
It is just one of these days when the President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni reveals that he wasn’t in favor of the Multi-Party Democracy, even if he claims to be elected and have credible elections abroad. It is always his vision and his perspective that matters, the others should just follow and listen to the high and mighty Musveni. No-one else has a vision like him and his party, which bow their knees, gets Presidential Handshakes and also kisses ring when they have too. That is something the Opposition MP’s doesn’t do, except for the “Good DPs” and the level-headed UPC MP’s. Still, he has something obvious to say today!
President Museveni addressing Bulago Primary School in Buyengo Sub-County in Jinja District:
“I am tired of wars. I want you to vote for pro-NRM members of parliament like our party flag-bearer, Mr Moses Walyomu.” (…) “I don’t want to go back to the bush to fight again. Don’t send me people who will disagree with me in parliament. I fought in 1986 and I am tired.” (…) “He said people who are not of his party fear to discuss with him matters that are pertinent to the development of the country. And for that to be avoided, he will need Members of Parliament who share his ideals and vision for the country” (…) “He threatened that should Kagoma voters vote for an opposition candidate, their wish for good roads and other crucial utilities such as power will be no more”(Kirunda, Nakato & Katabulawo, 2017)
He is clear, if you disagree, that means war, not negotiations or discussions to find a level middle-ground. Since it is only one-man with a vision in Uganda, and that is the President. The Wonderful Dictator who is on his 7th Term, not 5th, even if he is rigged in 5 times in row. There was still a decade that gets shaved off in the calculation. I will write that until my ending. Since he deserves to count all years from 1986 and not only from 1995. While we are on that. Under President Museveni, there wasn’t always Multi-Party Democracy.
Three years after the Coup d’etat:
“As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009).
So as President Museveni forbade other parties and their political parties after taking power. He created together with the NRM/A a Movement System to control the local party politics and have structures that he could have oversight of from the State House. This was not a Multi-Party System. A special system that are now overturned into the Local Government system, still it is inherited by the RC system, that the party unleashed in the end of 1980s and tried for a long while. Explained by this Scottish student in 1993!
Importance of Movement System:
“Two statutes, the Resistance Councils and Committees Statutes 9 (1987) and the Resistance Committees’ Judicial Power Statute 1 (1988), codified and expanded the system of local Resistance Committees that had sustained the NRA in its war against the second Obote regime. The genesis of the Resistance Committee system can be traced to the Mayumba Kumi (or ‘Ten Houses’) experiment of the UNLF in the early 1980s, which in turn was linked with the Tanzanian Ujamaa philosophy (Oloka-Onyango, 1989; Baringo, n.d.).” (…) “The RC statutes divided each of Uganda’s 34 (now 38) districts into 5 administrative zones; village (or ward in towns and cities), parish, sub-county, county and districts” (…) “The extent to which the RC system offers the levels of popular participation claimed by the NRM/A also requires consideration. The RC Electoral system operated in 1987, 1989 and 1992 of direct elections only at RC1 level means that the population is excluded at every stage from choosing candidates for higher office. This limitation on direct popular participation in the RC system recurs at a higher level where the links between RC4/RC5 and the NRC and government ministries become rather uncertain. By 1992, there existed no power of recall for members of the NRC beyond elections day itself” (Smith, 1993).
With all this in mind, the tiredness of having opposition. It seems that the President is ready to control the Parliament, the Local Government and have only local cadres that are his. The ones that he knows he can bribe and have under his structure. That means he wants to back to late 1980s and early 1990s when the Movement System and Resistance Councils were the thing. Where the Ministry of Local Government could fire a Resistance Councilor or others, if they didn’t follow the direct orders of the President and his State House. This seems real now.
This seems like the thing, as he wants to take away development and public service if they doesn’t follow his orders in the By-Election in the Jinja District. That proves the lack of democratic values and wish to honor the ballot. But hey, he has for 30 years rigged himself in and made sure his cadres has gotten positions, why else would Gen. Kahinda Otafiire still be a Minister? Not because of his brilliant intellect, but for his loyal assets and following orders of the President.
That President Museveni wants to have men and woman who listens to him and doesn’t challenge him. Therefore, he is telling in Jinja District, that he didn’t go to war in 1986 to have people questioning his rule. His legacy now will not be that he re-released the Multi-Party System, neither that he Constitution delivered a fresh start, as his lingering time in power. Proves that he has gone backwards and become alike the men he overthrew. There isn’t anything different between Dr. Milton Obote distrust in Institutions and Political Affiliations, the only difference is the names and the times. The misuse of army and police to harass the opposition is not different either. The use of government resource in elections are also facilitated for the Movement to counter the opposition. Therefore, the wonderful dictator is alike predecessors, only difference is his ability to overstay!
President Museveni is tired, because he cannot understand that people still question him. That people still doesn’t believe in his vision. That is because he forgot to deliver, he didn’t care to deliver and wanted all along to control it all from the Okello House. There wasn’t with prompt and glory that the Multi-Party Democracy became law, it was two elections and amendment of the constitution that the President didn’t want to deliver. President Museveni wanted it all inside the Movement and the Resistance Councils, which he could assess and control. So now he had to allow other people create their own parties, where they have their own guidelines and programs, not his! They doesn’t have his vision. That is so tiring for him. Therefore, he now want to return back in time, to the Movement System and the Resistance Councils.
He wants total control and he says it, because he is tired of men and woman who doesn’t accept his vision. The vision of looting, dismantling and disorienting the citizens for the wealth of the Museveni family. The rest is history, as the value of currency, the added state debt, the lacking of transparency and patronage is extensive. Therefore, he doesn’t want it question of his state and his system. It is all what he created and made over the decades as the supreme executive. Certainly, the glory days and the days of hope is gone. Just like the days stalwart Besigye would help the old-man creating the Resistance Councils as well. Peace.
Reference:
Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41
Kirunda, Abubaker; Nakato, Tausi & Katabulawo, Andrew – ‘I don’t want opposition in parliament, says President Museveni’ (09.05.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-don-t-want-opposition-in-parliament–says-President-Museveni/688334-3919496-71atniz/index.html
Smith, Justin McKenzi – ‘Breaking with the Past – A Consideration of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s National Resistance Movement, and of social and Political action in Uganda during its government’ (1993) University of Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom.
Like this:
Like Loading...
Posted in
Africa,
Army,
Civil Service,
Corruption,
Development,
Economic Measures,
Economy,
Election,
Ethics,
Governance,
Government,
Law,
Leadership,
National Security,
Politics,
Tax,
Transparency and tagged
#Steady Progress,
10th Parliament of Uganda,
1980s Bush War,
1989 Election in Uganda,
1995 Constitution Uganda,
1996 Presidential Election,
2016 General Election,
2016 General Election Uganda,
9th Parliament,
9th Parliament of Uganda,
Abed Bwanika,
Abolish Multi-Party Democracy,
Accountability,
ADF,
Advantage,
Agents,
Aggrey Awori,
AI,
Allegation,
Allied Democratic Force,
Amnesty International,
Authoritarian Leadership,
Badru Kiggundu,
Beti Kamya,
Bill Clinton,
Boycott the Polls,
Bretton Woods,
Bretton-Woods Organization,
Brinkster Communications Corporation,
Bukedde,
Bush War,
Campaign Finance,
Campaign Financing,
Campaign Funds,
Campaign Pledges,
Carry gifts,
Cash Payments,
CDF Gen. Katumba Wamala,
Chaka-Mchaka,
Civil Society Organization,
Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye,
Col. Kizza Besigye,
Commercialisation,
Conrad Nkutu,
Conservative Party,
Coup,
Coup d'etat,
CPJ,
Crime Preventers,
Critics,
CSO,
Daily Monitor,
Democratic Environment,
Democratic Party,
Democratic Party Uganda,
Denial,
Donations,
Donors Operations,
DP,
DPU,
Dr Badru Kiggundu,
Dr Badru M. Kiggundu,
Dr. Col. Kizza Besigye,
Dr. Kizza Besigye,
Dr. Kizza Besigye Arrest,
Dr. Milton Obote,
Dr. Olara Otunnu,
Dr. Warren Smith Kizza Besigye Kifefe,
Dry Up,
EAC,
East Africa,
East African Community,
EC Uganda,
Electoral Reform,
Eng. Dr. Badru M. Kiggundu,
EU,
European Union,
European Union Parliamentary Committee,
Executive Power,
Expenditure of Campaign,
Extensive cheating,
FDC,
FDC Officals,
FDC Officials,
FDC Staff,
Federation,
Fifth Term,
Financial Contribution,
First Term,
Foreign Organisation,
Forum for Democratic Change,
Fourth Term,
Francis Bwengye,
Free Will,
Gen. Kale Kayihura,
Gen. Katumba Wamala,
General Election 2011,
General Katumba,
Gifts,
Gilbert Bukenya,
Go-Forward,
Go-Forward Group,
Go-Forward TDA,
GoU,
Government of Uganda,
Guerilla Warfare,
H. E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,
H.E. Yoweri Museveni,
Harold Kajja,
Hon. Amama Mbabazi,
Hon. Gilbert Bukenya,
Hon. Norbert Mao,
Hon. Olara Otunnu,
Hon. Sam Kutesa,
Human Rights,
Human Rights Abuses,
Human Rights Violations,
Human Rights Watch,
IEC,
IGP Gen Kale Kayihura,
IGP Kale Kayihura,
Ilciit Payments,
Illegal Arrests,
Improved,
Incumbency,
Incumbents Candidates,
Independent Candidate,
Independent Candidates,
Independent Electoral Commission,
Independent Electoral Commission Uganda,
Indian Community,
Inducement,
Ingrid Turinawe,
Inter Party Coalition,
Internal Reform,
IPC,
Jaberi Bidandi Ssali,
John Patrick Amama Mbabazi,
John Ssebaana Kizito,
Julius Nyerere,
Kale Kayihura,
Kampala,
Kampala Riots,
Kamunye,
Karuhanga Charpaa,
Katumba Wamala,
KFM Radio,
Kingdoms,
Kira Police Station,
Kizza Besigye,
Kizza Besigye Kifefe,
Kyankwanzi Resolution,
Lake Victoria,
LC,
Local Councils,
Local Government,
Local Resistance Committees,
Lord Resistance Army,
LRA,
Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.,
Malpractices,
Media Freedom,
Milestones,
Millitias,
Milton Obote,
Miria Obote,
Monitoring Elections,
Movement System,
Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja,
Mukono,
Mukono District,
Multi-Party Democracy,
Multi-Party Referendum 2000 Uganda,
Multi-Party Referendum 2005,
Naggalama Police Station,
NALI,
National Development Plan II,
National Leadership Institute,
National Resistance Army,
National Resistance Movement,
Nationalism,
New Vision,
Norbert Mao,
NRA/M,
NRA/NRM,
NRM,
NRM Cronies,
NRM Leadership,
NRM Regime,
NRM Supporters,
Okello,
Olara Otunnu,
Old Man with the Hat,
Overthrew the Military Government,
Pan-Africanism,
Party Affiliation,
Party Symbols,
Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere,
People's Development Party,
Peoples Progessive Party,
Pluralism,
Police,
Political Parties,
POMA,
PPP,
Pre-Election,
Preliminarily,
President Clinton,
President Museveni,
President Nyerere,
President of Uganda,
President Reagan,
Presidential Election 1996,
Presidential Election 2001,
Presidential Election 2006,
Presidential Election 2016 Uganda,
Presidential Term Limits,
Presidential Terms,
Privilage,
Public Order Management Act,
Radio Katwe,
RDC,
Re-Elections,
Rebels,
Reform,
Resident District Commissioners,
Resistance Committees,
Resistance Councils,
Rewriting History,
Ronald Reagan,
Ruling Pary,
Sam Kutesa,
Samuel Lubega,
SAP,
Second Term,
Seventh Term,
Sixt Term,
Specialised Technical Assistance,
State Resources,
State-Owned Radio,
Strict Anti-Party Rules,
Structural Adjustment Programs,
Sufficient Tools,
Support,
Supreme Court,
Tanzania,
Tanzanian Army,
TDA,
TDA U,
Term Limits,
The Democratic Alliance,
The Democratic Alliance Uganda,
The Electoral Commission,
The Electoral Commission of Uganda,
the Electoral Law,
the Executive,
Third term,
Tito Okello,
Totalitarian State,
Towns,
Transforming,
Transparency,
Treason,
UFA,
Uganda,
Uganda EC,
Uganda Electoral Commission,
Uganda Federal Alliance,
Uganda General Election 2016,
Uganda National Liberation Army,
Uganda Patriotic Movement,
Uganda People Defence Force,
Uganda Peoples Defence Force,
Uganda Peoples Defense Force,
Uganda Police Force,
Uganda Presidential Election 2016,
Uganda Supreme Court,
Ugandan Elections,
Ugandan Government,
UNDP,
Unitary State,
United Nations Development Programme,
United Republic of Tanzania,
United States of America,
Unites States,
UNLA,
UPC,
UPDF,
UPF,
UPF Crime Preventers,
UPM,
USA,
Villages,
Vote,
Vote Rigging,
Walk to Work,
Western Diplomats,
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,
Yoweri Museveni,
Yusuf Lule |