Is the M23 attack in Ishasha for political mileage for Kabila? Since Minister of Defense Oryem counter-claims the DRC confirmation of the new M23 insurgency!

M23 Goma P3

“The government of the DRC confirms Ishasha’s incursion of 2 groups of ex-M23 armed. FARDC”Lambert Mende confirms today.

The day after the terrible, but believable news that M23 surfaced into the North-Kivu and crossed from familiar borders from Congo. This as the M23 has had bases and armoury in Kisoro in the past. So it was rare that the Republic that harboured them and sheltered them would also we’re their we’re supposed to lay down their arms after the rebellion. So now years after the agreement and Nairobi Accords, the M23 goes back together with General Sultani Mukenga and 200 soldiers. They we’re 1600 soldiers during the 2013 battles in and around Goma. So since the news we’re coming quickly during the weekend, here is the main aftermath on this Monday!

Defence Minister Henry Oryem Okello of Uganda on M23:

“We know there are problems in Kinshasa, but they [government] should not use Uganda as an excuse for their problems,” Mr Oryem said” (…) “President Kabila had assured us that they would organise and take them [M23] back but it’s taking forever,” the minister said” (Kasasira, 2017).

What’s been said from the DRC side:

“No military official, however, was available to confirm any clashes at Ishasha” (…) “Our antenna in Ishasha confirms the presence of elements of the M23 in this city (…) where they control several axes (…), but there is not any fighting or clashes,” reported AFP Omar Kavota, director of the Study Center for the Promotion of Peace, Democracy and Human Rights (Cepadho), based in the city of Beni (east)” (Publie le Lun, 2017)

There been contacts in Goma where the people has been in touch with the military there, the Military in Goma doesn’t believe that the M23 have crossed the border into Ishaha from either Kihihi or Kisoro.

Still the Uganda Police Force found weapons close to the border:

“Police patrol stumbled on unidentified people loading six sub machine guns, a PK rifle, five magazines and seventy nine bullets in a Premio vehicle registration number UAS 978B in a bush near the common border with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)” (…) “According to the Kisoro LC V Chairperson Mr Abel Bizimana, the recovery of the guns being smuggled into the district shows that security is still wanting. He wants the Inspector General of Police, General Edward Kale Kayihura to go to the district to find a lasting solution to the escalation of crime. Kisoro District is currently battling an escalation of gun related crimes and aggravated robberies” (Daily Monitor, 2017).

“Elly Maate, the Kigezi Region Police Spokesperson, clarifies that they impounded six sub machine guns and a PK Machine Gun. Kisoro District currently battles an escalation of gun related crimes and aggravated robberies” (CroozeFM, 16.01.2017).

While this is happening M23 Roger Lumumba we’re taken on grand chair and walked as a royal monarch in the streets of Kinshasa. In the border region of Uganda there are escalated robberies, as even impounded weapons are on the rise. Kisoro region has harboured and have had training ground for M23 in the past. Where even the M23 got new recruits as the reports of previous attacks of the guerrilla!

So that their escalated violence and armed crimes are happening in the border area; while the guerrillas are supposed to leave the same region, these acts are simultaneously without regard for each other. They both could happen, but one of them could also be parts of the other one. The thieving and robberies could be M23 before they went into the DRC. As well planned rebels they have the capacity. By all means the Ugandan government doesn’t want to seem like they harbour rebels and prepare them to fight proxy wars. This is something they have done so in the past; because Mzee like it to be low-key and not in the open, so cannot be implicated for the sanctioned violence.

We will see if the reports and if this will materialize in the DRC and if the MONUSCO and others than State Officials are reporting, since there should be intelligence and also words spread from others than central leaders who could earn political mileage on the violations. Peace.

Reference:

Daily Monitor – ‘Army, police deploy at Bunagana border’ (16.01.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Army-police-deploy-Bunagana-border/688334-3519312-8fb170z/index.html

Kasasira, Ridsel – ‘Uganda scoffs at DR Congo over M23 rebels’ (16.01.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Uganda–DR-Congo–M23-rebels-Kabila-/688334-3518768-15um6hpz/index.html

Publie le lun – ‘RDC: des ex-combattants de la rébellion investissent une localité de l’est’ (16.01.2017) link: http://www.radiookapi.net/lu-sur-le-web/rdc-des-ex-combattants-de-la-rebellion-investissent-une-localite-de-lest#sthash.tASR20cH.dpuf

Opinion: I miss Olara Otunnu, already!

Otunnu

After this General Election of 2016, he promised to step-down after the continuing process of keeping him away from the Presidency of Uganda People’s Congress as there we’re a strange placement of UPC in connection with the NRM government, as they got cabinet positions. The fighter and long-time human-rights activist and politician said he would give up politics.

“Tension at the opposition Uganda People’s Congress Party hit the boiling point on Friday, as supporters of the newly elected party President Jimmy Akena, battled with outgoing president Dr Olara Otunnu” (…) “The latter, who announced his resignation at the end of his term, is unsatisfied with the process through which Mr Akena was elected president last week, citing irregularities that characterized the entire process that must be probed” (…) “Sources in the party told us a new committee led by one Patrick Mwondha was set up, which will provide interim leadership until the July Delegates Conference when the new President will be endorsed” (…) “The council will handle all party activities leading to the July 10th National Council and July 11th National Delegates Conference” (…) “All this took place in the presence of president elect Jimmy Akena, who was occupying the party Vice President Joseph Bossa’s office” (Segwa, 2016).

This continued with a long process where Jimmy Akena finally overpowered Otunnu and kicked him out of the party, together with others who has essentially cleared the party of the loyalist behind Otunnu.

Therefore the realization that we do something bold again could appear, but instead he did this: ““Ambassador Olara Otunnu, the embattled UPC president’s time at the helm of one of Uganda’s oldest political parties is up. The man eagerly waiting to hand over power says his attempts have since been failed from 12th of June 2015,when he scheduled to officially hand over power only to be sabotaged by what he calls the Akena faction coup – d’état” (NBS TV Uganda, 10.05.2016).

Now months after I have to drop a few words for this man. Who has a long history in Uganda Politics and all of sudden has silently disappeared, something he didn’t deserve and he could have become more vital if people had given the man a chance. That is not something I alone could believe as he has been important for many during his years in the UPC. A place and heart of a fraction that Akena never can carry, because honest political craft isn’t Jimmy Akena’s way, if it we’re so the battle for Presidency of late would have been without tension, court dates and kicking out people out of the famous Uganda House.

But when looking away from the hurt, let look at the gentleman that Ugandan people now has lost, as he turned civilian and surely has a position with good people around him. Because he has the experience and the wisdom to lead and to focus his capacity at greater things!

In 1982 – New York:

“’There’s been a mistake,” he told Mr. Otunnu, who is Uganda’s representative to the United Nations. ”We don’t accept diplomats.” Mr. Otunnu kept looking, and found another apartment. ”Everything looked O.K.,” he said, ”but when I came on the appointed day with my check, I was told it was no longer available. I had a friend call up and cross-check, and he found the apartment was still available. So I went back with him, and they were embarrassed – they said the apartment was indeed available, but they couldn’t give it to me because I was a diplomat.” (…) “He found a third apartment, but he was again rejected and again for the same reason. Mr. Otunnu, who eventually found an apartment in a new building, remembers his experience with anger. But, he said, it is a ”common story” for diplomats.” (Bennetts, 1982).

In 2009 – ‘About his role in 1985:

Melina Platas Izma asks: “Some of your critics have alleged that you were involved in the coup of 1985. What is your reaction?”

Otunnu: “That is absolute falsehood. It is a vicious smear campaign being peddled for political reasons. At the time of the coup, I was based in New York. First, there were those reports about tensions in military barracks on the outskirts of Kampala. When I contacted my superiors in Kampala, I was assured that the incidents were not serious and were nothing to be concerned about. But then, in very quick order (and to my great shock), came the coup itself. I knew absolutely nothing about it and had no part whatsoever in its planning or execution. After the coup, I travelled to London for a previously scheduled meeting of the Commonwealth Commission on Small States. While in London, I was summoned home. At that time, I called Mzee Milton Obote from Shafiq Arain’s office. He told me how the coup by Bazilio Okello had unfolded. He knew I had nothing to do with it. He concluded the conversation by telling me: “The situation in Kampala is very dangerous. Be careful. And stay in touch when you can.” I did stay in touch with him. During the Nairobi peace talks, I travelled to Lusaka to consult Mzee.  Much later I would visit him while I was now based in New York. From time to time, he would send me messages. In fact one of the persons who carried an important personal letter from Mzee to me on one occasion was Chris Opoka, the current Secretary General of UPC. When I reported to Kampala, at the urging of Paulo Muwanga and Tito Okello, I accepted the assignment to initiate and facilitate the peace talks. That was my primary responsibility as minister. At the time, in a television discussion with Col. [Zed] Maruru, I defended the record and programmes of UPC from what was a wholesale visceral condemnation of the party without any regard to facts. I argued for an objective assessment of UPC’s record across the board – both its achievements and mistakes. Incidentally, soon after the coup, and before I left New York, Museveni had called from Gothenburg in Sweden (my telephone number was given to him by Betty Bikangaga from Geneva), urging me to return home to facilitate contacts and eventual peace talks: “The people who are in charge in Kampala know you and we know you; you can serve as a go-between and help to build confidence for talks.” (Izama, 2009)

His own statement in 1994 as member on the Commission on Global Governance:

“I think it would be equally difficult to have Germany and Japan join as permanent members without seeking some way to redress the imbalance which will be accentuated–the North-South imbalance within the Council. At the very least during this transitional period, we would need to have what one might call “tenured members” of the Council. Those who would serve for a period longer than two years–maybe five, six or seven years–but who would not be permanent members. A possible formula would be three-plus-one. Three tenured members would be drawn from the three regions of the world which are now not represented on a permanent basis–Africa, Latin America and parts of Asia. The remaining one would be a global seat, tenured, elected on the basis of some rough standard of good UN citizenship. It would allow a number of countries, who would not necessarily belong to the three regions mentioned previously, but who contribute very actively to the purposes of the UN, to be invited to serve on this tenured basis” (…) “Now I come to the use of the veto, which obviously has to be discussed in any context, whether it is transitional or long-term. In the long term, I am not sure what the fate of the veto is going to be. I have a feeling that it will be a major issue of discussion. As we move into a world that is more democratic (in spirit if not always in practice), the veto will increasingly be questioned. But in the transitional package, I see the veto being retained by those who now have it, for purely practical purposes. They will not cooperate on anything that prejudices their right of veto” (Otunnu, 1994).

In 2005 – His work for Children in Conflict:  

“Reacting to his departure as Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, UNICEF said today that it was deeply grateful to Olara Otunnu for being an outspoken advocate for millions of children caught in conflict around the world” (…) “She praised Mr. Otunnu for insisting that egregious violations of the rights of children in armed conflict cannot be overlooked or forgotten, and that the cloak of impunity must be lifted for all war crimes and abuses committed against children” (…) “Ms. Salah also hailed Mr. Otunnu for his close work with UNICEF in negotiating the landmark resolution passed by the Security Council last week, which establishes a comprehensive monitoring and reporting system for children affected by armed conflict” (UNICEF, 2005).

otunnu-1

In 2007 – Otunnu could return:

“The Ugandan Government would not accept &rewarding8 the disaffected diaspora and &terrorists8 through the peace process. Museveni argued that if regime critics such as former U.N. Special Representative for Children in Armed Conflict Olara Otunnu wanted to return to Uganda to run for office, they could do so. If northern Uganda was &thirsty8 to have Otunnu represent it, then a member of Parliament should vacate his seat for Otunnu to compete” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

In 2010 – Leadership role:

Last weekend, UPC delegates gave you a hoe to get back to work for Uganda, and the job is very big. Luckily, you bring to the job two very distinct qualities that will allow you to become part of nation building. Foremost, as a former diplomat on the world stage, you are known across the globe; when you call, leaders pick up their phones to listen. Your ability to network, and to connect internationally will serve Uganda well as a developing country” (Opiyo, 2010)

In 2013 – liberate Uganda:

The selection of Prof Omara-Otunnu who comes from northern Uganda may raise eyebrows to many in Uganda but a source close to FUF told The London Evening Post, that the front’s leadership is determined to have leaders from all regions of the country and that no particular tribe would monopolise the front as is the case in the ruling National Resistance Movement. Omara-Otunnu will need all his international experience in bringing together many Ugandans who have for years been frustrated by Museveni’s leadership and are being united because they all share one desire, that of removing Museveni from power and returning the country back to the people” (…) “A practical idealist and visionary, Prof Omara-Otunnu has devoted most of his adult life to promoting democracy, human rights, sustainable development, social justice and the ideal and practice of a common humanity around the globe. He engages these causes as a scholar advocate and a practitioner, by shaping policy and building structures and alliances through which to effect positive change in society. For his achievements, Professor Omara-Otunnu has received international recognition, including the luminary award given by the international affairs council to individuals who have made significant contributions that have profoundly impacted the world” (Gombya, 2013).

olara-otunnu

When you see this kind of words and his rich history from the cradle and in the midst of battles as the rise of Museveni was happening, while he also became a negotiation partner for the government of Obote. So he was on the losing side of history. Olara Otunnu we’re a man who at one point of time, though if I remember correctly that the youth had a say in the Obote government after the fall of Idi Amin where Museveni we’re Minister. So the turn of the coup of 1985, made him flee and also his reputation after years abroad made him a candidate for international works in the United Nations Organizations and partners. Therefore he is man with wide knowledge of the world and of his own nation.

Therefore it saddens me that he is now totally silent. That a man of this stature we wing-clipped by James Akena. That a man of hypocrisy and deceit like Akena could bring a man like this down! Otunnu had deserved another outcome. He has been steady and wanted the positive change of an accountable-government and a transparent election where a government like that would be elected. Certainly a vision he hasn’t seen in his time. Where also a transgression in his own party lead to his fall, as Akena made power moves and in the end cut the ties with the man of a rich history and also knowledge.

Otunnu, the diplomat who has a long career has now been gone into oblivion. The reality is that the man who has worked hard for justice for children and against war-crimes. As well as working of peaceful change from Museveni. That hasn’t occurred instead a man who turned loyal against all odds to Museveni got control over UPC. The Party that are old and stood against the Museveni paradigm is now gone. The UPC that stood against and lost that is well known now.

Otunnu has had many transition and been through many storms, been in exile and been through the worst of the worst. Many might not know this, but they should. He is not a relic or forgotten man; he should be a treasure to counter the NRM propaganda and the NRM control of the historical facts. He has been in the midst of the creation of the NRM from the outside and knows what the losing team looks like. He knows the struggle to get back their legacy and recharge a broken party. A party that betrayed him and took him for granted.

UPC was too good and to deceitful to be connected with Olara Otunnu! Olara Otunnu deserves credit for the work for the cause and I miss him from the public sphere. I am sure it does him good to be out of the spotlight. But the politics and the history of Uganda needs men like this. Who fights within reason and with enlightenment, with the tact and procedure and not with brown-envelopes and impunity! Peace.

Reference:

Bennetts, Leslie – ‘DIPLOMATS HAVING TO SCRATCH FOR APARTMENTS’ (06.06.1982) link: http://www.nytimes.com/1982/06/06/realestate/diplomats-having-to-scratch-for-apartments.html?pagewanted=all

Gombya, Henry – ‘EXCLUSIVE: Otunnu set to lead new Ugandan liberation front’ (10.10.2013) link: http://www.nyamile.com/uganda-in-south-sudan/exclusive-otunnu-set-to-lead-new-ugandan-liberation-front/

Otunnu, Olara A. – ‘1994 Conference – Statement by Olara Otunnu’

Former President, International Peace Academy 1990-98; Member, Commission on Global Governance) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/the-dark-side-of-natural-resources-st/water-in-conflict/32794-1994-conference-statement-by-olara-otunnu.html

Opiyo, Oloya – ‘Olara Otunnu, UPC has given you a hoe get back to work’ (17.10.2010) – New Vision

Segawa, Nixon – ‘Olara Otunnu Overthrown as UPC President’ (05.07.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/olara-otunnu-overthrown-as-upc-president/

Melina Platas Izama – ‘Olara Otunnu on the way’ (06.07.2009) link: https://melinaplatas.com/2009/07/06/olara-otunnu-on-the-way/

Unicef – ‘UNICEF thanks Olara Otunnu’ (03.08.2005) link: https://www.unicef.org/media/media_27835.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: A/S FRAZER DISCUSSES LRA, CONGO, AND SOMALIA WITH PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (14.09.2007) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA1449_a.html

Opinion: The reason for the silence of the LoP Kiiza; As the MPs want to secure a lavish lifestyle until death

winnie-kiiza-17-09-2016

It’s one of those days I say kudos to the men of Forum for Democratic Change – Youth (FDC-Y) wanted the sacking of Hon. Winnie Kiiza and her position as the Leader of Opposition (LoP). I am amused and amazed that it happens over money and the lavish lifestyle. The escalating funds and extended add-ons of expensive SUVs and Caskets when their imminent death conspire and their lives expires.

Well, that is a good cause, but the FDC Youth should have reacted to the day she went into office of Leaders of Opposition and joined the company of under the Movement and their Executive. That should been a battle-cry, but there we’re none just a silent approach where the trailing election and rigging where validated by the appointment of the Cabinet and the Shadow one.

So that today the FDC-Y decided to counter and ask for axing her today is a bit late. Hon. Winnie Kiiza and the FDC National Executive Committee (FDC-NEC) wouldn’t sack or change the Shadow Cabinet just months after arrival unless there an internal-coup in the party as there in the United Kingdom in the Labour Party where you either against Jeremy Corbyn or Owen Smith. The FDC is not Labour, but there have to be similar acts towards the MPs and he hardliners in the party to dissolve the Shadow Cabinet of today.

So the reason for her silence she is already an accomplice with the fellow MPs who wish the lavish lifestyle and become honourable overnight. The reality of the matter as long as the LoP and Shadow Cabinet is there, the 10th Parliament is in effect and the day-to-day business of the National Assembly will go. So the idea of the LoP to be sacked and change will matter is pointless.

Kiiza Article Daily Monitor

The FDC Youth shouldn’t get the LoP sacked; they should get the whole Shadow Cabinet discontinued and stop validation of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) that is what the FDC-Y should propose in this matter. The monies and advantages of the MPs will raise so sky high the Jupiter. The riches and wealth of the MPs will continue to surge as the level of impunity and little care for service deliver is there in the shallow halls of Parliament.

I admire the FDC Youth stance, as I have the same for the reckless spending of taxpayer’s monies on the already insulting wealthy salaries and other beneficiary programs for the MPs. So the poverty of the government institutions as schools and hospitals should been the main target of the funds and not SUVs for the newly elected men and woman. Alas, that is the case and the Youth are right with their anger.

The Movement are only interested in their selfish interests of their sole elite and their demands. Sometimes they will give monies to the needed and projects of government, but that will be merely a charade of dishonest approach as the Executive gives out pocket-change while he eats fortunes for supper. This is what the FDC should work against and not accept in Parliament. The MPs are just showing their disregard of the people and their work. This indecency of the representatives deserves to be demonstrated against and sought to stop. But to think that the utter words of somebody who validated the rigged election of 2016; than think again!

The FDC Youth shouldn’t sack Hon. Kiiza for her silence on the indecent behaviour of the representatives. The Youths should have reacted to the FDC NEC getting her the gig in the National Assembly in the first place. Her silence is because she cannot go too far in her criticism because she has already altered her motives and ambition to suit the captors of power.

She will be as strong and weak towards the Movement as the Hon. Beti Kamya of UFA. The spine of character has already shown as the where no problems for sending over a dozen of MPs to the Seminar in the United States or the shutdown of Parliament for a week for all the ones travelling so far. There we’re no quarrel in the matter. This proves that Hon. Kiiza is already part of the problem and the get-rich-quick click of Parliament. There isn’t any evidence of otherwise as the suggestions of a possible strong opposition there are dwindling. There are certain men and woman there still, but there far apart as Hon. Frank Mwijukye is one of them. Still, he is a part of losing end and Hon. Kiiza helps him to lose!

Hon. Francis Mwijukye said: "Today I visited Karungu government secondary in Karungu subcounty- Buhweju district where I found students studying under very disturbing circumstances" (Mwijukye, 25.06.2016)
Hon. Francis Mwijukye said: “Today I visited Karungu government secondary in Karungu subcounty- Buhweju district where I found students studying under very disturbing circumstances” (Mwijukye, 25.06.2016)

Kudos to the FDC-Y for their action and approach, but the gates is closed unless they want to marginalize the Parliament and not just take a bold stance against their own. That I and many doesn’t’ validate the LoP or her Cabinet is becomes of the dissolution decision to support the Movement by becoming it! So the losing end where already taken when the token and signs where made to the Speaker Kadaga and Deputy Speaker Oulanyah earlier this year.

Now, the time has come for the FDC-Y to either to take the stance of NRM Poor Youth. Try to disembark from the NRM during the Campaign period to the Go-Forward. If not, they can be a nuisance to their mother party… that will not generate the needed extra youthful idealistic force that either can excel a party or can muster the needed grass-root progress that it needs. The FDC-Y needs to show with their ideas and actions that they want to counter the FDC NEC now and their acts of validating the Movement. Not only by axing fellow Hon. Kiiza, but get them to axe the Shadow cabinet! If they do so and asks for that, than they will create empty space in parliament and also question the election that were. Defy and prove the Campaign of Defiance of Dr. Kizza Besigye worthy! Peace.

Press Release of the Joint Commission: present status of the Dialogue for Peace in Mozambique (24.08.2016)

Joint Communique Mozambique Aug 2016

My letter to Hon. Winnie Kiiza as the ‘LoP’

pawn

Dear Mrs Kiiza!

“I am very alive to the fact that: no freedom, no political changes, comes without a cost” – Dr. Kizza Besigye

I am writing with hesitation as you have taken choices that was not the wisest in my opinion, you might see this as progress, but your doubting the Presidential Candidate and neglecting the General Election 2016, as you are disregarding the level of impunity from the National Resistance Movement, I know that TVO have written something hard-hitting about you recently, and as you as a person have the all the right to address, and you did so:

“ATTENTION: I have received information from my private investigators that someone calling himself TVO on socialmedia could have been bribed by government to isolate Dr Kizza Besigye from FDC and link him to a rebel group. If you have been following the so called TVO, you will understand that he has even announced that a new liberation movement will be launched soon to free Besigye from prison using violent means. as a party and as far as Besigye is concerned, we are not in any way connected to any violent group and we shall maintain our position of a non violent struggle until otherwise. I encourage criticism but for the mean time we shall continue investigating this socialmedia critic until we establish his true motives” (Winnie Kizza, 23.06.2016).

As you know a little what you have done and what kind of affect it has, you we’re smart yesterday and stated this, while taking some responsibility:

“YES, DR KIZZA BESIGYE IS IN PRISON BUT THE OUT SIDE OF BESIGYE’S PRISON IS THE INSIDE OF OUR PRISON: Fellow Ugandans, no body abandoned or betrayed Besigye. His arrest and imprisonment is part of the struggle. We should not forget that we are all prisoners, all Ugandans are Prisoners(even Museveni, himself is a prison caught up in a self-destructive cobweb). This is a struggle of liberating ourselves. Do not cry for Besigye cry for yourselves. Ladies and Gentlemen, we need to understand the nature of struggle we are in, the earire the better! Those of us who think that FDC and its leadership is about to throw away our primary objectives and core missions for a peaceful transition and systemic change of government, you are rubbing the wrong side of history. FDC has stood the test of time! We are more united, resolute and focused than ever. We shall rely on the wishes of millions of Ugandans who crave for change to dismantle the status-quo” (Winnie Kiiza, 22.06.2016).

Winnie Kiiza Poster Jan 2016

So it is okay that you answer the allegations that TVO put on you, I have blatantly and no disregard towards the Shadow Cabinet, that you apparently are running now. Because it is just a tool and you are pawn on Museveni’s chess set. A necessary prop in the Parliament to keep his power and also to legitimize the farce of an election that was held; so when you are becoming this your partly disbanding the disobedience and defying Museveni and his NRM. You are complying to the façade that he creates with the “business as usual” and gives way for his power with impunity. He can show to the world that he has Opposition in his cabinet and a shadow cabinet to question his behaviour, while he is having all the main power and vetted votes in Parliament; so your real power is only words. The same words that claimed victory in February and March and dwindled while Besigye have gotten more court-dates than Museveni are getting foreign dignitaries on visit.

So you got to question yourself, what is the value of the Parliament and the Opposition, when you’re a useful pawn, a little soldier in the battle, a battle that Museveni controls and his loyal cadres, you can speak to NBS or NTV, smile and be interviewed in the Daily Monitor, but you’re a just a tool to validate the rule of Museveni. The prison of the conscious, the conscious you must be battling with, as you complied and wasn’t disobedient towards the throne and rule of Museveni. That must leave a bad taste, I won’t consider if Gen. Mugisha Muntu said you we’re the best or somebody else in the Forum for Democratic Change National Executive Committee, what is important you accept this fate and this chair. You took the bullet and accepted the institutional façade in 10th Parliament.

Parliament Uganda

How can you ask for systemic change while degrading the cause to an ‘honourable’ position in the glance of the cranes not far from Yusuf Lule road? The reason for a change happens with a brutal change and disregard for the cronyism and nepotism of the National Resistance Movement and their corrupt ways, but when you are partly corrupted in the National Assembly and in the shadow of the Government, what makes you such a different to them?

I have always had hope in you, as you seem like person who wants to go against the powers to be, in the clear voice against violence and killings of late in Rwenzori and Kasese, the district which you represent. The mentality and determination that is healthy for an opposition and future leader, but the misgivings of a validating the ruling regime and giving up the cause so quickly in fear of losing some symbolic chairs, show that the honour is more important than the causes. That is why the words of yesterday are hard to swallow as you demeaning the cause and the clear path to peaceful liberation from totalitarian, police state and dictatorship, as you think putting sugar on the wounds really heals the flesh. I hate to say it, it don’t.

Let’s be clear if the LoP and the Shadow Cabinet had worked, then the ones in the former terms of Museveni had brought it down and it hasn’t, not even stained him or pushed him into a brick wall, not even touched or taken him for a ride. The reason is that the Parliament is controlled and run under strict hands of Museveni and his loyal cadres as Kadaga or any other men and woman who can be corrupted by brown envelopes.

Winnie Kiiza 26.05.2016

This is something you know Hon. Kiiza, as you have been in Parliament a fortnight before and seen the 5 million Uganda shillings suits for the NRM MPs coming and going, every time Museveni needs certain laws and amendments fixed. So if you think you can change that with being LoP, than you need a strong mind-control and be able to pursuit the NRM MPs to change guards and go against their master. As the former LoP have been so successful with… the cause is not winning this, then there would be actual progress in the former trials of these runs towards the positive and democratic changes in the republic of Uganda.

You and the FDC NEC, the other FDC MPs, should have stood guards on the ethical and moral high-ground, even when it was costing with the oppressive attacks on the Headquarters, also with activists and MPs detained by the Police Force. Now you have abounded them for a Nobel position in Parliament.

You can attack me or other who doesn’t see the LoP and Shadow Cabinet as anything else than legitimising Museveni… that might not be what you want to hear, but that is the brutal truth.

With best regards on your role as pawn for Museveni.

Write of Minbane

History repeats itself: King Mutesa II and the KY traded his inheritance with Milton Obote; does his son, Hon. Akena sell the same inheritance of the UPC, when he goes into government with Museveni and his NRM?

Betty Amongi Jimmy Akena Statehouse 21.06.2016

“I can confirm that we are in talks whereby the core UPC minimum agenda that addresses key issues like health, education and agriculture will guide all engagements over the next 5 years. As UPC we firmly believe in the need for a peaceful transition cannot exclude Museveni, and therefore any meaningful transition cannot exclude him and NRM from this transition,” says James Akena

Just as mid-November 2015, there was speculation of a convenient marriage between National Resistance Movement and the Uganda People’s Congress, during the Campaign before the General Election of 2016 and as a preparation before the 10th Parliament. The Parties have stalled before as the founder and first Prime Minister Milton Obote, didn’t have many kind words for now President Museveni, as his son James Akena, the now President of UPC have traded for brown envelopes of shillings and longevity. He was tired of running in the wilderness, while the NRM continue to have the finger in every pocket and he wanted to be able to get something extra. So as Mid-June 2016 and the new Cabinet, even UPC MPs was elected into the 81 large Cabinet as a token of the Memorandum of Understanding between Akena and Museveni. Something Obote back in the day would have slapped.

Otunnu

This is what Dr. Olara Otunnu has said about the marriage recently:

“They are his weapons of choice to destabilise UPC” (…) ”This is not an alliance between UPC and President Museveni but an alliance between masqueraders Jimmy Akena, Betty Amongi and Museveni” (…) “It is inconceivable that UPC would go to bed with President Museveni. It hasn’t happened and it will not happen. Never” (Atukunda, 2016).

Planned cooperation since 2011, apparently:
“President Yoweri Museveni on Wednesday this week held a meeting with NRM leaders from Lango sub region who were aggrieved with the appointment of 2 UPC members in the new cabinet, leaving out party members who sacrifice a lot for the ruling party. The President told the group: “I know you honourable are wondering why I picked some people out of the family (NRM) to the cabinet. I am only sorry that I did not tell you people earlier, but I have been in clandestine relationship with them (UPC) since 2011,” Museveni told the NRM members according to sources who attended the meeting” (Sewakilyanga, 2016).

Akena M7

So with this in mind, that Dr. Olara Otunnu has talked long time about Museveni moles in the UPC Party and with the knowledge of the UPC-NRM alliance. There are certainly that the UPC are no on the short side of the stick, as they are not the ruling party as they once we’re when father of James Akena was running the country under the UPC-Banner after independence and traded for loyal support Baganda together with the UPC-KY marriage. This was in the 1960s, but the way the party folded and lost relevance, as the resurrected Conservative Party, have never been able to take the place in the political spectrum as the Kabaka Yekka once had, as Dr. Milton Obote abolished the kingdom and also lost his place Prime Minister, before the Coup d’état against him as well, that ushers in the Dictator Idi Amin. That also opens for the surge and military operations together with Tanzanian troops to invade and set in place for a second term for President Obote. That also gives now President Museveni, a place in his cabinet, before he goes to the bush to bring down Obote. So with all the blood and tears, it is weird that the man that had the ability to bring down the father. The man who got rid of the father and run the country, are now collaborating with peaceful with his son James “Jimmy” Akena who runs his father’s party and from his father’s foundation, Milton Obote Foundation and headquarter in Uganda House.

Obote Mutesa II

With this quick recap of history and neglect, it is just weird that UPC who swallowed KY with ease and tried to silence the Central Kingdom of Uganda, Baganda and Mengo circuit of Kampala, still they are now forging a similar trade, as a minor agreement with NRM for their own goodwill, to be a loyal partner with NRM instead of working on their own.

So with all of this in mind, let us take a look at the 1960s struggle between convenient marriage then between Kabaka Yekka and the Uganda People’s Congress, then between the King Mutesa II and Dr. Milton Obote as they we’re going together in the first election to gain traction in the newly made Parliament and also force way for the first PM Obote, whom later would force the Baganda and king in Exile, as he wanted to centralize all power in the Executive and not have to tangle with royals or kingdoms, as he abolished it. But before that and while in the beginning, he had a cordial agreement who both parties earned on and gain majority in Parliament, as they could get a grander place then the Democratic Party of the day. Take a look!

KY Poster 1960s

First Report on the KY-UPC Alliance:

“According to the terms of the KY-UPC alliance, UPC leader Milton Obote became Uganda’s first post-independence Prime Minister in a coalition government with KY, while the Kabaka of Buganda, Mutesa II, was named Uganda’s ceremonial president by constitutional amendment in 1963.25 From independence in October 1962 to June 1966, however, the UPC-KY alliance disintegrated as the UPC expanded and aggressively centralized the powers of the federal government, showing little sympathy for Baganda nationalism or the rights of Uganda’s kingdom governments. Indeed, the UPC repeatedly attacked KY as a “tribal” party that was unable to meet the nation-building challenges that Uganda faced after independence” (Scott, 2006).

Report from March 1962:

“Buganda and its king, the Kabaka, have been especially reluctant to cooperate with the rest of the country in its evolution towards a more centralized form of government. On the last day of 1960 it went so far as to declare its independence from the rest of Uganda” (…)”The UPC on the other hand is determined  to get into power, and many of their political maneuvers have a reckless flavour to them. Obote is unkindly reported to be willing to sell his soul to become the first Prime Minister of Independent Uganda. Some observers feel that his compromise with the Kabaka was just that. Buganda has quite a history of broken agreements, and the big question today is how far they will honour their word to support the UPC. The Kabaka, affectionately known around here as King Freddie, is the dominant figure in Buganda. A shrewd politician, he has a remarkable ability, no doubt inherited from his illustrious forbears, of playing one side off against each other (and often winning)” (…)”The Buganda-UPC coalition had fielded a new but all but unbeatable party calling itself Kabaka Yekka (Kabaka Only). There were high spirits in the UPC Camp, while the DP was exhibiting a stiff upper lip. Both sides claimed to be able to form for a national government even if they got less than half of the seats in the Lukiko” (Wright, 1962)

“In forty-eight hours the outcome was clear. As one newspaper summarized it:

The Result as always in Buganda when the Kingdom’s status and identity seems to be threatened, was a solid closing of the ranks and yet another demonstration that, as far as the vast mass of Buganda are concerned, nationalism ends at the kingdom boundaries” (…) “soon after we talked to Basil Bataringaya, the DP’s able Secretary-General who was in charge of the campaign” (…) “He was by no means pessimistic, however, about the DP’s future. He felt it had picked up much ground outside of Buganda at the expense of the UPC since last election. He was also sure that UPC’s marriage of convenience with Kabaka Yekka would work to its disadvantage outside Buganda where most tribesmen are intensely suspicious of the Baganda” (Wright, 1962).

PM-Obote-swear-in-on-indepedence-day-9-Oct-1962-

This is what Mrs. Winklmaier wrote on the 6th May of 1962:

“The Election results turned out as we expected. 21 seats of the National Assembly go to Buganda. They are elected indirectly through the Lukiko (Buganda Government) That means “Kabaka Yekka” (Nur der Kabaka) The other 61 seats are elected through the people outside of Buganda in a secret election. 37 seats went to UPC (Uganda Peoples Congress) and 24 seats to DP (Democratic Party). The Democratic Party is made up of the last Government. Then there are still 9 more seats, which are elected by the new Government. UPC is more or less a communist party. I cannot understand that UPC and Kabaka Yekka went together in a coalition. I don’t think that the Bugandas are aware of the consequences yet. [ The names of these two parties alone made it clear to me, that they cannot work together.] We are acquainted with both, our new Prime Minister, Mr. Milton Obote, as well as the former DP Prime Minister, Mr. Benedicto Kiwanuka. We are also acquainted with other Ministers of the New Government. One certainly cannot say that these are incompetent people – quite to the contrary. Moskau has a very good hand and in fact understands to fish for the best” (Winklmaier, 2008).

I think that says enough and gives you’re ideas on my perspective on the matter and also see the similarties, between KY and UPC of back then and today, today it is UPC who is ones that is trading it all for the little coins in NRM cabinet, while KY traded their legitimacy together with the ambitious Obote to control the new Parliament and Cabinet, as the independent country and new government loomed the nation. Today the UPC is one of the old parties, still their weakness is so obvious as the internal conflict between Otunnu-UPC and Akena-UPC continues, while the UPC now is really embedded, as proven with the ministerial position to two party cadets, the wife of Akena and also another family member of the Obote clan in the Cabinet.

Akena Otunnu

Just the proof the issues with the alliance, not only Otunnu who has issues with it, there are more men who disagree with Hon. Akena trade off. Peter Walubiri says this: “Museveni gave Akena money and soldiers and they hijacked the electoral process. He wants to take over our party but he will not succeed,” (…) “We [UPC] have not got any ministers, people can leave the party anytime they want and those too have left. We are going to expel them” (…) “Everyone supporting Akena is no longer UPC, but Movement. Those that want to eat are the ones going to Museveni” (…) “Justice Musota decided that Otunnu is still president until fresh elections are held, Akena has never been UPC president. They hijacked the electoral process” (Mayemba, 2016).

So the convenient marriage between the parties might end up with fractioned party, even more fractioned and create more fracas between Otunnu, Akena and the ones that despise the agreement made between NRM-UPC. As there was surely some who disagreed back in the day with UPC-KY agreement, though with the time, their voices have been silent or haven’t surfaced. the UPC are surely only helping Museveni and not their own cause, one can wonder how much the trade for the agreement and what cost it has for Museveni, as he get his former nemesis son James Akena on his side, with ding-ling little coins and a ministerial position, but not any real power. While the UPC continues to wrangle and in-fighting that even the agreement creates more fire, and the hut is on fire, and the whole village sees it. Akena can claim there are no fire in the hut, but the villagers see it and feels the smoke in their lungs. With this in mind, the Akena-UPC are no marginalize the UPC even more, even if he thinks he is getting a good deal, he is not. The only one earning on it is Museveni, as he get UPC embedded and under his control, while he gives away to measly cabinet position. That is for him, nothing and also scrap-metal as they are meagre seats and not pivotal in government as it is not Education, Defence or Foreign Affairs, but Fisheries and other smaller ministries that doesn’t have power or reach to create havoc. Peace.

Reference:

Atukunda, Rogers – ‘POLITICS Otunnu calls Amongi a mole, Akena fights Bbosa’ (20.06.2016) link: http://www.theinsider.ug/otunnu-calls-amongi-a-mole-akena-fights-bbosa/

Mayemba, Abubaker – ‘We shall expel Akena group for joining Museveni – Walubiri’ (20.06.2016) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/44903-we-shall-expel-akena-group-for-joining-museveni-walubiri

Sewakilyanga, Ivan – ‘I started working with Obote’s son in 2011 Museveni (17.06.2016) link: http://mycampusjuice.com/2016/06/17/i-started-working-with-obotes-son-in-2011-museveni/

Scott, James Peter – ‘Re-examining Uganda’s 1966 Crisis: The Uganda People’s Congress and the Congo Rebellion’ (2006) – University of Victoria, Canada

Winklmaier, Sonja – ‘Letters From Sonja: The Unlikely UPC – Kabaka Yekka Union’ (21.05.2008) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/people/letters-from-sonja-the-unlikely-upc-kabaka-yekka-union/405/ug.aspx

Wright, Ian Michael – Received letter 10.03.1962: Letter to Nolte, Richard H. – ‘Politics in Uganda I: The hoe and The Chair’ (10.03.1962) – Institute of Current World Affairs (ICWA), New York, USA

Footage: Luweero the Killings Fields of Uganda (Interview from 1985)

The regime of Milton Obote (1980 to 1985) was characterized by an excessive disregard for human rights. Government troops massacred civilians, especially in the “Luweero triangle” in Buganda. The U.S. State Department estimated that between 100,000 and 200,000 civilians were slaughtered in the Luweero triangle by the government troops. Peter Otai, Ugandan Minister of State for Defense, was interviewed by Peter Sisson in April 1985.

NEWSWEEK/AUGUST 13, 1984 – Starvation and Slaughter in Uganda

One of the world’s most massive – and deadly – violations of human rights in recent years may now be occurring in the Luwero triangle of Uganda, according to State Department sources in Washington. That area is a center of the Baganda tribe and also the site of an ongoing insurgency against the Ugandan government. North Korean-trained Ugandan soldiers are reported to have killed thousands of Baganda. The death toll from the slaughter and from starvation is estimated to range from 100,000 to 200,000, but international refugee organizations have been prohibited from distributing food in the triangle, which is located north of the Ugandan capital of Kampala.

Former LRA abductee says she has been exploited (Youtube-Clip) and the troubles of the NGO the Invisible Children!

A former abductee of the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels has accused a Non Governmental Organisation in Northern Uganda of using her to solicit funds from donors without offering her any support. Stella Lanam, was abducted by the rebels in 1998 in Lamwo district. She told NTV that the NGO exploited her as she struggled to resettle in the community. The NGO has not responded to the accusations” (NTV Uganda, 2016)

What I was able to find out:

If you wonder which Organization that used her story for their benefit, it was the Invisible Children, the American NGO who is famous for the Kony 2012 campaign. She was trained under their MEND program that lasted from 2007-2014.  She herself told her story to the Campaign in 2009. So the truth is in the pudding and is viable for the people to find out about.

What was told about her through the Invisible Children Mend Video:

” it is impossible for most 12 –year-olds to imagine being taken from school one day along with 150 other students and dragged into the bush by the LRA. That is Stella’s story. She and her classmates were abducted from their primary school by the rebel group and were trained to be a child soldiers and deployed into the bush with guns and machetes. They were sent to overthrow the Ugandan government. While fighting, she was given to a rebel soldier and was soon impregnated. Of the 150 students kidnapped alongside Stella, more than half were killed. Despite all that she has been through, Stella keeps smiling and singing. But Stella also continues to fight for the rights of formerly abducted women, as she dreams of becoming a local councilperson. A born leader, she is making the future brighter – not only for herself, but for all child mothers in northern Uganda. And for the first time, the brightness of her future outshines the dark memories she has passed through” (MEND.co/VIMEO, 09.09.2016).

Dissolved?

These kinds of problematic representations ultimately led to a backlash against the organization. This became particularly clear during and after the Kony 2012 campaign and had a fundamental effect on the fundraising efforts of the organization. Traditionally, most of IC’s funds were collected as a result of its tours: countrywide presentations in high schools and colleges about the conflict and the organization’s work during which merchandise such as T-shirts and DVDs were sold and a large number of donations were collected” (…)”A second important issue is the market-based functioning of Invisible Children, whose operations have become increasingly in line with Dan Pallotta’s thinking. Russell and Keesey often cite Pallotta’s work as a major influence on how they conceptualize the future of charity and Pallotta sits on their advisory board. He was also a featured speaker at IC events in 2009, 2012 and 2013. Pallotta’s basic argument is that charities should be run according to private sector principles. Concretely, he argues for the “multiplying effect of smart investments.” This involves paying large overheads in order to attract the most talented people who in turn are expected to produce the best results, but also in the belief that higher spending in these “smart investments” will pay off: the more you spend, the more you raise and therefore the more you grow” (…)”Kony 2012 was not the first time Invisible Children had been confronted with accusations of grossly misrepresenting the conflict or its role in ending it. It did initiate, however, an overwhelming tidal wave of exposure to which the organization was ill-prepared to respond” (…)”Unlike a for-profit corporation, however, Invisible Children’s closure will have lasting effects on the many communities and students to whom it committed and whose lived experiences it aims to represent. Charitable organizations have a profoundly different set of relationships with their beneficiaries” (Ticea & Sebastian, 2015).

IC Expenses

That is the reason why she the abducted woman never got what she was promised by the NGO, it was dissolved and a NGO who is famous for using the conflict for their own gain, instead of trying to really help the people in the Northern Uganda the LRA abductees. The plot it seems for the Invisble Children was to gain as much funds and donor money, through smart marketing instead of actually doing great work on the ground. Peace.

Reference:

Ticea, Kristof & Sebastian, Matthew – ‘Why did Invisible Children dissolve?’ (30.12.2015) link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2014/12/30/why-did-invisible-children-dissolve/

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

jean-pierre-bemba-01-1024x655

About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

kin16

Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

alliances

UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

A look into the recent events in Mozambique; as Renamo can’t accept Frelimo’s grip of power; while MDM stays in the shadow; the citizens and the army needs answers while refugees flee to Malawi from the violence; President Nyusi have a job to do!

12_maputo_art_wall_depicting_the_troubled_past_photo_mozambique___moments

Here I will go through the days and happenings between the Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front) and the Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance). This here will show the actual struggle between them as it where, day by day from the 3rd February to the 6th of March. There been a lot of actions. This is not something new as the two groups have fought against each other. They had signed a general peace agreement in Rome back in the day 4th October 1992. There been flaring clashes between the government forces under orders from Frelimo and the opposition Renamo. Even as there been steady cease-fires and battles between them, even in 2013 and the last one in October in 2014! As the last one left it peacefully enough to have campaign time during the late months of 2014. So hat President Filipe Nyuse could be sworn-in on 15th January 2015. So the flaring clashes and skirmishes between them started late 2015. But I have put the latest ones to prove that this seems more likely to systematically and that the parties involved in doing it to their own gain. As the people of Mozambique is the ones that loose on the instability and unsure environment. That cannot be seen as positive view on the latest expansion of the actions. What worries me is the Government of Mozambique claiming that it is ordinary migration that is the reason for the fleeing people from the country to Malawi, while the reports from Malawi proves the sinister and violent aggression they have seen and felt from both Frelimo and Renamo. Take a look!

Nyusi Mozambique

On the 3rd February:

“President Filipe Nyusi declared on 3 February that the heroes who fell in the struggle to liberate the country from Portuguese colonial rule “do not signify only the past, but also the present, and they will signify the future – the future that we are all building” (…)”The future that Mozambicans are building, the President said, should reflect the efforts and sacrifices made by the country’s heroes during the liberation war. He stressed that the goal of the country’s heroes, was not merely to throw out the Portuguese colonialists, but to ensure independence in the economic as well as the political sphere” (…)“While the people still do not have drinking water, electricity, sufficient schools and hospitals, we still have not competed the mission for which our heroes fell”, he declared. “This is a moment for reflection, for commitment to the development of Mozambique” (AIM, 2016).

On the 5th February:

“Six Renamo gunmen shot a community leader, Cipriano Sineque, and his son in Bebedo, Nhamatanda, Sofala, on 5 February. The head of the Bebedo locality, Bernabe Ndapitaia, who accompanied the wounded men to the Beira hospital, said that Renamo is targeting traditional chiefs and community leaders, in an attempt to weaken these authorities. This was the fourth such incident in the area. “All the community leaders in that area no longer sleep at home, because they are afraid the Renamo men will come after them”, said Ndapitaia. “The Renamo men have drawn up a list of their victims”. “Fear has spread through the area”, he added” (Hanlon, 2016).

2013-06_Mozambique-Renamo

On the 9th February:

“The Mozambican police force has promised to block any attempt by opposition movement Renamo to install checkpoints on the country’s main highways, in what Renamo is billing as an effort to protect its members from kidnap and assassination attempts” (…)”Horacio Calavete, a Renamo official in Beira, the capital of central province Sofala, told reporters on Monday 8 February that Renamo would set up road blocks at “strategic points” on the north-south EN1 highway, and the east-west EN6 that runs between Beira and the Zimbabwean border in the province of Manica” (…)”The alleged incident is the latest in a series of claims and counter-claims from both Renamo and the Frelimo-led government that each side is attacking individuals on the other side” (Zitamar, 2016).

On the 10th February:

“Asked whether South Africa would play a role in the political crisis in Mozambique, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, reportedly said that there had been no official request for South Africa to get involved. If such a request were to be made, the cabinet would first consult with the Mozambican government, she told the African News Agency during a visit to Maputo on Wednesday 10 February. ‘Mozambique has an elected government,’ she is quoted as saying” (Louw-Vaudran, 2016).

Afonso Dhlakama Campaign rally

On the 11th February:

“Five cars were fired upon on Mozambique’s main north-south highway north of the River Save today, a police spokeswoman said, blaming gunmen from opposition movement Renamo for the attacks which killed no one but left three people injured” (…)”The stretch of road where the attacks took place, between the River Save and the town of Muxungue, was the scene of repeated Renamo attacks on vehicles in 2013 and 2014, before a cease-fire was agreed in September 2014 to allow Renamo to take part in elections the following month” (Zitamar, 2016).

On the 12th February:

“The Mozambican police force has promised to block any attempt by opposition movement Renamo to install checkpoints on the country’s main highways, in what Renamo is billing as an effort to protect its members from kidnap and assassination attempts” (…)”Speaking in the capital Maputo today, police spokesman Inacio Dina told journalists any Renamo checkpoints would be illegal, and the police “will use the legitimate means it has in its mandate to restore order.”(ExxAfrica, 2016).

Renamo Ambush

On the 13th February:

“Afonso Dhlakama, leader of Mozambique’s former rebel movement Renamo, says President Jacob Zuma is favourably disposed towards mediating in the conflict between Renamo and the Mozambican government” (…)”Dhlakama nonetheless insisted that Renamo had sent a letter to Zuma via the South African High Commission in Maputo and had received an encouraging response” (ANA, 2016).

On the 14th February:

“Renamo returned to war with attacks Thursday and Friday on the N1, the main north-south road, in Sofala province. Eight cars were shot at; six people were injured but there were no fatalities” (…)”Renamo secretary general Manuel Bissopo was seriously injured and his bodyguard killed in a drive-by shooting in Beira on Wednesday 20 January. Dhlakama’s convoy was shot at on 12 and 25 September last year” (Hanlon, 2016).

Mozambique Renamo

On the 15th February:

“Policy makers increased the rate by 100 basis points to 10.75 percent, the Maputo-based institution said in an e-mailed statement on Monday” (…)“The Bank of Mozambique’s Monetary Policy Committee assessed the recent developments in the international economic context, in which the slowdown of the economic activity of developed economies, emerging markets and the Southern African Development Community region stands out,” it said. “The deceleration of the Chinese economy and the persistent decline in commodity prices are the main risk factors in the international context, with probable impacts on global growth, in a context that’s still characterized by the persistent strengthening of the U.S. dollar.” (McDonald, 2016).

On the 16th February:

“Gunmen of the former rebel movement Renamo murdered an official of the ruling Frelimo Party in Nhamatanda district, in the central Mozambican province of Sofala on Monday morning, according to a report in Tuesday’s issue of the Maputo daily “Noticias”” (…)”The Nhamatanda district administrator, Boavida Manuel, told reporters that Silva was murdered at his home shortly after midnight by a group of six Renamo gunmen. His wife, 47 year old Dorca Benjamin, was seriously injured, and is currently under medical care in Beira Central Hospital” (AllAfrica, 2016).

On the 17th February:

“The state-owned Radio Mozambique reported that the clash happened when a Renamo armed group attacked a road block early Wednesday on a tertiary road in Gorongosa district, central Mozambican province of Sofala” (…)“In an exchange of fire, a policeman was killed and a Renamo fighter also died”, said Manuel Camachu, administrator of the area, adding that the fighting lasted for 30 minutes and the Renamo men fled to the bush. Gorongosa used to be Renamo’s stronghold during the ended civil war Renamo waged against the Frelimo-led government” (News Ghana, 2016).

On the 18th February:

“At the opening session of the third ordinary session of Parliament, the parliamentary leader of Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front) called for negotiations and her colleague from Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance) said that her party is prepared to talk, but questioned the good faith of the other party” (…)“As for the negotiations or dialogue for peace, Renamo is ready,” said Ivone Soares, while adding that agreements signed in the past have not been implemented and questioning guarantees that “future commitments will be honoured in the spirit and in the letter” (…)“The country is experiencing a climate of tension created by Renamo, endangering development,” said Talapa, who expressed regret over the “incendiary and totally irresponsible speeches” being delivered in parliament, and for incitements to “civil disobedience, divisiveness, tribalism and war as means of coming to power” (…)”The MDM (Democratic Movement of Mozambique), the third-largest parliamentary force, also addressed the political and military crisis, arguing that “Mozambicans do not deserve another war” nor more violations of human rights and an autocratic state” (…) “This endemic violence must stop and give way to constructive dialogue”, Lutero Simango, parliamentary leader of the MDM, said, adding that “peace is not a matter of a party or two,” but “a national imperative” that must be everyone’s agenda” (Lusa, 2016).

Mozambique Liberation

On the 19th February:

“MARGARIDA TALAPA, Head of the Parliamentary Group of the ruling FRELIMO Party says the dissidents have caused tensions in the SADC country” (…)”Ms TALAPA says such people also understand perfectly well dialogue is the best option for obtaining effective peace in MOZAMBIQUE; but the supposedly reasonable wing of RENAMO is made up of cowards” (…)”She has further called on RENAMO to comply with the agreement on a cessation of military hostilities, which it signed on FIVE SEPTEMBER 2014, and call on its operatives to hand over their weapons” (…)”She claims the ruling party manipulates the defence and security forces, and attacks RENAMO forces which are awaiting reintegration” (Saba, 2016).

On the 20th February:

“Authorities in Mozambique are disputing reports that over 6,000 refugees in Malawi are fleeing skirmishes in the northern part of the Mozambique between Frelimo and Renamo” (…)”BBC on Friday quoted the Mozambican President Filipe Nyusi as saying there was no war in the country warranting the fleeing of some people, described asylum seeker in Malawi as a normal migration” (…)”Refugees interview by the BBC said they fled Frelimo brutality. Some woman claimed they were raped by government soldiers as punishment for “shielding” Renamo rebels” (Khamula, 2016).

On the 21st February:

“More than 6,000 Mozambicans have fled to neighboring Malawi since mid-December to escape clashes between government forces and armed militants of the main opposition party Renamo, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency” (…)”The number of people fleeing Mozambique has been increasing because of the clashes between Renamo and government forces,” Ghelli said. “The asylum seekers told us this.” (Odziwa, 2016).

Mozambique soldiers vs Renamo

On the 22nd February:

“The man, Domingos Jose, is a major in the Renamo militia, who was demobilized in 1994, after the end of the war of destabilization. His arrest is further evidence that Renamo is attempting to recall men who were supposed to have returned to civilian life 22 years ago” (…)”According to a report in Monday’s issue of the Maputo daily “Noticias”, Jose was one of a group of five Renamo gunmen, armed with AK-47 assault rifles, who attacked the police post in an abortive attempt to seize the weapons it contained” (AllAfrica, 2016).

On the 23rd February:

“Gunmen of the Mozambican revel movement Renamo injured two policemen in an ambush on Saturday in the Mutamba region of Barue district, in the central province of Manica” (…)”The Manica provincial police commander, Armando Mude, confirmed that two policemen were slightly injured in the ambush which occurred at about 12.00” (…)”Mude said that after this incident calm returned to Mutamba. He dismissed the Renamo ambush as mere banditry, and insisted that security along the road is guaranteed” (AIM, 2016).

MDM Campaign Mozambique

On the 26th February:

“President Filipe Nyusi today reiterated his willingness to dialogue “without preconditions” with the largest opposition party in Mozambique, Renamo, appealing “to all of Mozambique’s friends” not to encourage the use of weapons” (…)”We reiterate our openness to dialogue without preconditions,” said the head of State of Mozambique, speaking at a graduation ceremony at the Police Academy of Sciences (ACIPOL) in Maputo” (…)”Mozambique is experiencing a situation of political uncertainty for several months and the leader of Renamo threatens to seize power in six northern and central provinces of the country, where the opposition movement claims victory in the general elections of October 2014” (…)”The President Filipe Nyusi has reiterated ihis willingness  to meet with the leader of Renamo, but Afonso Dhlakama believes that there is nothing to talk about,  Frelimo having rejected in parliament the timely revision of the Constitution  to give legal cover to the new administrative regions claimed by the opposition and says that dialogue will only resume after the seizure of power in the centre and north of the country” (Lusa, 2016).

On the 1st March:

“Afonso Dhlakama, leader of the Mozambican rebel movement Renamo, has declared that any dialogue with the government is dependent on Renamo first taking power in the six central and northern provinces which it claims (Manica, Sofala, Tete, Zambezia, Nampula and Niassa)” (…)”Dhlakama’s position is contained in a statement published in the Renamo information bulletin, which declares “Renamo is willing to hold a dialogue with Frelimo, but demands in the first place the governance of the six provinces where it won the elections. Hence any dialogue in the future should occur when Renamo is effectively governing in those provinces” (…)”As for mediators, the government has repeatedly said it sees no need for foreign mediators in a dispute between Mozambicans. At Renamo’s insistence, a group of Mozambican mediators took part in the dialogue between the government and Renamo that ran from April 2013 to August 2015, when Dhlakama unilaterally suspended it” (AIM, 2016).

1st March 2016 Renamo

Reports of actions on the 3rd March:

“Mozambique’s state media on Thursday reported that a group of armed men from the main opposition Renamo attacked four civilian vehicles on Thursday morning in the central Mozambican province of Sofala, resulting in a few injuries” (…)”Radio Mozambique spoke to the administrator of Muxungue, Domingos Fernando, who confirmed the attack on four vehicle” (…)”But he said the fourth vehicle, which was heading to the northern city of Nampula was attacked at 7 O’ Clock in the morning” (Coastweek, 2016).

“Parliamentary deputies from Mozambique’s ruling Frelimo Party on Thursday urged the Attorney-General’s Office to investigate crimes committed by the rebel movement Renamo, and suggested that Renamo could be outlawed as a political party” (…)”This is the only case in the world where there is a party which is in parliament and at the same time waging war in the bush”, said Frelimo spokesperson Edmundo-Galiza Matos Junior, speaking in the second day of a debate with the government on the politico-military tensions in the country”.(…)“It is time for the Attorney-General to analyse seriously the legality of Renamo in the light of the Constitution and the Penal Code, which were passed here with Renamo voting in favour”, he declared” (…)“Is Renamo a political party or a group of armed men who loot the goods of the people – in short armed bandits?”, asked Lucinda Malema, while Lutse Rumeia said “Renamo should have been banned a long time ago. It’s no more than a gang of terrorists and bandits” (…)“Emdio Xavier added a demand that the government should suspend all payments to Renamo. AS a parliamentary party, Renamo receives a monthly state subsidy in proportion to the number of seats it holds” (AllAfrica, 2016).

On 4th March:

“The Mozambican government has deployed about 2,000 soldiers to the opposition’s Gorongosa District stronghold, the media reported” (…)”The deployment, the Moçambique para todos newspaper said, was being seen as targeting the Gorongosa hill, believed to be the hideout of the main opposition Renamo leader, Mr Afonso Dhlakama” (…)”According to Mr Dhlakama, the Mozambican government had ignored calls for dialogue with the opposition, but President Filipe Nyusi insists he would settle for nothing short of direct talks with the opposition leader” (Viera, 2016).

University Eduardo Mondlane.img_assist_custom-442x318

On 5th March:

“Mozambique President Filipe Nyusi has sent a letter to Afonso Dhlakama, the leader of the country’s main opposition party and rebel militia, inviting him to urgent talks on how to restore peace to the country” (…) ”Renamo said in a statement on Friday that Dhlakama is available for talks with the Frelimo government, while condemning an alleged build-up of 4,500 troops from Mozambique’s military and police forces in preparation for a military “mega-offensive” in the central Mozambican provinces of Manica and Sofala. Daily newspaper CanalMoz said on Thursday the government has sent around 2,000 troops to Gorongosa, the district within Sofala where Dhlakama is currently based” (…)”According to a statement released late on Friday, 4 March by the President’s office, Nyusi has appointed a team of three including Jacinto Veloso, a veteran of the war of liberation and a former head of intelligence and state security, to prepare the meeting between Nyusi and Dhlakama” (Zitamar, 2016).

On the 6th March:

“Gunmen of the Mozambican rebel movement Renamo on Saturday morning opened fire on a bus in the central province of Manica, killing two people and injuring a further eight” (…)”The ambush took place in the Honde area, in Barue district, on the main road from the provincial capital, Chimoio, to Tete, and on to Malawi and Zambia” (…)”Addressing a press conference in Chimoio, the Manica provincial police commander, Armando Canheze, said that because the ambush took place near a position of the defence and security forces, police were able to reach the scene before the attackers had an opportunity to loot the bus” (AllAfrica, 2016).

Afterthought:

(From what I found) Numbers
Deaths 4
Injured 21
Total 25

This numbers are surely small and might be even bigger as some reports are vague about the amount of people injured at an attack from Renamo as the score is not set. Also the witness report from the people of Malawi does not specify the actual numbers that has been hit. The numbers I have contained is the numbers that are specific in the reports I have collected.  So my numbers can only give an indication and not be the actual number of people hurt/injured or dead by the Renamo, army or the police in these skirmishes.

What is very obvious is that Renamo men work in one way and have two main tactics. Going in 6 man groups to houses of governmental leaders or Frelimo leaders to injure or kill them a as a tactically spreading fear, also ambushing main roads to make daily-life into a dangerous journey and show the weakness of the government forces.

What is also very clear is that Frelimo have not delivered everything promised earlier for certain reasons, as the army and police work against the Renamo, and who answered who on at this stage is hard to say. As the 1992 peace agreement promised either guerrillas or armies to become political actors, so both Frelimo and Renamo have arms and now how to use arms. Though at any point Frelimo always have the upper-hand as a government entity and the rule of power. As this also open the questions if they as a longstanding ruling party have used the government facilities, institutions, funds and armies to secure the role of government, yet again as they have been the main party since in independence in Mozambique. And because of this divide a newly formed party has surfaced called MDM (Democratic Movement of Mozambique) they can bring some form civility between Frelimo and Renamo as they have both new and old wounds.

The most astonishing thing for me is that the government and the President Nyusi together with fellow party fellows claiming that the people fleeing the skirmishes and battles between the government forces and the Renamo army is ordinary migration. When the amount of the people who flees at once it is not ordinary migration, as the 6,000 people deserves better and be taken serious by a President, not only by the authorities of Malawi, but also the Mozambique government as they have been responsible for this people and still are as they are initially their citizens and had homes in districts close to Malawi and areas that was under control of Renamo. Renamo is responsible as well, as they are part of parliament and lawful created party who supposed to generate peace after recent agreements, but this here seem like a long-serving power-struggle that seems to last a bit longer.

The once that is hurt is not the elite of Renamo and Frelimo, but the stakes of Mozambique’s citizens and their businesses. The altercations and implications of this can weaken the economy and not get the best deals as certain business and operations will shun the country as they will not be associated with the armies and violence. But it is never easy to say and predict, but the parties of Renamo and Frelimo; need to get a genuine peace-deal and a agreement that actually stick since they have gone back and forth; and doesn’t seem to stop unless their leaders dies. That is the President Nyusi and Afonso Dhlakama! I don’t wish anybody death, but seem that none of them will ever back-down and the President Nyusi will not give in, as the ruling party will stay there by any means, the same for Renamo’s leader Dhlakama. Even if Dhlakama want to have mediation with ANCs leader and South African President Zuma does not validate the ambushes and trying to attempt killings at government officials. To an outsider does sound like mixed messages. While progression from Nyusi is not strengthen him or his government; as the weaken routes and heavy deployment does on escalate the battles between the parties and their armed armies as they currently fight for supremacy and legitimacy. I feel sorry for the once that are in the middle the battles between the parties and the citizens who are targeted by the armies or used for political gain. Peace.

Reference:

AIM – ‘Dhlakama puts conditions on dialogue’ (01.03.2016) link: http://www.thezimbabwean.co/2016/03/dhlakama-puts-conditions-on-dialogue/

AIM – ‘Renamo gunmen ambush police in Barue’ (23.02.2016) link: http://www.thezimbabwean.co/2016/02/renamo-gunmen-ambush-police-in-barue/

AIM – ‘President Nyusi lays wreath at Heroes’ Monument’ (04.02.2016) link: http://www.manicapost.com/president-nyusi-lays-wreath-at-heroes-monument/

AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Frelimo Deputies Suggest Outlawing Renamo’ (03.03.2016) link:

http://allafrica.com/stories/201603040268.html

AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Renamo Major Captured’ (22.02.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201602230158.html

AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Renamo Murders Frelimo Official in Sofala’ (16.02.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201602170089.html

AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Renamo Gunmen Murder Two in Attack On Bus’ (06.03.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201603060317.html

Africa News Agency – ‘Renamo leader wants Zuma to mediate in Mozambique’ (13.02.2016) link: https://www.enca.com/africa/renamo-leader-wants-zuma-mediate

Coastweek – ‘Armed Renamo men said to attack vehicles in central Mozambique’ (05.03.2016) link: http://www.coastweek.com/3907-Armed-Renamo-men-reportedly-attack-vehicles-in-central-Mozambique.htm

ExxAfrica – ‘MOZAMBIQUE POLICE VOW TO BLOCK RENAMO CHECKPOINT PLAN’ (12.02.2016) link: http://www.exxafrica.com/mozambique-police-vow-to-block-renamo-checkpoint-plan/

Hanlon, Joseph – ‘Mozambique: Back to War – New Renamo Attacks On N1’ (14.02.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201602140334.html

Khamula, Owen – ‘Mozambique disown refugees in Malawi’ (20.02.2016) link: http://www.nyasatimes.com/2016/02/20/mozambique-disowns-refugees-in-malawi/

Louw-Vaudran – ‘Mozambique’s success story under threat’ (19.02.2016) link: https://www.issafrica.org/iss-today/mozambiques-success-story-under-threat

Lusa – ‘Mozambican PR reiterates readiness to dialogue “without preconditions” with  Renamo’ (26.02.2016) link: http://clubofmozambique.com/news/mozambican-pr-reiterates-readiness-to-dialogue-without-preconditions-with-renamo/

Lusa – ‘Frelimo and Renamo blame each other for instability in Mozambique’ (18.02.2016) link: http://clubofmozambique.com/news/frelimo-and-renamo-blame-each-other-for-instability-in-mozambique/

McDonald – Daniel – ‘Mozambique Raises Interest Rates as Inflation Pressures Mount’ (15.02.2016) link: http://www.dailynewsx.com/news/business-news/mozambique-raises-interest-rates-as-inflation-pressures-mount-27281.html

News Ghana – ‘Two die in clashes in central Mozambique’ (17.02.2016) link: http://www.newsghana.com.gh/two-die-in-clashes-in-central-mozambique/

Odziwa, James – ‘HAS SENT AN INFLUX OF REFUGEES INTO MALAWI’ (21.02.2016) link: http://www.maravipost.com/life-and-style/badnews/10508-clashes-between-mozambican-government-forces-and-renamo-in-tete-has-sent-an-influx-of-refugees-into-malawi.html

Saba – ‘MP ACCUSES RENAMO LAWMAKERS OF CONDONING ARMED VIOLENCE’ (19.02.2016) link: http://www.sabaorg.com/mp-accuses-renamo-lawmakers-of-condoning-armed-violence/

Viera, Arnaldo – ‘Mozambican government deploys troops ‘to hunt’ for opposition leader’ (04.03.2016) link: http://www.africareview.com/News/Mozambican-government-deploys-troop-to-opposition-stronghold/-/979180/3103114/-/1261vys/-/index.html

Zitamar – ‘Renamo accused of attacking cars on Mozambique highway’ (11.02.2016) link: http://zitamar.com/renamo-accused-of-attacking-cars-on-mozambique-highway/

Zitamar – ‘ozambique police vow to block Renamo checkpoint plan’ (09.02.2016) link: http://zitamar.com/mozambique-police-vow-to-block-renamo-checkpoint-plan/

Zitamar – ‘Nyusi invites Dhlakama for Mozambique peace talks’ (05.03.2016) link: http://zitamar.com/nyusi-invites-dhlakama-mozambique-peace-talks/