Mukula meets Omusinga Mumbere over Kasese violence (Youtube-Clip)

The cultural leader of Rwenzururu Kingdom, “Omusinga” Charles Wesley Mumbere, has called for a meeting with President Museveni to resolve the clashes in the Rwenzori region. The Omusinga made the call after holding a meeting with the NRM party’s east-ern region vice chairman Mike Mukula. Mukula paid the leader a visit to try and broker talks to avert further clashes” (NTV Uganda, 2016).

Former LRA abductee says she has been exploited (Youtube-Clip) and the troubles of the NGO the Invisible Children!

A former abductee of the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels has accused a Non Governmental Organisation in Northern Uganda of using her to solicit funds from donors without offering her any support. Stella Lanam, was abducted by the rebels in 1998 in Lamwo district. She told NTV that the NGO exploited her as she struggled to resettle in the community. The NGO has not responded to the accusations” (NTV Uganda, 2016)

What I was able to find out:

If you wonder which Organization that used her story for their benefit, it was the Invisible Children, the American NGO who is famous for the Kony 2012 campaign. She was trained under their MEND program that lasted from 2007-2014.  She herself told her story to the Campaign in 2009. So the truth is in the pudding and is viable for the people to find out about.

What was told about her through the Invisible Children Mend Video:

” it is impossible for most 12 –year-olds to imagine being taken from school one day along with 150 other students and dragged into the bush by the LRA. That is Stella’s story. She and her classmates were abducted from their primary school by the rebel group and were trained to be a child soldiers and deployed into the bush with guns and machetes. They were sent to overthrow the Ugandan government. While fighting, she was given to a rebel soldier and was soon impregnated. Of the 150 students kidnapped alongside Stella, more than half were killed. Despite all that she has been through, Stella keeps smiling and singing. But Stella also continues to fight for the rights of formerly abducted women, as she dreams of becoming a local councilperson. A born leader, she is making the future brighter – not only for herself, but for all child mothers in northern Uganda. And for the first time, the brightness of her future outshines the dark memories she has passed through” (MEND.co/VIMEO, 09.09.2016).

Dissolved?

These kinds of problematic representations ultimately led to a backlash against the organization. This became particularly clear during and after the Kony 2012 campaign and had a fundamental effect on the fundraising efforts of the organization. Traditionally, most of IC’s funds were collected as a result of its tours: countrywide presentations in high schools and colleges about the conflict and the organization’s work during which merchandise such as T-shirts and DVDs were sold and a large number of donations were collected” (…)”A second important issue is the market-based functioning of Invisible Children, whose operations have become increasingly in line with Dan Pallotta’s thinking. Russell and Keesey often cite Pallotta’s work as a major influence on how they conceptualize the future of charity and Pallotta sits on their advisory board. He was also a featured speaker at IC events in 2009, 2012 and 2013. Pallotta’s basic argument is that charities should be run according to private sector principles. Concretely, he argues for the “multiplying effect of smart investments.” This involves paying large overheads in order to attract the most talented people who in turn are expected to produce the best results, but also in the belief that higher spending in these “smart investments” will pay off: the more you spend, the more you raise and therefore the more you grow” (…)”Kony 2012 was not the first time Invisible Children had been confronted with accusations of grossly misrepresenting the conflict or its role in ending it. It did initiate, however, an overwhelming tidal wave of exposure to which the organization was ill-prepared to respond” (…)”Unlike a for-profit corporation, however, Invisible Children’s closure will have lasting effects on the many communities and students to whom it committed and whose lived experiences it aims to represent. Charitable organizations have a profoundly different set of relationships with their beneficiaries” (Ticea & Sebastian, 2015).

IC Expenses

That is the reason why she the abducted woman never got what she was promised by the NGO, it was dissolved and a NGO who is famous for using the conflict for their own gain, instead of trying to really help the people in the Northern Uganda the LRA abductees. The plot it seems for the Invisble Children was to gain as much funds and donor money, through smart marketing instead of actually doing great work on the ground. Peace.

Reference:

Ticea, Kristof & Sebastian, Matthew – ‘Why did Invisible Children dissolve?’ (30.12.2015) link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2014/12/30/why-did-invisible-children-dissolve/

Burundian UN Security Council Resolution 2279; a good deed, but will it make a difference?

BurundiNTVNews

As the unrest and crisis in Burundi continues even if they have Peacekeepers in Central African Republic and Somalia. The Opposition and the Government still keeps on with killings and oppressive behavior from the Government Armed Forces from the Police and the Army. The Opposition even tries to do plots to take down people of higher rankings as they have even attacked and gone after ministers and army generals. That is why the United Nation Security Council on the 1st of April 2016 finally have come to resolution on the conflict as the Inclusive Inter-Burundian Dialogue that have been stalled after the Ugandan President Museveni was out of the picture. There since been little or no-talks between the powerful actors in the country.

burundi-protests

Even with stories of counter-insurgencies from Rwanda and trained militias to topple the President Nkurunziza shows the viability and how the positions are played at the moment. But here are the most specific and most important parts of the UN resolution 2279 (2016) of the Security Council:

“Stressing the primary responsibility of the Government of Burundi for ensuring security in its territory and protecting its population with respect for the rule of law, human rights and international humanitarian law, as applicable” (…)”Urges the Government of Burundi and all parties to reject any kind of violence and condemn any public statement inciting violence or hatred and demands that all sides in Burundi refrain from any action that would threaten peace and stability in the country” (…)”Urges the Government of Burundi to respect, protect and guarantee human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, in line with the country’s international obligations, to adhere to the rule of law, to bring to justice and hold accountable all those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law or violations and abuses of human rights, as applicable, including sexual violence and violations against children” (…)”Welcomes the steps made by the Government of Burundi to withdraw some media bans, cancel some arrest warrants and release a significant number of detainees, and urges the Government of Burundi to urgently fulfil the remaining commitments announced by the Government of Burundi on 23 February 2016 and to extend such measures to other media outlets and political detainees” (…)”Welcomes the consent of the Burundian authorities to increase to 200 the number of human rights observers (100) and military experts (100) of the AU, calls for their full and speedy deployment in Burundi, notes that 30 human rights observers and 15 military observers have been deployed so far, and urges the Government of Burundi and other concerned stakeholders to provide them with full cooperation in order to facilitate the implementation of their mandate” (…)”Calls on States in the region to contribute to a solution to the crisis in Burundi, and to refrain from supporting the activities of armed movements in any way, and recalls in this regard commitments of the States in the region under the Framework Agreement on the Peace, Security and Cooperation for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region and the 1951 Convention relating to the status of refugees” (UN Resolution 2279, 2016).

Most of this is expected from the United Nation Security Council and their values and the wishes of security of the people of Burundi; which is the reason for why the resolution occurs. The issue I have with it, is not that the Resolution finally get Blue-Helmets on the ground and they are supposed to help to gain peace. But when you see the amount of people, experts and military men from the Peacekeepers it is very little. As little as it seems to be a gimmick and then the world society “we did something” but initially that something was very little.

policiers-burundi

And the Burundian Government will sure make sure their mandate is minor or small so they can conduct their affairs as much as they please only to formally do the implementation that are into the standards of the signed statues and the agreements done to international laws. So they don’t have grievances with anybody or anyone from the United Nation or the International donors to the Burundian Regime.

That the UN Peacekeepers will have the total of 100 Military Experts as Peacekeepers, that is a tiny base; they will not have the mandate or structure to do much in Burundi. It is more than the 15 Military Experts that are there now, so it is as adjustment. The Human Rights Monitoring will not be able to force anything, but to report to the UN and AU on the matters and issues on the ground. For me what is important is to remember the dire state that was in Rwanda before 1994. As this is similar and also had a Peacekeeping mission. But looking at the similarities when coming to the mission; the Burundian Peacekeepers can’t do much about nothing.

Document 3 Image

Important dates and issues with Rwandan Peacekeeping Mission:

“On 22 June 1993, the Security Council, by its resolution 846 (1993), authorized the establishment of UNOMUR on the Uganda side of the common border, for an initial period of six months, subject to review every six months. The Council decided that the verification would focus primarily on transit or transport, by roads or tracks which could accommodate vehicles, of lethal weapons and ammunition across the border, as well as any other material which could be of military use” (…)”As requested by resolution 846 (1993), the United Nations undertook consultations with the Government of Uganda with a view to concluding a status of mission agreement for UNOMUR. The agreement was finalized and entered into force on 16 August 1993. This opened the way to deployment of an advance party which arrived in the mission area on 18 August. UNOMUR established its headquarters in Kabale, Uganda, about 20 kilometres north of the border with Rwanda. By the end of September 1993, the Mission had reached its authorized strength of 81 military observers and was fully operational” (…)”. Reporting to the Security Council on 15 December 1993 on the activities of the Mission, the Secretary-General noted that UNOMUR was “a factor of stability in the area and that it was playing a useful role as a confidence-building mechanism”. Upon his recommendation, the Council, by its resolution 891 (1993) of 20 December 1993, extended UNOMUR’s mandate by six months. The Council expressed its appreciation to the Government of Uganda for its cooperation and support for UNOMUR and also underlined the importance of a cooperative attitude on the part of the civilian and military authorities in the mission area” (UNOMOR Background).

We all who followed the Situation in the Rwandan Genocide knew what happened after this and that the mission of United Nations Peacekeepers was not incapable of doing anything with the dire situation in Rwanda that was already in 1993 and what escalated in 1994. Those 81 Military Observers did not have the manpower or the mandate to sufficiently do anything in the country.

As we are today in April 2016, 12 years after 1994, in the neighbor country of Burundi who also have history of civil war and violence, that ended in the Arusha Peace Accord of 2000 and gave way to over a decade of peace. Still, it was not sufficient or enough. 

Burundi Violence

So the 15 Military Experts or Observers cannot deal with anything especially since their mandate is not yet there; as the negotiations with the Burundian government are under way, the Burundian government wants as little or no meddling in their internal affairs; and with that in mind they have stifled the ability to have international peacekeepers in the country. Even if the UN Mission in Burundi with their 100 Peacekeepers, how much more power will they compared to the counterparts in Rwanda in 1993-1994? I doubt the Burundian Government will give up sovereignty and let them play national Police and Army over them. As they have Army Forces in Peacekeeping mission themselves in Somalia and Central African Republic.

Burundian President Nkurunziza said this in late December 2015: “Everybody should respect the borders of Burundi. If the troops are in violation of this decision, they will have attacked Burundi, and each Burundian must stand up to fight them” (…)”The country will have been attacked, and we will fight them” (…)”You cannot send troops to a country if the United Nations Security Council has not accepted it… the UN resolution says the international community should respect the independence of Burundi” (Daily Monitor, 2015).

Now yesterday the new Resolution said they would extend the Military Experts (Observers) which counters the words and arguments used by the President in December 2015. That an Resolution from the United Nation would change the matter, even the resolution is so vague and non-descriptive as it even in dialogue with the Burundian Government:

“…urges the Government of Burundi and other concerned stakeholders to provide them with full cooperation in order to facilitate the implementation of their mandate” (UN Resolution 2279, 2016).

Burundi-Museveni-Nkurunziza

This gives way to Burundian Government to do as they see fit in their sovereign territory while the Peacekeeping mission of United Nations will have little power or mandate to address, because we already knows that President Nkurunziza have little interest in having a powerful mandate to the United Nations Peacekeeping mission as he already wanted to attack the African Union planned Peacekeeping mission in the Country.

The 100 people of the UN Peacekeeping mission will in this state, and with this sort of arrangement and resolution gives lots of responsibility towards the Burundian Government, and will certainly not made in way that is adjusted to the concerns of the United Nation Security Council.

This resolution gives little or no direct mandate to the United Nations Mission and gives way for negotiations for the Burundian Government. Therefore the start of it is flawed and leaves possibilities of being a minor sting of pride for President Nkurunziza; as much as it was for President Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda in 1993; to have a peacekeeping mission in his country. But if it has limited power or even reach, and with little manpower as it have, the worry for the Burundian government not necessary have to be there. Because the United Nation Mission can’t or doesn’t have the ability to stop anything; just peeping and monitoring at best; as much as the Human Rights workers that are parts of the Mission. The Military experts will be lame ducks, while waiting for a secure mandate. A mandate that the Government of Burundi not wanting to give them, as that will take away their sovereignity as a state and nation. Peace.  

Reference:

Daily Monitor – ‘Nkurunziza warns he would fight AU peacekeepers’ (30.12.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/World/Nkurunziza-warns-fight-AU-peacekeepers-/-/688340/3015170/-/k7p15vz/-/index.html

United Nation  – ‘Uganda-Rwanda-UNOMOR Background’

More people demonstrate in Kampala City Center where they chain themselves!

Chain Themselves 02.04.2016

As the IGP Kayihura and James Kawalya the DPC Kasangati who does not release the House Arrested Opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye; who is still under the same treatment as it has been since mid-February.

That is the reason why men is chaining themselves as a message to the government that they have put their leader in chains as his home becoming a prison in Kasangati. The IGP Kale Kayihura can play the international media, but he cannot play the local community and the Political Party who knows the situation with their leader. This is Youth on their own addressing it peacefully and showing disgust, most importantly disregard for the Authorities who detain and arrested their leader without a charge for over 40 days and they feel wronged. This can’t be seen any longer as one proud man who stood against the Police and the Government. Now there more people and they are showing their stance with silent protest against it. Not hurting anybody, except the pride of the Government as this is open demonstration is showing it all. Peace.

Police still deployed at Besigye’s home despite despite order to withdraw (Youtube-Clip)

“in spite of Gen. Kale Kayihura’s directive, the police are still deployed at Dr. Kizza Be-sigye’s home. Kasangati DPC James Kawalya said he was yet to receive an official or-der to withdraw. Besigye’s lawyer David Mpanga said they will continue to pursue the case requesting the police to leave his client’s home” (NTV Uganda, 2016).

Uganda State House says its broke, asks parliament for Shs70Bn (Youtube-Clip)

“Parliament has learnt that State House is broke with little or no money to manage the travels of the president, four months to the close of the 2015/2016 financial year. State House is asking for 70 billion shillings as a supplementary budget to fund the the presidency. State House comptroller Lucy Nakyobe who is the accounting officer informed the parliamentary budget committee that the funds budgeted to be used up to June this were spent by the President during the presidential campaigns” (NTV Uganda, 2016).

NRM National Campaign Taskforce Payment Voucher - Daily Allowance NR2

NRM National Campaign Taskforce Payment Voucher - Daily Allowance

Newspapers Same Scandal Uganda

Well, more to come on the spent monies. There will surely be reports proving the total spending on the Campaign by the President. Peace.

(In Pictures) Besigye had A Mid-Night Stroll in Kasangati tonight and also his statement on the continued House-Arrest; My second take on IGP Kayihura who lied to the Public on Besigye’s dire situation!

02.04. 2016 Besigye P1

Dr. Kizza Besigye Statement after midnight at Kasangati:

“IGP Kayihura once again deceived Ugandans today that I’d been freed. It was fools day anyway!!! I took the pictures here after midnight- on 2nd April 2016. It terrible to have a leader of a police force that breaks the law routinely and willfully; that seems to enjoy telling lies; and that has no regard for the opinion of others!”

02.04. 2016 Besigye P2

And here his last released picture to the Public from Kasangati:

Kasangati 02.04.2016 Police

FDC Statement on it earlier in the day on the 1st  of April 2016:

“What was an open secret that Mr. kale Kayihura had instructed his policemen to move away from Dr. Kizza Besigye’s home has now turned into a fat lie, the Uganda Police Force has actually multiplied in number”.

My take on it: 

IGP Kale Kayihura of the Ugandan Police Force might have had the ability to fool some people. But the pictures and the manifestation of the Police Officer talking in the phone while monitoring Dr. Kizza Besigey should be send a clear message, while they talked about the leaving the premises of Besigye’s gate and compound; they still have the metal-teeth and the Police Officers squatting in reach of the gate and still having the ability to check-in everybody who enters and leaves his home. So Practically the House Arrest never stopped and the illegal detention and unlawful detaining of the FDC Presidential Candidate and the man who never had the ability to really content the result of the February 2016 Presidential Elections have been sufficed to his own gates and home without being the ordinary man who can walk to work or even go out to buy his food. This has been going for over 40 days, since straight before the Election Day on the 18th February. So you know that the Police Force is still besieging the Compound at Kasangati.

Truly and clearly the IGP Kayihura lied and tried to deceive so that his master and the Government could work in Peace and hopefully without issues from the outside world; as even the U.S. Mission talked about progressing toward democratic elections in recent statement. I am paraphrasing the U.S. Mission, but that is in general what the army ally wrote as the Post-Election Period is going away and “ordinary” State of Affairs resumes before the swearing-in and the 10th Parliament sessions starts. As paraphrasing is not good enough here is actually the main quote in my opinon from the United States Embassy that is worth noticing.

Kasangati 02.04.2016 Police P2

Here what the U.S. Mission in Kampala says in their Statement to the Public:

“The U.S. Embassy notes today’s Supreme Court ruling affirming the results of Uganda’s February 18 presidential vote that saw President Yoweri Museveni re-elected to his fifth term. We encourage all Ugandans to respect the Court’s decision, and express their views in a peaceful manner” (U.S. Embassy of Kampala, 31.03.2016).

Certainly one thing is clear. The House Arrest of Dr. Kizza Besigye never happen and the orders from above would not let that happen, as he is the epitome of everything President Museveni is not, a legitimate leader compared to Executive; who have to House Arrest his main opponents. Peace.

Besigye reacts to Police Withdrawal from His Home (Youtube-Clip)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zoMAmglRhnI

Former FDC presidential candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye has reacted to Gen Kale Kayihura’s decision to remove the police from his home saying he is not excited at all with police decision. The FDC leader insists police was at his home illegally and that he finds no reason to celebrate their withdrawal. NBS Richard Olwenyi was with Kiiza Besigye at his Kasangati home at the time the police chief Kale Kaihura made the pronouncement. The news of his freedom reached him at around midday when he was meeting a delegation of interparty youth league who had paid him a visit to express their sympathy with the four times presidential candidate who has been under house arrest for 40 days. In the middle of the meeting, besigye’s cell phone rang, he picked and was informed about the directive to have him freed but he showed not excitement and instead quarreled. Many would think this was good news but the suggestion from his face, depicted he received news that spoiled his day. The continued detention of Besigye according to government was the fear the FDC leader was plotting to mobilize his supporters to engage in violent protest just after the just concluded elections to over throw the government of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Besigye wondered why the police chief Kaiyhura now says he has withdrawn forces from his residence yet he has been denying he was under house arrest” (NBS TV Uganda, 2016).

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni Official Communication on the Petition Verdict of yesterday (31.01.2016)

NRM Museveni 31.03.2016

CEON-U: Post election Press release (01.04.2016)

CCEDU Topowa

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

April 1, 2016

The post election season has been characterised by tension arising from the house arrest of lead opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye, a court case by former presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi and filing court petitions for MP, L.C and municipal elections.

The Citizen Election Observers Network- Uganda (CEON-U) is concerned that the continued house arrest of the lead opposition candidate infringes on his right to freedom according to article 23 of the constitution.

In article 43 of the constitution: (I) In the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms prescribed in this Chapter, no person shall prejudice the fundamental or other human rights and freedoms of others or the public interest.

(2) Public interest under this article shall not permit-

(a) political persecution;

(b) detention without trial;

(c) any limitation of the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms prescribed by this Chapter beyond what is acceptable and demonstrably justifiable in a free and democratic society, or what is provided in this Constitution.

NBS Besigye 16.02.2016

Section 24 of the police act gives the police a right to arrest someone if he is a threat to public security, but CEON-U demands that police produces evidence that makes Besigye a threat to public security, otherwise will his arrest be indefinite.

In a multiparty system, opposition parties should not be viewed as enemies of the state, but rather as groups that provide alternative Government programmes.

As part of a process of increasing citizen participation in Uganda’s electoral process, CEON-U recently carried out an opinion survey on the recently concluded general elections.

The survey was meant to expose electoral irregularities so as to provide a premise on how to better organise elections in Uganda.

EC 22.02.2015 Guarded Heavy

Consequently;  8 CEON-U managers visited areas where there is conflict, court petitions and requests for vote recounts to establish the causes of the disputed elections. The team visited Tororo, Gulu, Kotido, Butambala, Serere, Jinja, Mayuge, Iganga, Mukono, Kasese, Bundibugyo and Ntungamo. The managers worked closely with our long-term observers who are natives of the constituencies and the districts which they observed, before, during and are observing after elections. CEON-U held focus group discussions with members of the community, local council leaders, opinion leaders and voters from all political parties in the districts.

CEON-U also met district police officials, district returning officers, registrars in courts of law and victims of electoral violence.

Oulanyah House 20.02.2016

Findings:

Generally, the presidential and parliamentary elections were peaceful, but the period leading up to the election day was volatile in all the districts visited. In Mayuge for instance a man died under unclear circumstances. He was a supporter of Robert Ntende, an independent candidate. He is said to have been killed by supporters of Idi Isabirye.

In Iganga at Idudi supporters of NRM and FDC clashed on the eve of elections over voter bribery. The NRM MP was giving out cash to voters who alerted FDC supporters. FDC supporters reacted by blocking the NRM from giving out money, the NRM called a NAADS soldier to rescue them. He came and shot dead a 25-year-old man and the crowd became more rowdy. And the soldier continued firing live bullets. In the process of the scuffle, a woman was shot through the arm and an s.3 student was shot through the neck. Both these people were not involved in the scuffle but had gone to the trading centre to buy food. This shooting took place at 8:00pm. (attached are the pictures of the victims of the shootings).

The way results were tabulated and announced at the district provided a sharp contrast with what the locals had gathered from the polling stations. This happened for all the elections, presidential, parliamentary, district council and municipal elections.

NRM UPC Arua 16.11.15

There are mainly two known political parties, the NRM and FDC; even though Uganda has 10 political parties. UPC which was once a known party is almost non-existent.

In a strong multi-party dispensation system people are given an opportunity to have divergent views on handling issues of governance. A weak political party system promotes a one party system of governance which impedes institutional growth.

The management of electoral processes by some of the district returning officials was poor.

A case in point is Jinja: When it came to the L.C.3 election of Walukuba West Parish B;

The LC 3 election had five candidates Joseph Bateganya Atumika, Bisusa Amisi Kafuko, Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda, Mande Milton and Mbulugu Emmanuel.

On Election day the ballot papers that were supplied to the polling stations had wrong names. Mande Milton was called Mande Milton Kirunda. Also party symbols were mixed up between the NRM candidate and FDC candidate. This was sufficient ground for the election to have been cancelled. However, even when the Jinja district returning officer, Ambrose Mwaita was notified about the anomaly he told the candidate Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda that electoral commission Jinja was not going to do anything about this case. A case has been filed against the electoral commission in Jinja court by Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda.

There are several other electoral disputes that have been filed in courts of law in the various districts. In Omoro Constituency there is a Petition: Simon Toolit Vs Oulanyah Jacob was logged in on March 24 2016. Simon Tollit is suing the Incumbent Oulanyah Jacob and EC over election mal practice. These included ballot boxes being kept away in a saloon, EC tampering with DR forms, EC using a Different format of the District DR Form to declare results among other things.

Anti Riot Police 30.01.2016 Before FDC Campaign Kabale

Intimidation and Violence:

In Katawi, Amuria, Bukedea and Serere there were cases of intimidation and violence. The community claimed they were beaten by militia groups and crime preventers and were warned against voting an opposition party into power. ( attached is a picture of the people who gave confessions during a focus group discussion)

In Mukono the parliamentary campaigns were characterised by violence and chaos. According to the electoral commission, Fatuma Ndisaba’s supporters used to beat up Betty Nambooze’s supporters during campaigns. There was also the problem of candidates campaigning beyond the stipulated for campaign time and supporters clashing after the campaigns.

Badru EC

Recommendations:

 The military should be restrained from participating in elections, because elections are volatile in nature. Electoral commission should improve its image by investigating and eventually laying off district returning officers who are said to have altered DR forms and extorted money from candidates who wanted to be announced winners.   All political parties should be treated equally and respectfully by the Government in power.  The Government should seriously consider the electoral reforms that civil society presented last year. Presiding officers and polling assistants should be better remunerated to prevent them from being compromised during elections.  Management of elections is not a single days event. Planning and training of officials, desk officers, middle level managers, desk officers, heads of departments on the process of elections should start the second month after the general elections. Training presiding and polling officials should be done a month to the elections to minimise errors on the DR forms.

Ugandan Election 2016 Grieving

Conclusion:

The democratic path is a long bumpy one, despite the many electoral irregularities that marred the recently concluded elections, the gains made over the last 30 years cannot just be thrown away. We need more concerted effort to promote true democratic ideals.

For more information about CEON-U contact Dr Martin Mwondha on 0788929052 or email omwondha662@yahoo.com visit our website at http://www.ceonu.or.ug (CEON – Uganda) – Towards 2016: Conducting a Unified, Comprehensive and effective election Observation Mission in Uganda. You can also visit the FHRI offices in Nsambya.