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Hon. Jim Muwezi talks about justifying the house-arrest of Besigye; that personal freedom loses towards a state’s stability; I differ on those opinions; while he has totally forgotten the invitations from … to the Election Observers Mission.

Jim Muhwezi

When you’re losing a bar-fight and thinking that another beer, will give you extra strength and power to sufficiently hit the high and almighty bastard; that is the reasoning tactics of the Minster Jim Muhwezi today, the minister of Information and National Guidance!

Today Hon. Jim Muhwezi talked out on the FDC on the Breakfast Show on the NTV. Here is what he uttered today!  

 “When Kizza Besigye moves, he is followed by people, some of whom are potential criminals who want to loot. Police has a duty to stop that” (…)”“He [Besigye] is not under arrest. He is being regulated. He is free. Didn’t he go to church? Kizza Besigye is being treated as a security threat. Police can stop you from committing a crime. Uganda Police acts on information they get” (…)”Besigye’s ‘detention’ means government maintains responsibility of keeping law and order because elections shouldn’t turn Uganda anarchical so that is why security takes precedence over personal freedom always” (…)”“Besigye’s ‘detention’ means government maintains responsibility of keeping law and order because elections shouldn’t turn Uganda anarchical so that is why security takes precedence over personal freedom always” (…)”I don’t know the importance of this. They are diverting people’s attention from work. I find it strange that FDC is asking people to stay home. Very few people are following this. They are trying to defy nature and honest If Kizza Besigye wanted to go to court, we would have gone to court. Amama Mbabazi went to court without going to court” (Muneza, 2016).

Kizza Besigye 22.02.2016

Well, this here is not easy to subtle and kindly as he claims ordinary Ugandans are criminals for being supporters of Dr. Kizza Besigye, since the crowds and showing up at every town was big and many of the locals. Hon. Muhwezi follows the IGP Kayihura guideline, which Besigye is not under arrest: claiming the few hours going to All-Saints is the proof. I am sorry Hon. Muhwezi you’re soon getting three roadblocks to your home, getting a visiting book to sign in your entire guest, having police-officers outside your home for 40 days and not calling it a house-arrest. Then I and you can have an honest conversation. Even though the IGP Kayihura lies and you do as well, does not make it a truth!

Later you say the personal freedoms cannot be granted if it is fear of security and anarchical actions. The logic is flawed as your master and you’re Executive; your boss and the man you admire with all of your being Mr. Muhwezi. Hon. Muhwezi is defending a Preventative Arrest without any evidence that it has made an impact or given the country more secure. Law and Order means detaining people without having charges in sake of security, for me it sounds as making people criminal before they have even done a crime Hon. Muhwezi; is that the Information and National Guidance you will be remembered for?

Rukungiri 10.03.2016

Hon. Muhwezi it is ironic and fun to me how the NRM officials and NRM MPs and NRM Spokesmen have issues with the FDC Boycott. Why it’s ironic? If you are the grand-slam winners of the elections and have the majority then the boycott would not matter and wouldn’t be on your lips, right? Since it is, then it is hurting society and the general moral as it is way of peacefully reacting to the thieving of the election and acts of violence from the Security Forces and Police Force for the general public.

Enage 02.03.2016

Then the last point on the Petition squabble, I did address this also with the CP Fred Enaga right after. It is special how the NRM people and Uganda Police sound like they have programmed to address and reasoning the same. Must be the 50 shades of ballot-stealing they are learning at Kyankwanzi retreat. It is hard to discuss this with rational sense that Dr. Kizza Besigye could go to court, he was under house-arrest, his fellow Party-Officials was not allowed to meet, the ones with DR Forms from the Polling Stations met at Gun-Point from the Police and also detained by the same Police; also the besieged FDC headquarter of Najjankumbi and twice raided since the Election Day. Therefore the assessment of easily walking with evidence and precedence to the Supreme Court is flawed one. If the NRM party had the aggravated assaults from the Police Force against their operations then their Executive would have gone back to his guns and taken the “Freedom, Liberty and Justice” for himself, but you know that right, Hon. Muhwezi?    

Igads-head-of-Election-observer-team-Yufnalis-Okubo-left-and-former-TZ-president-Ali-Hassan-Mwinyi-who-lead-the-EAC-team-addressing-joint-press-conference-last-friday-at-Sheraton

On International Actors during the Elections:

“Uganda’s internal matters” (…)”observers are not in our constitution and we don’t know why they were here” (Gorilla Express, 2016).

Well, you’re a minister of information, but it is the country who get request and takes the Observers Mission sometimes as a way of creating credibility for the election or securing funding for the government as the precedence of the reign of the rule of power is by the ballot box and an election. Just as the Commonwealth accepted the rigged the election of 1980 was to get a positive government that the United Kingdom and the United Kingdom investment could trust, therefore the Election Observers from Commonwealth in the 1980s was there to give credibility to the Obote II Government. You who are man who has been in government for so long should know this?

Your right an election is an internal matter! But that does not make them righteous to do them wrongly, the reason is to respect the ballot and the wishes of the citizens. That is an internal matter and matter of government, to have the representatives and the leaders the people decided to vote for and get in power. Not for the one handpicked by the Electoral Commission or the NRM-O. So the internal matter can be questioned by the people following and outsiders as we can see that the Government does not respect the internal matter of respecting your population and the citizens in general. Complete disregard for the will of the people when the rigged election has appeared and the announcement takes away the will and power of the ballot.

Mou EOM GoU 2015

Wasn’t that why President Museveni had MoU on the Election Observation Mission in December 2015! But that is forgotten in your mind Hon. Muhwezi? The EAC Election Observers Mission came on invitation from the Electoral Commission, which is also forgotten? The Commonwealth Election Observation Mission happens after an invitation directly from the Government of Uganda, so certainly the GoU and the Electoral Commission; they have asked them to come! That is why they were there and observed the elections, apparently. But as a NRM Ministry of Information and National Guidance, your work is to make people forget certain facts to fit into the vision of the only man with a vision, isn’t that right Hon. Muhwezi?

I did the other destroy the words of Hon. Opondo, but you Hon. Muhwezi was much easier and with more delight. Hope you get to read these words and respect them as a advisory, because it could have been less humble and been more disgraceful as you called the men and woman who follow Besigye criminals, which is a low-point and a common disregard to common sense; why? Because the men majority of the men and woman following Besigye is citizens, tax-payers and the “average” Ugandan! Peace.

P.S:

Well, Hon. Muhwezi you’re speaking so biased I am sorry for you. There is not easy to take you seriously. That is because when I sent a question to mail the NRM Party Online Page, I was sent directly to your Ministry of Information and National Guidance; promised an answer within 24 hours in mid-February, and by today; still no answer on a single question.

Reference:

Muneza, Stephen – ‘Besigye followed by criminals – Minister Muhwezi’ (30.03.2016) link: http://eagle.co.ug/2016/03/30/besigye-followed-criminals-minister-muhwezi.html

Gorilla Express – ‘Jim Muhwezi stings International Community for meddling in Uganda’s internal affairs’ (30.03.2016) link: http://gorillaxpress.com/?p=517

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Footage of the Pre-Ticking ballots to the 18th February Presidential Election 2016 in Uganda

Do, you need more evidence of the eventual rigging of the 18th February 2016 Presidential Election in Uganda? If you need more to prove it, than your either a NRM man, a kinsmen of Mzee or somebody who pockets of the NRM-Elite. As this here is pure evidence and clearly made to prove the ways NRM went to secure Mzee to win again! Peace.

Go Forward: Statement on Filling of Election Petition Challenging Process and Outcome of the Presidential Elections 2016 (01.03.2016)

Go Forward TDA 01.03. P1Go Forward 01.03.2016 P2

Press Statement: Interparty Youth Platform calls for Peace and Calm (01.03.2016)

IPYP 01.03.2016 P1IPYP 01.03.2016 P2

Bwanika criticizes EC for mishandling elections (Youtube-Clip)

“Former presidential candidate Abed Bwanika has criticised the manner in which the electoral commission handled the electoral process. Bwanika said the commission has failed to give an account of how the tallying was done and what caused the irregularities registered on the presidential polling day. While addressing journalists in Kampala, Bwanika said he would headed to Kasangati to visit former FDC Presidential candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye who is under heavy police guard and movements restricted” (NTV Uganda, 29.02.2016).

Opposition leaders say they saw rigging in Uganda polls (Youtube-Clip)

“Foreign observers say the polls were not free nor fair, and some former ruling party members agree.Malcolm Webb reports from the capital, Kampala” (Al Jazeera English, 2016)

Go Forward: Post-Election Statement (20.02.2016)

Go Forward Statement 20.02.2016

Message from the FDC Party President (20.02.2016)

Andre Kaweesi FDC HQ 19.02.2016

Fellow Ugandans,

On the morning of Friday February 19, 2016, Party leaders of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) were holding a meeting at the Party Headquarters in preparation for a press conference. We intended to show the gross discrepancy between the presidential election results that the Electoral Commission was releasing and those that we had in our possession and knew to be correct.
Before the press conference, heavily armed police, operating on wrong and illegal orders from President Yoweri Museveni’s regime, invaded and disrupted our meeting and arrested Dr. Kizza Besigye, our party presidential candidate, Ms. Ingrid Turinawe, our Secretary for Mobilization, and me. We were taken to Naggalama Police Station in Mukono where we were detained all day without any charges being laid.

In the evening of the same day, Dr. Besigye and I were told that we were free to go but that Ms. Turinawe would continue to be detained.

If our arrest was intended to intimidate the leaders of FDC, the effect was to strengthen our resolve and our single-minded focus on fighting for our rights, our freedoms and democratic governance in Uganda.

FDC HQ 19.02.2016 Police Siege

One thing that all Ugandans must understand is that our fight for our rights, our freedoms and democratic governance cannot be compromised. These are the objectives on which we have focused our efforts and we shall continue to do so. Our energies, efforts and attention must remain on the achievement of those objectives.

At a strategic level, the situation is highly in our favour. At a tactical level, where Museveni still has some temporary advantages, we must focus on shifting that imbalance in our favor.

I thank all Ugandan people who participated fully and honorably in this exercise and were bold in voting and in guarding our votes throughout the country. I thank you for the sacrifices you have made. I urge you not to lose hope or to be discouraged by this temporary upset. We must all remain focused on our objectives.
I call upon all Ugandans and the international community to reject and condemn the fraud that has been committed and to expose it to the fullest extent possible.

Lastly, we must all be psychologically prepared for the occurrence of more illegal arrests and other forms of intimidation. Clearly what we are witnessing in the choreographed announcements of the fraudulent results is part of a creeping political coup d’état. However, we have no doubt at all that the Ugandan people will ultimately prevail.

Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu
Party President
Forum for Democratic Change
Kampala, Uganda

The 1996 election and the 2016 elections; staggering similarities of government party and actions towards the opposition! The difference now is Besigye VS M7; then it was Ssemogerere VS M7!

1996 Museveni Sworn in Ceremony

As President Museveni lost with no swagger in 1980 he later returned twice with armies to become the president in 1986. The 1986 where NRA took the power; that story knows all of Uganda well; what Uganda has forgotten is the tactics and ways of rigging the elections of 1996. Even Dr. Kizza Besigye was ready for somebody else in 1996. That says something as the NRM tactics was using levels of fear and tell the general public: “if you vote for somebody else then the Obote-Dictatorship will return!” There is something wrong with that picture as this should be the ushering of democratic values that was installed and promised in the 10 Point Program from President Museveni. This was also the Election that ushered in the Universal Primary Election (UPE) while has done certain things with educations and spreading schools around the country, after many years to many of them has been neglected and has shown that the promise and reform was easier then actually achieving quality school education under the NRM-Regime.

The democratic values and fair elections were not achieved in 1996. As the countless reforms says. The Western nations and International Organizations accepted the result as a positive move for Uganda, even with the malpractices and also because still at this time the world saw President Museveni as the new breed of leadership. He would go away from all the things he might have built later in his presidential career. 1996 Elections was “No-Party” election with a new Interim Electoral Commission who was far from impartial. Kind of what the Electoral Commission proves without any subtlety in today’s election climate.

Besigye against Museveni candidature in 1996:

“Though Besigye was a National Political Commissar, minister and Museveni confidant, by 1996 – as his 1995 decision, and that of other officers like  now Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza and the late Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga to oppose entrenching the Movement’s monopoly of power in the constitution and the  near-banning of political parties – the differences were public” (…)”However, it has now emerged that Besigye and other people in the NRM and army  in 1996 were opposed to Museveni running as the Movement presidential  candidate” (…)”In 1996 Besigye relented at the last minute to go and campaign for Museveni in Rukungiri. He appeared at no more than two rallies, and spoke at one. The very personal and acrimonious face off between the two men last year therefore arose from a feud that had been simmering for about 10 years” (COO, 2002).

Ssemogerere Manifesto

How not to vote for Ssemogerere:

“The Constant refrain during Museveni’s 1996 presidential campaign was that a vote for his opponents would cause a return to the past, the former dictator Milton Obote was waiting in Zambia to return to power if Museveni was defeated. One of Museveni’s presidential election poster featured a picture of skulls and bones besides a mass grave in Luwero with the caption: “Don’t forget the past. Over one million Ugandans, our brothers, sisters, family and friends, lost their lives. YOUR VOTE COULD BRING IT BACK”; another campaign advertisement stated bluntly: “A vote for Ssemogerere is a vote for Obote” (Bouckaer, 1999).

How the sentiment was during the campaign:

“Ssemogerere seems to have hugely underestimated the depth of fear and hatred for Obote and his party among the majority of Buganda. Virtually everyone interviewed  who had voted for Museveni emphasized that they had voted in part to avoid any chance of a return to the violence and anarchy of the early 1980s. The effect of Ssemogerere alliance with UPC, however, does not seem to have been intimidating. Most people felt shift in sentiment against Ssemogerere in the last two months prior to the election. The Museveni campaign strategy of increasingly emphasizing the UPC and Obote connection towards the end of the campaign period was felt to been effective” (IFES, 1996).

Hon Ssemogerere in Northern Uganda campaigning

Museveni used the laws to stifle Ssemogerere campaign:

“The Ssemogerere camp tried to set up branches in the country. This ran foul of the law against setting up party structures. The police constantly frustrated this method of trying to reach the voters. There was a simpler and more effective method used by the Museveni camp. It is simply to announce campaign task forces and groups for given locations. While Ssemogerere was attempting to organise by “structure”, Museveni was organising by “process”. The former violated the existing law; the latter did not. The task force approach recognises the criticality of patrons who mediate the delivery of the votes of their peasant flock. In this approach it is not direct contact with voters, which is not feasible in backward areas with all forms of barriers (language), but contact with the patrons who go through lesser nested patrons to reach the final voters. Yoweri Museveni set up a more effective patron–client campaign network than Ssemogerere’s party structure approach” (Kotorobo, 2000).

How it ended:

“Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said. “I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added. During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers” (Mugabe, 2016).

Questionable freedom of speech during the 1996 campaign:

“The Government controls one television station and the radio station with the largest audience. There are three local television stations, three local radio stations, and five stations available by satellite. Uncensored Internet access became widely available through three commercial service providers in major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent noninstitutional users. Freedom of speech did not fare well in the context of the transition to constitutional government, including the presidential and parliamentary elections. Guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs prevented members of the former constituent assembly from addressing groups outside their constituencies. Electoral rules prohibited “campaigning” by presidential challengers until the official start of the campaign 39 days before the election. However, in their official capacity, President Museveni and senior members of the Government were free to travel throughout the country for months prior to the election. Rallies in support of all three presidential candidates suffered varying levels of harassment from thugs, in some cases resulting in physical injuries. It appeared, however, that such incidents were particularly directed at President Museveni’s opponents. Yusef Nsubuga Nsambu, a leader of the Conservative party and a supporter of presidential challenger Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, was arrested in May and charged with sedition for his unflattering descriptions of President Museveni. He was released unharmed 2 days later” (U.S. Department of State, 1997).

Celebrating the victory:

“KAMPALA, UGANDA — Thousands of President Yoweri Museveni’s supporters drove through the capital honking car horns and chanting “No change” Saturday to celebrate his first electoral victory” (…)”When Museveni was declared the winner on national radio Saturday, tens of thousands of his supporters poured onto Kampala’s streets, chanting “No change” in the local Luganda language, blasting car horns, and waving branches and flags” (Bashor, 1996).

One reason why he won the 1996 Election:

“Not all NRM successes showed the system’s popularity. The government manipulated small constituencies to gain beholden candidates in many special interest seats created by the 1995 constitution for women, youth, workers, the disabled and the army” (ICG, 2012).

Ssemogerere Museveni

Reports of malfunctions during the 1996 elections:

““The election drew a lower turnout than expected and suffered some logistical problems, but Ugandans generally avoided widely feared violence” (…)“Many of the country’s 8.4 million voters stayed away from the polls, and in many districts, turnout hovered around 50 percent. Logistical problems also hampered voting. At numerous polling stations, Ugandans complained that their names were not on the list of registered voters. “We have waited for hours, and we cannot vote,” said Patrick Nuwgaba, 20, surrounded by about 20 people who said they had been barred from voting. “We have our voter cards, but they say the numbers we have don’t match the numbers they have for us.” Despite those problems, calm prevailed around the country. Election observers reported, however, that in some pro-Museveni districts, especially in western Uganda, Ssemogerere backers had difficulty voting because of hostile crowds” (Buckley, 1996).

Questions about the victory:

”Within 24-hours of voting — and while the ballot papers were still being counted — the Inter Political Forces Cooperation (IPFC) backing the main opposition candidate Ssemogerere, announced that the constitutionally imposed “no-party” elections had been rigged” (…)”We have left it up to individuals to decide whether to stand,” Ssemogerere told IPS. “The electoral process is wrong and its going to be wrong again. If anyone stands they should know it will be with those disadvantages.” (…)”The IPFC’s compromise decision was reminiscent for some people of the 1980 elections in which the UPC are widely believed to have cheated the DP of victory — leaving Ssemogerere open to accusations of legitimising the government when he then took up position as leader of the opposition” (…)”Museveni was backed by, and represented his Movement “no- party” system of government while Ssemogerere was supported by the DP and UPC alliance and represented a return to multi-party politics — a return which would have required a change to the constitution” (Bozello, 1996).

m7, besigye

As we see about this Dr. Kizza Besigye and other opposition candidates get the same treatment that Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of Democratic Party in 1996. The vote-rigging, the issues with meeting people, with consulting the party members in the districts, the time for campaigning which apparently happens also before the pre-election period in Uganda in 2015. President Museveni doesn’t only recycle pledges his Police acts similar in 2015 as in 1996. That should be thought of as he talks of that the Movement brings progress. If progress means the same structure that doesn’t offer people freedom or liberty to discuss politics. Then it is NRM for you tomorrow. As the 1996 experience shows; there is a multi-party elections tomorrow, but the signs of 1996 looks strikingly similar, and the Police Force and Governmental institutions is structured to facilitate for the ruling party and funding his campaign while the opposition struggles with unleveled campaigning field that has been all through to the 18th Feburary polls. There is a certainty that Dr. Kizza Besigye has used smarter tactics than Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, but them both has fought the same monster which used the same style of campaigning in 2015-2016 as before the 1996, as he then gave 40 days campaigning as the districts was less, and the same now to the other candidates.

The fear used to intimidate candidates has been used in 2016. As even the security outfits has been deployed and both the army and Special Forces Command; they have been there following opposition and the police has target their trail as the Electoral Commission has given okay to their campaign trail in the start of the campaign in November 2015. This here shows the levels of fear and strong militarized politics that President Museveni feeds on; that has occurred through the whole campaign in the same way it did in 1996. That 2016 and 1996 looks so alike is staggering. The names of the other “actors” are different, but the end-game is the same. Though we hope that the people who are ready for change will see it as the old-man with the hat will do what he can to keep power; even if the people are ready for something else then his empty promises. Peace.

Reference:

Bashor, Richard – ‘In First Direct Election Since ’62, President Wins Overwhelmingly’ (12.05.1996) – Chicago Tribune.

Bouckaer, Peter – ‘Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (August 1999).

Borzello, Anna – ‘UGANDA-POLITICS: ‘Where-To-Now’ Conundrum For Opposition’ (16.05.1996) – Inter Press Service

Buckley, Stephen – ‘INCUMBENT LIKELY WINNER IN UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE’ (11.05.1996) – Washington Post

Katorobo, James – ‘The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996’ (2000)

Mugabe, Faustin – ‘How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?’ (30.01.2016).

International Crisis Group (ICG) – ‘UGANDA: NO RESOLUTION TO GROWING TENSIONS’ (05.04.2012).

International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) – ‘Uganda: Long Term Observation of 1996 Presidential and Legislative Election (May-July 1996).

Onyango-Obbo, Charles (COO) – ‘Besigye Opposed Museveni’s Bid in 1996, And Set Off Movt Demons’ (15.12.2002) – Daily Monitor

U.S. Department of State – ‘Uganda Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996’ Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, (January 30, 1997).

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