

Currently the flow of refugees is affecting both countries as fighting affects the communities and so they move on, in Sudan the fighting in South Kordofan has created an influx of refugees into South Sudan and the fighting in northern Unity State in South Sudan has meant many refugees travelled north to refugee sites within Sudan” (…)”Cross border grazing & migration rights also areas of dispute as they host well-armed Sudanese Misseriya cattle herders who move around South Sudan in search of feed for their animals” (UN SRA SS P: 24).

South Sudan lacks an adequate air traffic control system, countrywide. The government took control of the country’s airspace from Sudan in 2011, but to date has not issued any “Notice to Airmen” (NOTAMs), There are areas, however, that the government has declared a “no fly zone” (i.e. over the Presidential Palace in Juba), suggesting that the government reserve the right to fire upon an aircraft that violates this airspace” (UN SRA SS P: 25).

UNMISS Report P24UNMISS Report P25

“Use of the River Nile for transportation of UN supplies and fuel has proved difficult with the government threat against all river travel by humanitarian agencies. With military supply vessels regularly travelling the river to the frontline it is not a safe option for delivery of humanitarian provisions” (UN SRA SS P: 26).

Communicable diseases in South Sudan constitute a major cause of morbidity and morality largely due to the limited access to clean water and sanitation being extremely poor with open defection rates, which reaches 60% in urban areas and 80% in rural areas” (UN SRA SS P: 29).

Salva Kiir Cartoon

“In regards to infrastructure, the entire country remains underdeveloped. Road and air mobility is seriously jeopardized especially during the rainy season where whole regions are cut off. Electricity, food and clean water supplies are scarce and seriously impact UN operations in remote duty stations” (…)”Due to poor road conditions in both dry and rainy season and lack of infrastructure there is a heavy reliance on UNMISS and UNHAS air assets for the delivery of humanitarian aid” (UN SRA SS P: 30).

“The existing EU sanctions delivered in July 2014 had little impact on the de-escalating of the crisis, however further extensive UN sanctions were delivered in a tough UN Security Council Resolution on the 3 March 2015, the decision affects individuals through the freezing of their bank accounts and travel bans will affect all players who do not work towards peace and security. There is also an African Union (AU) report which has investigated human rights abuses last dry season which is completed but yet to be published” (UN SRA SS P: 41).

There is an increase of visible signs of South Sudan being a failing state: there is no free media, intimidation, by government security is commonplace, economy close to collapse and lack of provision or accountability of the civilian population by the state with most funds diverted to fund the war effort. Law and order is collapsing too, in some states wages have been stolen or simply delayed for months on end, in urban area reports of police becoming active criminals, local courts do not function and reports that crimes are committed due to perpetrators acting with impunity” (…)”Large numbers of IDPs rely on the security of UNMISS peacekeeping forces for their protection, however crowd control measures can never maintain order if the IDPs turn on their protector if the tensions rise inside the confines of the POC sites, the numbers are simply overwhelming” (UN SRA SS P: 42).

South Sudan Cartoon

Afterthought:
It is all worrying even with the Peace Agreement between the SPLA/M and SPLA-IO which signed a deal with amendments and tokens taken off. The worrying path is the records and analyses that the UN and UNMISS is delivering in this report. The numbers of people that are fleeing from South Kordofan in Sudan and the ones fleeing South Sudan to neighboring countries like Ethiopia, Uganda and DRC is massive! Should be worrying and the way the air-space is not secured. Also the reports on how the seasons are changing and making it difficult to spread necessities like food through air should be seen as a GIANT sign that something has to change. Infrastructure that is gone during rainy season and the air-drops has to happen for no open roads. River Nile isn’t safe and is in the front-line and dangerous travel with transportation of necessities though that path.

There are the issues with the skirmishes in different areas and also military assaults in the various states. Both between SPLA and SPLA-IO but they are not alone. There other military groups making it worse, also the report of even LRA has done damage in the country. Those also innocent children have been abducted and all the weakness of the security issues together with the fractions inside the SPLA making the reports and data on the ground more worrying.

On top of it all the sanctions that has been put on the Government of South Sudan and it hasn’t hit the ground running, but been useless and if it does anything it’s been just a certain individuals that has lost bank accounts, but it hasn’t stopped the fighting or stopped small-arms coming to the country!

There is so much more I could have put into ink and discussed because its powerful to see what the UNMISS is writing and discussing in the report. I have taken what I seen as main issues and fresh insights. I am sure somebody else would have taken more of the context and background into it, but that you can read somewhere else. Peace!

Reference:

United Nations Security Risk Assessment South Sudan – September 2015 – UN Department of Safety and Security (UNDSS) & UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) – Approved 11. September 2015 – (Given out 15.09.2015)

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