Tired of President Museveni’s “1986”!

I know I am born in 1985, but I am tired of the year of 1986 and the year National Resistance Army (NRA). The now National Resistance Movement (NRM) and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The liberation movement that has run the republic since 1986. This war lasted from 1981 to 1986, the NRA went out of the Milton Obote II government after the illegitimate election of 1980s. Which from then on has been used as the scapegoat and the ones to put to blame for ever since.

The 1986 is the magical year that Museveni entered into supremacy. The Supreme kingpin and mastermind of all it. Sowing the mustard seed and creating a newer safer Republic. The one time the peasants was supposed to have their say in government and make the republic a democracy. The Republic of Uganda was going from strong-men and big-men to run the Republic. Instead, it has been now three decades with manufactured democracy in-line with the vision of Museveni.

President Museveni have used all techniques to fix election results, paying villagers and making new government forms to fit his paradigm. Instead of releasing his promises he has built elite around him that is loyal to his brown envelopes or public fearing his security organizations. This is a special coming from the man promises all the possible governance and government structures needed, if he got into power. Instead, he has done the opposite.

It was supposed to get into a middle-Income Country instead of the Less Developed Country, which is the state is in now. The LDC that Uganda now is because of the state of government that President Museveni has created around him. That can be seen with amounts of debt, the massive overspending on the State House and the pledges around the President. Government of Uganda, GoU have been built around Museveni, instead of institutions and procedures. Therefore, the state are following the orders of the President and his Presidential Handshakes.

That is why, every-time in a speech at any sort of occasion the President will mention 1986 and how the state used to be. As of today 1 out of 5 in the Republic or 21% are between 15 to 24 year old. And by 2016 there we’re only 2% who are older than 65 years old. Which means that the President are part of a minority age bracket. President Museveni 30 years old rule are older than many of the youths in the Republic. They should also wonder what is so special about the years they never we’re living and about governments they never lived under. There are big proportions of the population who cannot remember or has been apart of the first years of the NRA or the civil-war during the 1980s.

They would be like me, they would feel the same fatigue of the NRA and Museveni rule, the extension of the liberation from Obote and Amin. The ones that Museveni mention whenever he needs someone or somebody to blame. Certainly mention 1986. The 1986 that are the most important year since independence, therefore, the NRM Day, the 26^th January 1986, liberation day. Instead of the Independence Day 9^th October 1962. That one is not so often mentioned by the President, since he didn’t get them out of the British Empire and not be a British Protectorate anymore.

Still, the 9^th October 1962 doesn’t seem to be important for Museveni, the 26^th January 1986 is the most vital one. The one that sets the standard, the day that changed everything and gave him total access. Therefore, the celebration of 1986 is so key and be levied at any occasion, and at any speech. President Museveni praises his overthrow of Amin, Obote, Okello and Biniasa.

They all just had to be overthrown, he had to make coup d’etat and make folklore out of it. So his name can ring out and be praised. Let it be clear, the President sings 1986… 1986… 1986… like a jingle never stopping. Peace.

Opinion: President Museveni said “I am tired” and want to indirectly reinstate the Movement System!

It is just one of these days when the President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni reveals that he wasn’t in favor of the Multi-Party Democracy, even if he claims to be elected and have credible elections abroad. It is always his vision and his perspective that matters, the others should just follow and listen to the high and mighty Musveni. No-one else has a vision like him and his party, which bow their knees, gets Presidential Handshakes and also kisses ring when they have too. That is something the Opposition MP’s doesn’t do, except for the “Good DPs” and the level-headed UPC MP’s. Still, he has something obvious to say today!

President Museveni addressing Bulago Primary School in Buyengo Sub-County in Jinja District:

“I am tired of wars. I want you to vote for pro-NRM members of parliament like our party flag-bearer, Mr Moses Walyomu.” (…) “I don’t want to go back to the bush to fight again. Don’t send me people who will disagree with me in parliament. I fought in 1986 and I am tired.” (…) “He said people who are not of his party fear to discuss with him matters that are pertinent to the development of the country. And for that to be avoided, he will need Members of Parliament who share his ideals and vision for the country” (…) “He threatened that should Kagoma voters vote for an opposition candidate, their wish for good roads and other crucial utilities such as power will be no more”(Kirunda, Nakato & Katabulawo, 2017)

He is clear, if you disagree, that means war, not negotiations or discussions to find a level middle-ground. Since it is only one-man with a vision in Uganda, and that is the President. The Wonderful Dictator who is on his 7^th Term, not 5^th, even if he is rigged in 5 times in row. There was still a decade that gets shaved off in the calculation. I will write that until my ending. Since he deserves to count all years from 1986 and not only from 1995. While we are on that. Under President Museveni, there wasn’t always Multi-Party Democracy.

Three years after the Coup d’etat:

“As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009).

So as President Museveni forbade other parties and their political parties after taking power. He created together with the NRM/A a Movement System to control the local party politics and have structures that he could have oversight of from the State House. This was not a Multi-Party System. A special system that are now overturned into the Local Government system, still it is inherited by the RC system, that the party unleashed in the end of 1980s and tried for a long while. Explained by this Scottish student in 1993!

Importance of Movement System:

“Two statutes, the Resistance Councils and Committees Statutes 9 (1987) and the Resistance Committees’ Judicial Power Statute 1 (1988), codified and expanded the system of local Resistance Committees that had sustained the NRA in its war against the second Obote regime. The genesis of the Resistance Committee system can be traced to the Mayumba Kumi (or ‘Ten Houses’) experiment of the UNLF in the early 1980s, which in turn was linked with the Tanzanian Ujamaa philosophy (Oloka-Onyango, 1989; Baringo, n.d.).” (…) “The RC statutes divided each of Uganda’s 34 (now 38) districts into 5 administrative zones; village (or ward in towns and cities), parish, sub-county, county and districts” (…) “The extent to which the RC system offers the levels of popular participation claimed by the NRM/A also requires consideration. The RC Electoral system operated in 1987, 1989 and 1992 of direct elections only at RC1 level means that the population is excluded at every stage from choosing candidates for higher office. This limitation on direct popular participation in the RC system recurs at a higher level where the links between RC4/RC5 and the NRC and government ministries become rather uncertain. By 1992, there existed no power of recall for members of the NRC beyond elections day itself” (Smith, 1993).

With all this in mind, the tiredness of having opposition. It seems that the President is ready to control the Parliament, the Local Government and have only local cadres that are his. The ones that he knows he can bribe and have under his structure. That means he wants to back to late 1980s and early 1990s when the Movement System and Resistance Councils were the thing. Where the Ministry of Local Government could fire a Resistance Councilor or others, if they didn’t follow the direct orders of the President and his State House. This seems real now.

This seems like the thing, as he wants to take away development and public service if they doesn’t follow his orders in the By-Election in the Jinja District. That proves the lack of democratic values and wish to honor the ballot. But hey, he has for 30 years rigged himself in and made sure his cadres has gotten positions, why else would Gen. Kahinda Otafiire still be a Minister? Not because of his brilliant intellect, but for his loyal assets and following orders of the President.

That President Museveni wants to have men and woman who listens to him and doesn’t challenge him. Therefore, he is telling in Jinja District, that he didn’t go to war in 1986 to have people questioning his rule. His legacy now will not be that he re-released the Multi-Party System, neither that he Constitution delivered a fresh start, as his lingering time in power. Proves that he has gone backwards and become alike the men he overthrew. There isn’t anything different between Dr. Milton Obote distrust in Institutions and Political Affiliations, the only difference is the names and the times. The misuse of army and police to harass the opposition is not different either. The use of government resource in elections are also facilitated for the Movement to counter the opposition. Therefore, the wonderful dictator is alike predecessors, only difference is his ability to overstay!

President Museveni is tired, because he cannot understand that people still question him. That people still doesn’t believe in his vision. That is because he forgot to deliver, he didn’t care to deliver and wanted all along to control it all from the Okello House. There wasn’t with prompt and glory that the Multi-Party Democracy became law, it was two elections and amendment of the constitution that the President didn’t want to deliver. President Museveni wanted it all inside the Movement and the Resistance Councils, which he could assess and control. So now he had to allow other people create their own parties, where they have their own guidelines and programs, not his! They doesn’t have his vision. That is so tiring for him. Therefore, he now want to return back in time, to the Movement System and the Resistance Councils.

He wants total control and he says it, because he is tired of men and woman who doesn’t accept his vision. The vision of looting, dismantling and disorienting the citizens for the wealth of the Museveni family. The rest is history, as the value of currency, the added state debt, the lacking of transparency and patronage is extensive. Therefore, he doesn’t want it question of his state and his system. It is all what he created and made over the decades as the supreme executive. Certainly, the glory days and the days of hope is gone. Just like the days stalwart Besigye would help the old-man creating the Resistance Councils as well. Peace.

Reference:

Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41

Kirunda, Abubaker; Nakato, Tausi & Katabulawo, Andrew – ‘I don’t want opposition in parliament, says President Museveni’ (09.05.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-don-t-want-opposition-in-parliament–says-President-Museveni/688334-3919496-71atniz/index.html

Smith, Justin McKenzi – ‘Breaking with the Past – A Consideration of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s National Resistance Movement, and of social and Political action in Uganda during its government’ (1993) University of Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom.

Uganda: FDC Party Officially welcomes dialogue between the FDC and the NRM (31.03.2017)

Opinion: Dear Swedes stick to IKEA, please forget the talks between Museveni and Besigye!

I don’t know if I should laugh or cry, but what sort of discussion should be from people who gave us IKEA, Volvo and tiny meatballs. We know that the Swedish needs to prove their worth in the world on other venues, than the Eurovision and hair-styles of Zlatan Ibrahamovic. Still, the recent of willingly sending Pro Bono people to mediate between the long serving, self reliance and thief in chief, the National Resistance Movement wizard, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the Opposition leader, creator of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Dr. Kizza Besigye are supposed to talk between cups of tea and biscuits provided with Swedish hospitality.

“The Swedish Government has confirmed that it has been approached and, has accepted, to mediate planned talks between President Museveni and former presidential candidate, Dr Kizza Besigye” (…) “The government of Sweden is involved in supporting and promoting dialogue in many parts of the world, as part of its policy of conflict prevention and support to peace processes. Sweden has been asked to facilitate a possible dialogue in Uganda,” Swedish Foreign ministry spokeswoman Katarina Byrenius Roslund, noted in reply to email inquiries from this newspaper. The “discussions are still at an early stage”, she noted, adding: “When there is concrete progress to communicate, we will do so” (…) “Ms Annika Söder, the Swedish state secretary, has been agreed on by the principals as the mediator for the expected talks. She flew into the country last week and held separate back-to-back meetings with the President and Dr Besigye on Thursday and Friday, respectively, in what knowledgeable sources described as “exploratory” (Butagira, 2017).

First and foremost, can the Swedes explain the content of tear-gas into public meetings, police blocking, detaining of FDC Youths, falsified charges against the FDC leadership, the Public Order Management Bill who is created to stop meeting of anyone else, than the loyal men of Museveni. How can there be talks between the parties?

Secondly, when every travel and meeting of FDC and Besigye is met with heavy police force, blocking of main roads and tear-gas when they congregate. What is there to discuss? What perimeter of Kasangati he is allowed to leave before it is an issue? What sort of ideas do the Swedes have in mind, except selling Volvo and SAAB to Uganda, instead of Isuzu and Toyota!

Seriously, that the Government of Sweden must either be blind or ill-minded if they think this will give way. If they know the history of Nairobi Talks of 1980s. When the National Resistance Army and the other parties gathered to iron out the differences. Than that was used to forge more way for the NRA agenda and silence the others with guns and ammo. Not generate peace without knowledge of Museveni landing on top. So this is in his blood and the blood that is shed for him to gain all power.

Global IDP Database wrote this about his negotiations:

“In July 1985, conflict between some Langi and Acholi soldiers led to the overthrow of the Obote regime. The coup, which brought General Tito Okello to power, shattered the military alliance between the Acholi and Langi and escalated ethnic violence. The Okello regime invited all fighting groups and political parties to join the military government. Every armed group and political party, with the exception of the NRA, joined the administration. The NRA, however, engaged the regime in protracted peace negotiations held in Nairobi. In December 1985, the Nairobi Agreement was signed under the chairmanship of President Moi of Kenya. However, the Agreement was never implemented and Museveni seized power on the 25th January 1986” (Global IDP Database, P: 18, 2004).

So will the Swedish buy into the mantra that everything can be reassembled and rebuilt? Since they want to forge a relationship between Besigye and Museveni. Museveni, who rather take up guns and get rid of opposition and vowed last year to destroy the opposition. Well, I am sure the Swedish we’re busy finding ways to export designer materials, than following the post-election dogma of Museveni. Since a man who only believes “he is the only man with a vision”. That is the man who is supposed to co-operate and negotiate with an advisory! Really?

A man who doesn’t want to talk about succession and doesn’t want to speak about his lingering in charge. A man who has run a country and nation since 1986, has nothing more to win or to gain by playing soft. If he does so and the Swedish is dumb enough to buy into the fake wood and think they get mahogany, than they will offer donor-funding and possible other prices for the so-called negotiations between the NRM and FDC. Even as the FDC Headquarter we’re a year ago a crime scene and many members and leaders we’re detained on manufactured charges.

There shouldn’t be these sort of talks at this point, if so, than the Swedish are legitimizing the thieving of Museveni and his NRM elite. Does the Swedish government want that on their plate? Is that the Swedish people’s prideful mission to support and trust in a corrupt and militarized government, while they at the same time is using Besigye as pawn?

The Swedish government, if they care should back-off, go home to Stockholm. Cut their aid and stop the talks. As they will only give more way to dictator and his clientele at the Okello House. There aren’t anything else to give.

Did the Swedish government do any research and care about the track-record of the Museveni regime? Have they seen how many mysterious deaths and men who has worked close who has either had to flee or been detained by his regime? Have the Swedish considered their implications in establishing legitimacy of the current leadership? Who doesn’t care if they bankrupt their country? While they are driving expensive cars on the State coffers?

Does the Swedish government need this win or this talks to gain international recognition, and not only sell IKEA furniture? Time to take the dozens pieces and assemble that the chairs in Umeå, and step away from Kampala.

Or do the Swedish government and their team no problem with losing their credibility for helping a fellow dictator? Peace.

Reference:

Butagira, Tabu – ‘Sweden to mediate Museveni, Besigye talks’ (29.03.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Sweden-to-mediate-Museveni–Besigye-talks/688334-3868674-b3fqil/index.html

Global IDP Database – ‘PROFILE OF INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT : UGANDA’ (17.06.2004)

Opinion: Besigye doesn’t need dialogue with Museveni!

Dr. Kizza Besigye and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) do not need to have dialogue or negotiation with the National Resistance Movement (NRM) or the President himself. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni needs more the dialogue than the FDC and their party needs it. It is the NRM government and NRM regime who needs legitimacy and needs funds. That is proven with Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG) who proves with the 16 trillion shillings funds the for the 2017/2018 budget of the 30 trillion shillings needed. With this in mind there is certainly that the NRM needs more international support to fix missing funds.

That Museveni would need Besigye now a year after the General Election of 2016 shows how dire the situation is, the added debt and the troubling waters on the giant infrastructure projects, as much as the missing funds for the salaries or the other financial expenses that are occurring for the government. So the proof of issues is growing as the direct budget support has dwindled down as well as the elite and the cronies still expect to be fed by the regime.

Besigye has still a forged treason case, as much as Rwenzururu king Charles Wesley Mumbere has as well. The FDC headquarters was attacked and a crime-scene as the FDC Youth and FDC P10 was attacked as the defiance campaign was even banned by the Deputy Court Justice Stephen Kavuma. As well, the Police Force under IGP Kale Kayihura monitored and followed the leadership of FDC like they we’re criminal. There were many detained and house-arrested, there was more people hurt and hospitalized by state security organization. Also, the many inflicted and detained without warrants or court order shows the impunity of the state towards the FDC.

So after this impunity, after the illegal house-arrest of Besigye and the others who has been taken into prison without any justice served, why should the FDC try to sell their soul to the Movement? That is waste of time and waste of energy, it would be like the men who traded their political lives in Nairobi talks: “The NRA and the government signed a peace and power sharing agreement in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital Dec. 17 that called for an immediate cease-fire, the freezing of all troop movements and a half share of the ruling Military Council for the NRA” (…) “The provisions of the accord were largely ignored and both sides used the lull in the fighting to reposition and resupply their forces. The guerrillas claimed the military committed widespread human rights abuses after the accord was signed” (Charles Mitchell – ‘The National Resistance Army of rebel leader Yoweri Museveni…’ 26.01.1986 link: http://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/01/26/The-National-Resistance-Army-of-rebel-leader-Yoweri-Museveni/5549507099600/ ). So the agreement done by NRA in December 1985 wasn’t a big deal, so that Museveni could do a final sting and coup to gain power, which he has never left.

A negotiation with Museveni would only enforce his rule and his longevity in power nothing else. Besigye would not be offered anything substantial; his part in the matter would end in little or nothing. FDC would get the stick, but not get the price. Just like they wouldn’t feel a difference between now and then since the price of going into partnership would benefit Museveni. The Movement would get beneficiary funding and regard internationally since FDC has a higher standing abroad than Museveni.

Museveni is well-known now because of his 7 terms and his position of executive since 1986. The reality of this that a negotiation or dialogue with Museveni at this stage is redundant, unless the President all of sudden turns his own self sideways. That he would go back on all his empty promises and all of his glory. Certainly Museveni could do so, but he knows that he has too many people on his consciences to leave it all behind. The President has eaten too much of the state coffers and cannot leave the bank-accounts behind. The family is too connected and has all the leverage in the state. The movement is built around him and if he fails than the party does as well.

The Movement and Museveni would not co-sign their powers or the authority, not after the rigging and the massive misuse of the state funds, therefore the lacking funds for the current budget. Museveni knows that his loyal friends abroad will not give in to his ways anymore, therefore hoping to play other cards. Use his political brain to suck other donors in. That while waiting for more oil-monies and also trade of other with making the UPDF to mercenary army in Equatorial Guinea or South Sudan if needed. This is because they need to get fresh funding for the State House, which hasn’t paid their payment-arrears to the owners of the Okello House!

So Besigye doesn’t need Museveni at this point, he needs his party and the loyalty of his supporters. That is more than Museveni has who needs to pay for loyalty and to secure funding for the movement itself. Therefore the jobs and funds to come steady, there is always more mouths to feed and more people to silence with brown envelopes. So Museveni needs foreign support and foreign aid as the Uganda Revenue Authority has just enough regulations and taxes to bring in funds that scrape the surface, but not fill the state coffers.

So again I say and I stand by it, Museveni is the only one earning political capital on negotiations and dialogue, nothing is really to be earned by the FDC or Besigye. So with this in mind, Museveni will only gain and Besigye will only lose on it. If you know you would lose, why give way to somebody who comes to take it all and deplete it all? Peace.

President Museveni is not running for his 5th term, but he is running for the 7th! Proving it by going through his previous terms

I know for some of you people this will blow your mind; some of you will tell I told you so. Other people will be like? How dare you insult my intelligence, well it depends on how you deem history and how you let the victors rewrite it. As President Museveni has been a victor and won over his predecessors like Yusuf Lule, Tito Okello and Milton Obote, even Idi Amin together with Milton Obote and the Tanzanian Army in late 1970s. So President Museveni has won the power through guns. At the same time as he has lingers he has tried to rewrite history as the people neglect certain fact.

We are supposed to see the people of Uganda to elect the 10^th Parliament as this is the end of the 9^th Parliament. I will not discuss that matter, as that is not important me. We could discuss if there only been 9 functional Parliament and representative government since independence in 1962, or should we also count the ones that we’re before this since the British introduced Parliamentarism in Uganda in 1882. Then it is with certainty more than 10 of them. If so is that based on the new constitution after independence or the newly written to fit NRA/NRM in 1995? Then so I understand the coming 10^th Parliament. Still, this is also worth discussing and the matter of how we value the predecessors and the tools they left behind for the men of today who rule. Feel me?

This here is not a reflection on how Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost and got 4% in the 1980s and 1 seat in Parliament, as this was the first outfit for President Museveni. Museveni didn’t even get a seat as he lost to Sam Kutesa in the distric he was running in; that is a worthy side-note!

His first term – Overthrowing Okello in 1986:

But his first term started as he was sworn in and the New York Times described it like this:

“KAMPALA, Uganda, Jan. 29— Yoweri Museveni, whose National Resistance Army descended on this battered capital city last week and overthrew the military Government of Gen. Tito Okello, was sworn in today as the new President of Uganda” (Rule, 1986). Here is in my opinion his start of first term, as he took it by the gun. As he was sworn in as President of Uganda, which initial means he got the appointment of rule as he defeated his opposition at that time.

 His Second Term – Election in 1989:

“The elections in 1989 also included elections for the majority of seats in parliament. Candidates for all these elections stood strictly as individuals and not as representatives for a party although several of them publicly were known supporters for one of the older parties – including the UPC. The Ugandan constitution was abolished in 1966, and no basic consensus has ever since appeared on the most basic issues like: how to elect a President and whether the country should be an unitary state or a federation including several kingdoms” (P: 40, 1994, Tidemand). “As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009). “Out of a total of 278 seats, 210 members were elected without party affiliation” (African Elections).

This here election was one, and gave NRM time to rebuild and rewrite a new constitution. So this gave way for his second term in my opinion. Since the first term was from 1986 – 1989. From 1989 to 1996 is his second as there weren’t elections towards the parliament and presidential candidates, which means that the country was still controlled tightly by the NRM. Before the 1996 election there was election a Council for writing the new Constitution. That was put into place in 1995.

His Third term – 1996 elections:

“The presidential election was preceded by an aggressive electoral campaign which was dominated by intimidation, vote buying, bribery and promises of material benefits. These methods were employed by both the opposition and the incumbent government during the 39 days which were allowed for presidential campaigns. It would seem that the aggressiveness of the campaign was dictated to some extent by the limited time allowed for each candidate to cover all of the country’s 39 districts, which meant that candidates were allowed one day of campaigning in each district. Again, this arrangement favoured the incumbent, President Museveni who had been in power for 10 years and was therefore well known to the electorate, compared to his challengers. Moreover, the electoral law allowed him the continued use of his presidential privileges which made the 39 campaign days less problematic” (Muhumaza, 1997). “The I996 presidential election was deemed a ‘step forward’ by many Western diplomats, although before the election some diplomats privately questioned how the election could be fair because of the fact that political parties were not able to organise to compete with the political machinery of the NRM (Reuters, 6 May I996). Despite private reservations, the official donor attitude was that the losers of the election should not contest the results. When Paul Ssemogerere went to the European Union Parliamentary Committee on Development to complain about the unfairness of the election, the committee told him to accept his defeat (The New Vision, 3 June I996)” (Hauser, 1999).

Interesting allegation about campaign money to Museveni in 1996:

“It was for instance alleged that one presidential candidate received funds equivalent to 600 million shillings (US$600,000) from certain foreign organisations while on a pre-election visit to Europe; and that another candidate had been funded certain Islamic countries. Similar insinuations were hurled against President Museveni who was alleged to have got financial contributions from the Indian community in Uganda” (Muhumaza, 1997).

The election results from the 9^th of May 1996:

The results was: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 74.33 %, Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere: 23.61 % and Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 2.06 %” (African Election Database).

This here was the official first term as he was this one. Even if he had already been ten years in power, that is why I am saying this is his third term, as he had the first one from 1986 to 1989, when the overthrow Okello, second after the parliamentary elections to the first presidential election in 1996. That lasted to the 2001.

Before the next election this was reports on the great democratic environment President Museveni was building:

“Political parties are prohibited from holding party conferences, a ban which severely hampers their own internal reform. Since this ban has been in place since 1986, reform in the structure and leadership of political parties has been virtually impossible. Attempts to hold party conferences have been met with strong and unambiguous warnings from the Ugandan government that they would prevent such meetings” (…)”Since coming to power, the NRM has used a state-funded program of political and military education called chaka-mchaka to spread its message that political parties are destructive sectarian organizations responsible for Uganda’s past woes, an argument that resonates given Uganda’s recent political history. Chaka-mchaka thus serves to rationalize the NRM’s denial of political rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. Government leaders, including President Museveni, often refer to advocates of democratic reform as their “enemies.” Other structures of local government such as the local councils (LC) and the Resident District Commissioners (RDC) serve to ensure support for the NRM, and often create a hostile climate for advocates of pluralism” (Human Rights Watch, 1999).

Fourth Term – General Election in 2001:

“KAMPALA, Uganda, March 14— President Yoweri Museveni swept the hard-fought elections here today, in a victory that he called an acclamation of 15 years of peaceful rule but that his main opponent said was won only by extensive cheating” (…)”My votes are like Lake Victoria,” Mr. Museveni told tens of thousands of supporters this afternoon who marched to an airstrip downtown after the results were announced. ”They never dry up.” (…)”The main election monitors in Uganda said, however, that most allegations of cheating appeared to be against forces loyal to Mr. Museveni, estimating preliminarily that between 5 and 15 percent of the vote may have been won fraudulently. The fraud included people being forced or influenced to vote by election officials, intimidation and people being denied the right to vote” (Fisher, 2001).

The Election results from the 12^th March 2001:

The results are: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 69.33 %, Kizza Besigye: 27.82 %, Aggrey Awori: 1.41 %, Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 1.00%, Francis Bwengye: 31 % and Karuhanga Chapaa: 0.14 % (African Election Database).

Reactions to the election:

“Amnesty International (AI) agrees with the Besigye opposition that “the Presidential elections in Uganda have been marred by allegations of human rights abuses, both before and after the elections on 12 March 2001. An increasing number of human rights violations against opposition supporters, including illegal arrests and detention without charge, ill-treatment in detention, and alleged unlawful killings were reported by the Ugandan press in the weeks leading up to the elections. In some instances, supporters of President Museveni were also targetted.” (Afrol.com, 2001).

This here was the official second term, while I am saying it is the fourth one, that lead to him opening the Multi-Party elections in 2005. Also the referendum on term limits came into force in 2005. As the constitution made in 1995 gave the limit of the Executive Power and President had the ability to be elect twice. As he wasn’t elected in between 1986 to 1996; 10 years without accountability and still becoming a donor pleasant government as Structural Adjustment Program got eaten up by the Government of Uganda in that period. As President Museveni even met with U.S. President Clinton; as he was the new future leader of the “third world” development.

Here are the issues in 2005 with the abolishment of term limits:

“Museveni and his supporters, who pushed a controversial constitutional amendment rescinding presidential term limits through Parliament this month, are urging an overwhelming “yes” vote while the weak and fractured opposition want the country’s 8,9-million eligible voters to boycott the polls” (…)”Under current rules, political parties are allowed to exist but may not have branch offices and may not field candidates in elections. The only fully-functioning political entity is Museveni’s own “Movement” organisation to which all Ugandans theoretically belong” (Mayanja, 2005).

As it was voted in by the public he was allowed to be the Presidential candidate in yet another election. The one that happen in 2006!

Fifth term – 23^rd February 2006 Presidential Election:

As some context and pretext over the other issues written in between 2001 and 2006; this here is following the close and tense contest that was held in 2006; as the NRM was weaken over time, as the fatigue of running the country since 1986. As the fourth term was already showing how much they tried to continue to work under the Movement System, instead of giving way to Multi-Party Democracy, as people voted in the second referendum poll. Here is some things happening right before:

“A spokesman for the ruling National Resistance Movement told New Vision that the government had complained to the U.S.-based Web server which hosts Radio Katwe, Brinkster Communications Corporation, claiming that the site was publishing “malicious and false information against the party and its presidential candidate.“ (…)”Local journalists have expressed fears that the government could similarly block The Monitor’s Web site on election day, when the newspaper plans to keep a running tally of votes from across the country. “Our Web site has been going offline every day for the last three days” for several hours at a time, Monitor Group Managing Director Conrad Nkutu told CPJ. He added that while the problem appeared be a technical glitch, “we are also suspicious it might not be.” (CPJ, 2006).

Election results from 2006:

The results are:

Number of Votes	% of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM)	4,109,449	59.26%
Kizza Besigye (FDC)	2,592,954	37.39%
John Ssebaana Kizito (DP)	109,583	1.58%
Abed Bwanika	65,874	0.95%
Miria Obote (UPC)	57,071	0.82%

(African Election Database)

Aftermath after the first Multi-Party after NRM got into Power:

“The multi-party elections of 2006 saw only slight improvements from 2001, notably in the area of media freedom. Dr Besigye ran against President Museveni for the second time, but now as the leader of a new political party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and garnered 37.39% of the votes, as against Museveni’s 59.26% majority. Dr Besigye’s Supreme Court case regarding the 2006 elections has become famous due to the ruling that Museveni was the rightful winner despite the Court’s acknowledgement of widespread electoral malpractices and vote rigging which were considered not to have substantially affected the results of the elections” (…)”For any engagement with these political parties a number of issues need to be taken into consideration, these include the multi-party system and the fact that the political playing field remains un-levelled in favour of the NRM. As such, donors operating in Uganda need to be cognisant of the implications of this, for the ruling party and for opposition parties. International donors have and continue to play a significant role in financing and monitoring Uganda’s elections. In the 1990s, the UNDP was the lead institution for donors who wanted to co-finance Uganda’s elections. The UNDP’s mandate involved managing a donors’ basket fund, and recruiting and supervising specialised technical assistance to support the EC and civil-society organisations to carry out tasks allocated to them” (Sekaggya, 2010).

Sixth Term – General Election in 2011:

Some Pretext: “The 2011 Uganda elections have attracted a record 8 Presidential candidates from seven political parties and one Independent candidate. All the Presidential Candidates have been on the campaign trail marketing their manifestos to Ugandans and have dispelled earlier assertions that some of them, seen as weak, will pull out of the campaigns that like in 2006 were expected to majorly be between incumbent Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement and Dr. Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change” (Rulekere, 2011). “FGD respondents said that this happens mainly on the election eve whereby candidates and/or their agents carry gifts and money in vehicles which have had number plates removed and they pack somewhere in the village and then walk from door to door giving money and/or gifts” (…)”Daily Monitor of Friday 7, January 2011 carried a lead story that President Museveni gave out $2.15 million (USh5 billion) in cash and pledges between July and October 2010 but the opposition is charging that such patronage is giving the incumbent an unfair advantage in the February 18, 2011 vote. Mr Museveni always conducts a countrywide tour before each election, during which he makes pledges and donations Critics say this is a disguised campaign that allows him to offer inducements to potential voters out of the public purse, a privilege unavailable to other candidates” (…)”Incumbent candidates have readily used their access to state resources to provide an unfair edge when running for re-election. This includes cash payments from the state treasury, use of state owned property and vehicles, as well as the fulfilment of campaign pledges during the campaign period. Voter have given up on their elected officials to fulfil campaign promises and seek to extract as much benefit as they can around the campaign period” (DMG, 2011)

The results are:

Candidate (Party) [Coalition]	Number of Votes	% of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM)	5,428,369	68.38%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) [IPC]	2,064,963	26.01%
Norbert Mao (DP)	147,917	1.86%
Olara Otunnu (UPC)	125,059	1.58%
Beti Kamya (UFA)	52,782	0.66%
Abed Bwanika (PDP)	51,708	0.65%
Jaberi Bidandi Ssali (PPP)	34,688	0.44%
Samuel Lubega	32,726	0.41%

(African Election Database)

The Commonwealth Observation Group noted this:

“The main concern regarding the campaign, and indeed regarding the overall character of the election, was the lack of a level playing field, the use of money and abuse of incumbency in the process. The magnitude of resources that was deployed by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), its huge level of funding and overwhelming advantage of incumbency, once again, challenged the notion of a level playing field in the entire process. Media monitoring reports also indicated that the ruling party enjoyed a large advantage in coverage by state-owned radio and TV. The ruling party in Uganda is by far the largest and best-resourced party and following many years in power, elements of the state structure are synonymous with the party. Further, reports regarding the “commercialisation of politics” by the distribution of vast amounts of money and gifts were most disturbing. Indeed, the „money factor‟ and widespread allegations of bribery and other more subtle forms of buying allegiance were key features of the political campaign by some, if not all, the parties. By all accounts, the 2011 elections were Uganda‟s most expensive ever. It is therefore important that for the future serious thought be given to election campaign financing and political party fundraising. This is more so given that there are virtually no checks on the levels of campaign financing and expenditure due to the cash-based nature of the campaign and the lack of stringent campaign financing regulations, both of which facilitate the use of illicit payments to voters as inducements and has the potential to undermine their free will” (Commonwealth Observers Group, 2011).

Important how President Museveni could run in the 2016 Election:

The Kyankwanzi Resolution of 2014 – President Museveni’s right for Sole Candidacy in the NRM:

“RESOLUTION ON PARTY COHESION AND GOVERNANCE

We, the undersigned members of the NRM Caucus attending a retreat at the National Leadership Institute(NALI) Kyankwanzi (6,February 2014); Fully aware of our Country’s historical  past and the need to consolidate and sustain the Milestones registered over the years since 1986; Cognizant of the fact that there is still a lot more to be done in order to realize our ideological vision of uniting Uganda(Nationalism), Pan-africanism, transforming our country from a poor peasantry society to a modern economy and upholding democracy; Conscious of the fact that what has been so far achieved over the last 28 years needs to be guarded jealously and improved upon to realize our vision; Aware  that when individuals engage in personal scheming, party cohesion is undermined, development efforts aredistracted and the population is diverted from work to early politicking;

DO here by resolve;

1. To support H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni tocontinue leading and facilitating our country on its take off journey to transformation”

Afterthought –Run in to General Election 2016.

1986-1996: First and Second Term!

So I have now gone through the Elections since 1986 until today in 2016. That is thirty years in Power for the Executive Power and being President Museveni. 1986 to 1996, he didn’t really become elected as President as he did a coup d’état in 1986 to bring down regime at the current time. So the period from 1986 to 1996, there was an election in 1989 a Resistance Council elections which barred the Parliament with elected men and woman from the NRM/A, but was not an ordinary election to bring the people’s will in full effect and not even electing President Museveni, but securing polls to validate the rule of NRM at the time, also in my consideration to shut-up the donor-community; so they see the “democratic” vision of President Museveni. He even made a stunning Constitution in 1995. President Museveni had set the standard with two term limits and other regulatory tools to secure accountability that was new in Uganda, together with swallowing the Structural Adjustment Program to secure massive amount of funding to rebuild the country and secure Universal Preliminary Education. Something the citizens of Uganda got excited about and also gave him praise abroad.

Third Term 1996-2001:

After the 1996 Presidential Election was his third term elections, and the official first term (which I can’t take serious) as he had already ruled for a decade, and you can’t shuffle that off that easy. Even with the bodies and violence to get the power in 1986, it cost so much suffering to gain that power; so to eradicate that and call this his first term, is to neglect the first ten years of power. Something we should be to damn wise to not. There we’re still not a Multi-Party Democracy or Elections as President Museveni doesn’t really believe in that; as the nation had to after this go through two referendum polls before initiating the hassle of letting people be controlled by other party functions then the NRM.

Fourth Term 2001-2006:

So when the fourth term came in 2001, he had already been long enough in power to already using up the constitutional rights as the Executive Power and President of the land. He was still popular and gained a lot of support. Even if the election was rigged and had a massive malpractices; the initial issues is how he pleaded and mixed up with referendum terminating presidential term limits to fit himself and rewriting the constitution of 1995 in 2005, so he could run off a third time. The second score of joy for the people was the second vote of the polls for Multi-Party Democracy, meant that the public could vote for other parties then the NRM during the 2006, as much as they could still as ever; vote for the old man with the hat! After 20 years in power he still used sufficient tools to be able to get voted in. And also stifle the completion in his favor, as the man who took power himself in 1986.

Fifth Term 2006-2011:

Set for the fifth term in 2006. The NRM and President Museveni at the time was re-introducing of multi-party election and continuing to go as the candidate, to secure the total tally of 25 years; when the term would be done.  He fixed the 1995 constitution one year advanced so he could run again! This time the third official campaign and polls, though still, with the 10 year as ruler before an election means, initially fifth. This here was the start of the down-turn as he now showed more and more the authoritarian leader and totalitarian state, compared to donor-friendly character he was when he first was sworn in 1986 and steady ship he hold while elected in 1996.

Sixth Term 2011- 2016:

As his sixth term in 2011, there was already starting to crack with the NRM leadership and the people, as they we’re ready for new leaders and a new executive. As the Kampala Riots and ‘Walk to Work’ demonstrations; proves that the leadership is in a fatigue state where the public is tired of the NRM and their ring leader President Museveni. Even still with well rigged machinery the NRM “won” again the election. To finish of this one, he had to swallow a few scalps to secure his sole candidacy, he had to break of Gilbert Bukenya his loyal fellow, he had to push of cliff Amama Mbabazi who wished to take his seat in the NRM, which is not a possibility unless you are the clone of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni; something Amama Mbabazi is not! In early 2014 he had to set up his machinery ready and get his party in line so that he could get the spot again with the Kyankwanzi Resolution in February 2014 and set his goals on the 7^th Term as the Executive and President of Uganda, in the 10^th Parliament. That is another timeline I am not sure of, I am sure there are more then 10 elected or appointed Parliaments and sessions in the great republic of Uganda. It is just a a way of rewriting history as the NRM is famous for.

That rewriting history comes in the sense of saying NRM and President Museveni is contesting for the 5^th Term, I am saying his fifth term was between 2006-2011 his most turbulent ruling period after his first term in 1986-1989 when he still struggled to keep the whole country into peace, as there was still guerrillas and militias wanting to unsettle the new regime in Kampala. As we have seen, and we can see, there is a pattern and there is a reason why I am saying “we could really see his democratic wish” as the elections and malpractices seems like the same as when he took power. The rigging he claimed he wanted in the 1980s and why he lost as the UPM front-man, it seems to be same as it was under Dr. Milton Obote, the only difference is that he has been able to be stable and keep a strong army to spread the fear so that nobody has tried to really use a coup d’état against him. There been allegations in the past, and even persons been alleged in court for treason against the state, but they have been more political motivated then actual forces or militias in the sense they went to the bush to get rid of President Museveni. Though LRA and ADF has gone after his head, but failed.

President Museveni is now trying his best to get into his 7^th Term, and we should not be surprised by election rigging, malpractices to destroy level playing-grounds for political parties, paying for votes and using both government institutions and government funds to be re-elected; Even supress the court to secure the validation or dismiss the allegation of election fraud in the 2016 election. I fear for the public response this time and how the security agents of the state will address them. As the Gen. Katumba Wamala of the UPDF will surely do what he can to impress President Museveni and Police Boss IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura follows orders blindly made by the Executive, as if he wants to shut down demonstrations and revolts against the totalitarian regime that the NRM has evolved into. As they are used to stealing the elections and taking the people for ransom to gain riches while the average people toil in poverty. There is time for change with a government with transparency, accountability and good governance; as the government now is famous for not caring about this issues and becoming dependent on feeding the cronies and loyal men of Museveni instead of serving the people. Peace.

Reference:

African Elections Database – ‘Elections in Uganda’ link: http://africanelections.tripod.com/ug.html

Afrol.com – ‘”Uganda needs to re-affirm human rights commitment” (17.03.2001) link: http://www.afrol.com/News2001/uga006_hrights_reaffirm.htm

Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41

Commonwealth Observer Group – ‘UGANDA PRESIDENTIAL AND

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS’ (24.02.2011)

Committee to Protect Jorunalist (CPJ) – ‘Critical website Radio Katwe blocked on eve of presidential election’ (23.02.2006) link: http://www.ifex.org/uganda/2006/02/23/critical_website_radio_katwe_blocked/

Democracy Monitoring Group (DMG) – ‘Report on Money in Politics – Pervasive vote buying in Ugandan Election’ (January 2011)

Fisher, Ian – ‘Final Count Has Uganda President Winning 69% of Vote’ (15.03.2001) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/15/world/final-count-has-uganda-president-winning-69-of-vote.html

Hauser, Ellen – ‘Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?’ (Dec. 1999) link: http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Hauser%20Uganda%20donors.pdf

Human Right Watch – ‘Hostile to Democracy The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (01.10.1999) link: http://www.refworld.org/docid/45dad0c02.html

Manyanja, Vincent – ‘Ugandans face paradox in referendum’ (25.07.2005) link: http://mg.co.za/article/2005-07-25-ugandans-face-paradox-in-referendum

Muhumaza, William – ‘Money and Power in Uganda’s 1996 Elections’ (1997) – African. Journal. Political Science (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 168-179

Rule, Sheila – ‘REBEL SWORN IN AS UGANDA PRESIDENT’ (30.01.1986) link:  http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/30/world/rebel-sworn-in-as-uganda-president.html

Rulekere, Gerald – ‘Uganda Elections 2011: The Presidential Candidates – Early Predictions’ (17.02.2011) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/government/uganda-elections-2011-the-presidential-candidates-early-predictions/1207/ug.aspx

Sekaggya, Margaret – ‘Uganda: Management of Elections’ (01.01.2010) link: https://www.eisf.eu/library/uganda-management-of-elections/

Tidemand, Per – ‘The Resistance Councils in Uganda A Study of Rural Politics and Popular Democracy in Africa’ (1994) –PHD Dissertation at Roskilde University, Denmark.

Election Timeline in Uganda: From 1st September to 19th November 2015

Analysis of elections so far in Uganda:
I will go back to 2 and a half months will follow it chronically, to prove how it all has gone. That means I start on the 1st September till to today, to prove that I will not continuation of the Presidential Rallies, I will address them in the future if there are actions or quotes that are need for follow up. Because now it’s going into the stage that the follow up feels like a rewind of what that has happen yesterday instead of bringing the news. Because what I does now will be to set the last around 80 days in perspective and prove the value of the changes on the ground.

This here is kind of a follow-up of this one:

Uganda President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni Campaign of Fear for 2016 Presidential Election

This here piece is more of a timeline and not on the actual words expressed; this here is about the actions of the NRM-Regime against opposition parties and also against their own during these months.

So we all can get a feel on the aspects and perspective of it all, instead of following the campaign trails, instead of thinking and analyzing the events and acts of the people who makes this election and polls matter.

On the 1st September in Mbabara there were three men in Team Amama Mbabazi getting detained for wearing Amama Mbabazi T-Shirt. The Police did that day claim that they were staging an illegal procession in town. Second claim was the political activist was stealing from the Centenary Bank.

In Kampala the 1st September Norman Tumuhimbise of the Jobless Brotherhood was kicked out his own home, because the landlord couldn’t stand how the police was detaining him and wanted peace, therefore the activist lost his home for working for a better Uganda.

2nd September Amanya Mugesha said this: “You are taking me back to my first answer. I don’t believe in saviors, I have seen it…there are things you will do by leading others…by advising your successors than leaving the grave to advise them…it’s not a question of defeating Museveni, it’s about if you are to be in power, what organisation is likely to lift Ugandans out of this situation. Is the priority strong leaders or strong institutions? But I have told you that the graves are full of indispensable leader”. This was the way he was talking about Dr. Kizza Besigye right before the decision on who’s supposed to become the FDC Flag-Bearer for the general election at the FDC Conference the same day.

4th September Gilbert Bukenya returns his nomination forms for becoming TDA Joint-Presidential Flag-Bearer and in his press release writes: “They are handed money in bags instead of teaching them to look for their own money. These sharks don’t want to teach the poor “to fish”but want to give them fish making them beggars. This must change”. He surely changed his mind. We will come back to that.

Other actions that happen on the 4th of September, Dr. Aggrey Kiyingi wanted to pick forms to be nominated as a presidential aspirant, but the Electoral Commission could not confirm him as a Ugandan National, therefore he could not get a form for the EC. And his aide Frank Bulira was apprehended in his own home before going to offices of Electoral Commission.

5th September Dr. Tanga Odoi the chairman of the National Resistance Movement Electoral Commission postponed the internal election to the 10th of September.

8th September after protesting the land-grabbing in Amuru District; the protest is for the sale of Apaa village that gave way to the imprisonment of Member of Parliament Gilbert Olanya. Also 3 people in the village killed and a group of people seeking treatment at the Amuru Health Center.

9th September in Soroti where Amama Mbabazi we’re he was to have a consultation meeting in town. He had filled in the letters and forms to the Electoral Commission and UPF to hold a meeting. The UPF still showed up and harassed the public and threw tear-gas into the venue.

10th September in Jinja where the David Kyasanku; the town clerk in town, at the last minute dismissed the venue for the consultation meeting. The UPF had used the venues the last two days before and the town clerk was afraid of losing money to rent it for political use. So when the Team Amama Mbabazi tried to have his consultation meeting it got wild and even more tear-gas then in Soroti the day before.

12th September PM Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda stated this: “We have today learnt, with great sadness, of the sudden death of Hon Gen. Aronda Nyakairima, the Minister of Internal Affairs. General Aronda Nyakairima was returning from South Korea, on official duties, transiting through Dubai. The cause of his death is not yet known. His family has been informed. Government has set up a task force, led by Defence Minister, Hon Dr Crispus Kiyonga, to coordinate all matters relating to this tragedy”.

The same day on the 12th of September Amama Mbabazi went into the Opposition alliance and at the same time delivering a form for the spot of Joint Presidential Candidate for the TDA.

14th September IGP Kale Kayihura address the tear-gas events recently this way: “Don’t blame the police (for firing tear gas and live bullets at Mr Mbabazi’s supporters). Blame Mbabazi who organized and held illegal rallies in a market and near the schools. Don’t blame the consequences, blame the cause”.

16th September the FDC Youth Forum wanted to part ways with the TDA because of Amama Mbabazi inclusion to the Opposition Alliance.

17th September the NRM Poor Youth stated: “If TDA summit consider Col Besigye Its presidential candidate, NRM POOR YOUTH FORUM will request Hon Amama Mbabazi to contest on Go Forward Ticket”.

20th September, Dr. Tanga Odoi verifies the Presidential Nomination form for Yoweri Kaguta Museveni as the NRM Flag-Bearer.

24th September the TDA had not been able to pick either Amama Mbabazi or Dr. Kizza Besigye as joint candidate. This because: “CP and FDC have endorsed the candidature of Col (Rtd) Dr. Kizza Besigye; while DP, Go-Forward Pro-Change, PPP, UFA, and UPC have endorsed the candidature of Rt Hon Amama Mbabazi”.

25th September the Parliament will read the new Election laws in the country. These we’re the Presidential Elections (Amendments) Bill 2015, Parliamentary Elections (Amendments) Bill 2015 and the Electoral Commission (Amendment) Bill 2015. These laws went through the Parliament and had their first reading.

25th September, Amama Mbabazi said this: “Members of The Democratic Alliance: I accept your nomination.” (…)”To my fellow candidates Mr. Norbert Mao and Professor Gilbert Bukenya – I salute your sense of duty and your willingness to put our country first. I look forward to working with you, for it is your help I want and your help I seek; and our cooperation that our country desires and deserves. I am certain that the doors of cooperation are still open to Dr. Kizza Besigye of the FDC. Let us leave the quarrels of the past behind in favour of unity”.

25th September resent in the FDC send a letter to the Electoral Commission to seek time for a new nomination date for their Presidential Flag-Bearer Dr. Kizza Besiyge.

29th September three FDC members were arrested for demonstrating against the new Electoral Reforms. The persons we’re Mubarak Munyagwa the Mayor of Kawempe, Nasurdin Basalirwa the FDC Youth Chairman for Kampala and Hamidah Nalongo Nassimbwa the VC of FDC Woman’s League in Central Region.

29th September the NRM Electoral Commission and Dr. Tanga Odoi postponed the Internal Elections again; this time to 5th and 6th October.

2nd October the Parliament passed the new Electoral laws that was set for reading in Parliament at the 25th September.

2nd October the Electoral Commission has moved the dates in the Election Road map for 2016. The Electoral Commission has set new dates and the nomination days for Presidential Nomination are set for 3rd and 4th November. This happen the same day as the new laws that was passed in Parliament.

9th October Gilbert Bukenya does a U-Turn and get back into the fold of the NRM after being not seen as qualified enough to be TDA Joint Presidential Candidate and will now support yet again YKM in his race for 2016.

10th October the Police stopped the FDC convoy going for consultation meeting in Rukungiri. The Police was heavy deployed in the town and scattered. Even with the cars destroyed and FDC people of Rukungiri jailed. Wasn’t the worst of the Police actions they undressed a female activist during the raids on the convoy. They ended in the Lyantonde Prision until local FDC members got a whined off the leadership of the FDC.

11th October FDC members who freed the other men from prison the day before had to go to jail. These people where the FDC chairman in town Yusuf Matovu, oman’s secretary of town Yudaya Naiga and Chairman of the Town-Council Richard Kayondo.

13th October first reports from the NRM Primaries. In Ngarama the reactions between two candidates led to the police shooting with rubber bullets. In Sembabule the NRM Party Office got burned down. In Kyannamukaaka in Masaka District they burned Membership Cards in anger after election rigging. In Isingiro at the NRM Party Office they we’re burning documents from the Election of 2011.

Also on the 13th October Bank of Uganda took over the management of Imperial Bank Uganda Limited.

14th October there was the first reading in Parliament over the Public Finance Management (Amendment) Bill of 2015. This bill if passed gives the Government to take out short-term-loans without permission of the Parliament.

14th October the FDC members was in prison overnight in Lyantonde, this is the FDC members who helped their other FDC leaders out of prison were in court after their weekends actions. They all got free after paying bail to the magistrate.

14th October in a famous home in Wakiso on the outside of Kampala where Dr. Kizza Besigye lives; the police decided to do a preventative arrest of the FDC leader. He and other FDC leaders were supposed to go to the Western-Uganda for consultation meetings.

15th October both Dr. Kizza Besigye and Ibrahim Nganda Ssemujja got both arrested and house arrest that day. They both we’re driven in between police stations in Kampala. While they we’re jailed in Kampala there was FDC members in Jinja who was supposed to be a part of consultation meeting in town. That led to the FDC leader of Jinja and other scores of people was hurt by the shootings of the Police in Jinja town that today.

18th October IGP Kale Kayihura told the world this:
“We are advising that you propose postpone program. Give Police notice! As required by the law. Within the law and ensure the party presidential aspirant, Dr. Kizza Besigye precide, conduct himself in line with the Presidential Elections Act Section 3 as well as the Elections Road Map and Guidelines as an Presidential Aspirant given by the Electoral Commission”.

20th October CP Fred Enanga said this:
“We are already aware of broths and conspiracies, but we are committing to promote rule of law, peace and stability. We want to warn this unpatriotic Ugandans that which mix politics with our nations security. That such anarchy an act of recklessness, by suffocating the media and the public with falsehoods will actually be failed their political mileage. You cannot achieve any political mileage by triggering violence and chaos”.

21st October in Bugiri there was set up metal trenches or teeth on the road. FDC opened their new Mobilization office in town. The Police was in the town and even in some Police was a part of the meeting of the new office in Bugiri. They we’re in town with heavy weaponry shielding the venue. In Tororo the police followed the procession to the consultation meeting of the FDC. They opened the roadblocks so that FDC could have the meeting in Tororo.

22nd October the FDC member Muhamad Ssegiringya was released on bond. He was one of the demonstrators against the digitalization of TVs, if you remember the demonstration with the Youth with TVs on their heads?

22nd October the Human Rights Activist Allan Kitonsa Ssava was released on bond the day and said: “I was arrested and charged armed robbery as I was found speaking to the youth of Namutumba district”.

24th October Amama Mbabazi stated:
“I will not be attending the NRM delegates conference slated for October 30th. Instead I will be focused on preparing for my nomination” (…)”I encourage all supporters of Go Forward to remain patient and calm as our team prepares us for nomination. I am truly looking forward to launching the campaign, and engaging voters across the country”.

26th October there was again discussion and negotiation between Amama Mbabazi and Dr. Kizza Besigye this time in London together with the Kofi Annan Foundation.

26th October the NRM EC postponed the Party Primary to the 27th October.

In the NRM Primaries in 26th October in Ngoma Sub County a business man trying to bribe voters was jailed. In Kirahura the main candidate lost his life during a car accident and it got postponed. In Sembabule in the town of Mwogola, there was shootings and teargas in town. In Kinkiizi East one of the candidates had a car accident in the car they found pre-ticket ballots. In Kasese an MP was caught with trying to bribe votes and his car got impounded. In Mbale 32 people was jailed for planning to disrupt the voting in Bungokho South.

27th October in the NRM Primaries the ballot-boxes was already filled before voting started in Ajuri District. In Adjumani an MP was having a mobilization team to bribe voters in the district. In Bukedea there was 7 people arrested for election violence. Rubanda West a candidate was found with 16,000 pre-ticket ballot-papers and therefore the election was postponed. In Iganga NRM members was disappointed that they started to burn their membership cards. In Isingiro North there was found boxes with pre-ticket ballots and a candidate got caught in the market trying to buy votes. In Kabarole the journalist was not allowed to follow the elections. Lwengo a dozen candidates was caught with pre-ticket ballot-papers. In Kumi there had escalated into violence. In Ntungamo there was a candidate who was found with a 1000 fake membership cards and ballot-papers pre-ticket. In Busia there was found at one candidates place pre-ticket ballot-papers. In Kiyandongo the NRM Flag-Bearer are detained and charged for election rigging.

28th October there was held more NRM Primaries and at the Bbale Police Station the incumbent Sulaiman Madada got detained yesterday for attempting to run away with the declaration form. In Mbabara because of election rigging “the DPC says up to 50 suspects were arrested in a swoop, from which the ringleaders will be singled out and charged”.

29th October the NRM Primaries continues and in Burashya district in Kabarole the Police had to intervene because of the different supporters was fighting after the results came in. There was so much violence that the bridge of Katanda broke down. In Kanungu there were more Special Forces and police voting then ordinary voters. In Ruhinda county Captain Mugabe Domonzio Kahonda who won over Gen. Otafiire in the Primaries in the district has finally been released, but, there is a big but! He has to meet before Jinja High Court tomorrow!

31st October the NRM Primaries and in Abletong reports were saying: “When time came for collecting polling materials and results, the police and the soldiers did not allow us to go to the polling stations. Soldiers were using the vehicles belonging to the District Internal Security Officer, OC station and that of the town council,” Mr Owino told Daily Monitor”. In Amudat many NRM members burned their NRM membership cards. In Kibaale where the reports were: “Police fired tear gas at National Resistance Movement party supporters in Kisiita sub-county, Kibaale district who were protesting results of the recent primaries”. The same day, Enoch Matovu, a correspondent for a local television, NTV, in Mityana District was reportedly shot on the head while covering an incident of vote rigging during the NRM party elections at Bulera police station in Mityana district. He sustained a bullet injury on his head.

31st October the Lord Mayor of Kampala Erias Lukwago arrested and is detained in Maganjo Police Station.

1st November there Uganda Police Force and IGP Kale Kayihura was claiming that they only knew about the NRM Presidential Nomination rally at Kololo and FDC rally at Nakivubo Stadium, but not the Go-Forward rally for Amama Mbabazi the same day as NRM at Kololo. Even though it later appeared that the NRM had sent in the letter late to Electoral Commission compared to the Public Order Management Bill, while Go-Forward had followed the instructions in time. The Police had to later go back on their words and said that received the letters from Go-Forward after all.

2nd November Beatrice Anywar deflected from FDC to Go-Forward.

3rd November the first day of Nomination started with Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of NRM in Kololo and later in the day Amama Mbabazi of the Go-Forward. Professor Venasius Baryamureeba also started his presidential campaign. One of candidates who have now returned his Presidential candidacy is Nasser Ntege Ssebaggala the former Mayor of Kampala.

4th November the second day of Nominations. Adam Bwainka of the People’s Development Party arrived at Namboole for the nominations today on a boda-boda. He has said this today: “If we are going to turn around our Economy. We must be firm on our Education”. But the day wasn’t about him. “The Blue siege of the city, the energy of our young people! We have a sacred duty to engage our youths to build a stronger prosperous Uganda” – Asuman Kiyingi. The town and nominations was about FDC and its Flag-bearer Dr. Kizza Besigye. Who made Kampala go into a shutdown; other candidates we’re who wanted to be nominated was Joseph Mabirizi of The Independent Coalition. The only female Presidential Aspirant Maureen Faith Kyala was first turned away not accepted, but arrived later at the same time as the other TIC candidate was then verified. Maj. Gen. Ben Biiaro of the Farmers Party came 5 minutes before the deadline to get his nomination verified. The Electoral Commission started and scrutinized the nomination papers of his. After a while Dr. Kiggundu stamped and appends the papers. This means that he became the 8th candidate in the Presidential race for February 2016.

On the 4th November – Official from the Electoral Commission:“BREAKING: Uganda Electoral Commission sets February, 18, 2016 as polling day for president and MPs”.

5th November in Mubende after the NRM Primaries the supporters of one candidate protested. This led to the Police shooting and tear-gas to disperse the procession in the area.

7th November on that day, the minister for Presidency and KCCA, Hon. Frank K Tumwebaze has handed over nine brand new Isuzu double cabin pickup trucks to the RDCs of Karamoja and Rwenzori regions.The vehicles valued at 145m each were handed over to the RDCs of Abim, Napak, Moroto, Nakapiripirit, Kaboong, Amudat, Kotido, Kamwenge and Kasese districts at a function graced by the Secretary, Office of The President, Ms. Deborah Katuramu and the media. More on the NRM Primaries: “Junior minister for Lands Idah Nantaba has been flown to Aga Khan Hospital in Nairobi for specialized treatment after police subdued her with pepper spray following a confrontation at Kayunga Police Station in the chaotic NRM primaries”.

Also on the 7th November the UPF reported: Minister of state for Internal affairs, Honorable James Boliba Baba has today launched twenty seven (27) regional Joint security Operation Centers with the aim of further enhancing crime reduction & management at a regional level. These centers will work hand in hand with the security teams within the districts. The regional centers will also work very closely with the Joint Operations Command center at the national level. The function took place at police headquarters & was attended by representatives from UPDF, UPF, UPS, ESO,ISO, DPP. All regional Police commanders were in attendance. The launch was also attended by Mr Stephen Kagoda, the P.S Ministry of Internal affairs”.

9th November the NRM had a plan: “The NRM is now on the move to Neutralize ‪#‎Goforward Msge saying they are the ones going forward and in effect it resonates with the No Change Slogan”. Muhamad Kikomeko who is a support of the Amama Mbabazi escapes death in Sembabule, a group attacked his car and burned his car.

9th November reports was saying: “A well-placed source at the Ministry of Finance has told Watchdog that President Museveni ordered the Ministry to arrange for him Shs500 billion. The source suspects the money is meant to fund Museveni’s campaign”. The chief made the remarks while speaking to residents at his home in Guru-guru village Lamogi Sub-county, Amuru District, while receiving a new Pajero donated to him by Mr Museveni on Friday. n Kabale there has been a Radio Panelist who first escaped from arrest after orders from the Resident District Commissioner Darius Naninda who tried to catch the Anti-Corruption Activist who was taking part of a show on the Kabala Freedom Radio (Mughisa, 2015). Later is seen that he has a warrant on inciting violence. The Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC) is deeply concerned about the safety of Ugandan refugees Musa Isabirye and Timothy Yamin who were deported to Uganda by Botswana Government last week. They have previously been active in opposition politics in Uganda and could face persecution, imprisonment or torture there. Professor Venasius Baryamureeba after day will suspend his campaign because of weak campaign security provided by the Electoral Commission and the Government.

10th November the Police gave the public some words on the their tear-gas: “The Deputy Spokesman Polly Namaye: “The Police Policy is to ensure as little engagement with the public terms of crowd control. We will only use means such as tear gas where absolutely necessary” (…)”The decision, according to the source, could also informed by the fact that the force wants to avoid using expired stock”. Even Amama Mbabazi supporters are currently detained at Namataba Police Station. Go Forward’s PRO Mayanja Nkangi says they have been told those in police custody committed the offence of ‘driving a car with machines’. Five Journalists and photographers who were covering President Museveni rallies in Nakaseke and Nakasongola were arrested and detained. They were forced to delete all there photos and videos.

11th November At around 2.00am this morning, 11th November 2015, TIC Presidential Candidate Elton Joseph Mabirizi heard a knock on his hotel room. When he asked who it was, the assailant said : “I am your bodyguard”. So he opened. It turned out that it was not his bodyguard but two strange men. So there been reports that Presidential Mabirizi were abducted and kidnaped. n Kijabijo (Gayaza Karagi Road). The community says «they need power back». They have spent 4 months since the transformer was taken by UMEME. So they have put fires into the main roads as a demonstration against the government and UMEME for taking away electricity.

12th November because of the road quality Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in Abletong he drove with Personal Armored Carriers in the area to get to the venue in Abletong to have his rally! He needed the Army vehicles to get around and he has been in charge since 1986.

13th November this happen: Museveni expels NTV from his media team after what he called unbalanced reporting on him. As per now, NTV journalists are being escorted back to Kampala by soldiers of the Special Forces Command. Daily monitor was also warned of a possible closure should their reporting continue to ‘favor’ the opposition ‘against’ Mr. Museveni. In Mbrarara: “About 200 angry supporters of the ruling National Resistance Movement in Mbarara district this morning denounced the party and proclaimed support for the Forum for Democratic Change”. In Masaka: “More NRM party members, including councillors from Masaka sub-region, have defected to the Go-Forward camp, declaring their support for Mr Amama Mbabazi’s presidential bid”.

14th November this happen with UPC members that day:” Over a 1000 former supporters of UPC and FDC crossed over to the NRM and were introduced to the Chairman of NRM, President Museveni, by the Vice Chairman of NRM for Northern, Hon. Sam Engola”.

14th November the rumor of a deal between Jimmy Akena the President of UPC and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni the incumbent President of the Country was surfacing.

15th November the Police had to say to the public that the Nominations for Lord Mayor of Kampala should not storm the Electoral Commission the next day.

16th November the Police detained Lord Mayor of Kampala Erias Lukwago after sieging his house where they shot the journalist and TV Reporter Enock Kugonza. Also Councilor Mariam Kizito was detained at the same time. The public around the house of Lukwago was also hurt.

16th November two persons of Sauti ya Vijana became impersonated for petitioned the ruling leader to go away from power and let somebody else run their country.

16th November before the Amama Mbabazi rally in Hoima the Police had to scatter the public with tear-gas; they just can’t help themselves. In Rubanda this was reported: “Police arrest 20 youth with sticks in 2 vehicles moving towards Rubanda, Kabale. This happens as the NRM Primaries is underway”.

17th November in Kaiiro where the NRM Primaries we’re held 5 Supporters was taken into custody after inciting violence, they found pangas and spears. There was a cabinet reshuffle after orders from the Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: “
Mr. Kirunda Kivejinja – Rt. Hon. 3rd Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of East African Affairs; Madame Rose Akol – Minister of Internal Affairs; Mr. Werikhe Kafabusa – Minister of State for Industry.

18th November for the independent Candidate Maureen Faith Kyala statement: “I am shocked with what I am discovering during my presidential campaign trail. How did we Ugandans; become slaves in our own land? E.g, I found the people of Lyirimbi in Bugiri district being enslaved by Chinese “investors” who had come to do the Musta-Namayingo road, with alleged permission to destroy our natural forest reserves and tourist hills of Lyirimbi”. Alert: “We have been reliably informed that 3 of our FDC youth leaders were kidnaped from Mbarara and transfered to the notorious police in Kireka in a Kampala suburb, there are accurate information that points to them being tortured! Kireka is a renown military torture chamber. Among the kidnapped include Mr. Mayanja Micheal, he was part of Dr. Besigyes Security team during FDC flagbearer campaigns and also on nomination day, he earns a living as a commuter driver, Mr. Yasin Mastiko from Ruti a Mbarara suburb on Mbarara-Kabale road , he is self employed and Mr. Bampagyi ,a Boda-boda operator( motor cyclist) in Mbarara Municipality”.

19th November the UPC Woman MP for UPC Joy Ruth Aceng told the crowds that day: “That Mbabazi called northerners monkeys and as such her party has decided to join Museveni in the elections”. At the rallies of FDC Dr. Kizza Besigye at Butebo in Paliisa district the we’re given scores of NRM membership cards to show that they we’re tired of the ruling party. Police commanded by Siraje Bakaleke has barricaded the road to the returning officer’s office, only few vehicles allowed. Lukwago supporters have had to fight Police to make way to the nomination venue. Lord Mayor of Kampala Erias Lukwago we’re able to be nominated for the race for mayor again in the capital. Since the KCCA Act Amendments got shelved for the moment of time. Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) President Jimmy Akena’s declaration supporting an alliance with the ruling NRM has touched off a rebellion in his party. There will be demonstration from different wings of the UPC next Wednesday. Paul Kato of Hoima was arrested as well. He is the Hoima District Registrar and was charged with theft at the Hoima Magistrate Court. The alleged crime we’re that he took the 10 Million Shillings meant to be paid to the Police officers. Because of this the Election results will be delivered by Deputy Registrar Maureen Businge.

Aftermath:
That sets things in perspective doesn’t it? Doesn’t it give you a feeling how the police and government has been working. How the political shifts is happening. And this is just in two and half month time; not the whole 2015. This is the kind of thing the Monitor or Chimpreport doesn’t deliver. Because the big picture and time proves how the movements are. We can see UPC and NRM has moved together and made the UPC/Akena and UPC/Otunnu is proving to surface. Also the DP has moved strongly with Go-Forward. Lukwago has more trouble. The Electoral Commission is proved to be a tool of the ministries and not following laws, but following instructions from the NRM-Regime. It proves it is not a independent body to check and balance the electoral process.

The NRM Primaries has proven how little structure the ruling party has and inefficiency of their ways. The constant rigging and ballot-paper malfunctions. The general basis of leaders and incumbent jailed. Supporters shot at and use of tear-gas. There are so many words who can describe the recent events; Also the Police interaction in the election and also internal polling stations. We can also see how the journalist and media people who has been shot and dismissed. Had to delete material, been told off and also sent away with Special Forces Unit. The way the opposition had a hard time to hold consultation meetings while the NRM regime could have giant meetings around the country.

The way the Police was telling at a set of time they knew nothing about the Go-Forward Nomination meeting in Kampala, and hours later the letters resurfaced. We have seen that Go-Forward and TDA has been in talks with FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye; which shows maturity and negotiations between the parties, though they didn’t leave to anything of set value for the moment. There been movement and will be like that up-to 18th February 2016. More dirt will happen. Especially after the Papal visit; then we will see the true color of the Police and the NRM-Regime. Trust me. Peace.

The surge of deflections between the political parties in Uganda and how to live with it

This is the round-up to the General Elections in 2016 in Uganda. Where we will see deflections like never before. There will be run from people going from wherever to Go-Forward and people leaving the parties after missing their spots to become Independent candidates in the polls.

Deflections are norm and allowed, but there are something about timing and explaining it. Like if you’re been somewhere for long and is tarnished by the way the party leads, then it feels natural to leave. Which many of the big-men has done in Uganda for that reason we have FDC. They are an reaction to the ruling party NRM. UPC has had people leaving to NRM in the Past, like Hon. Amama Mbabazi was at certain time a piece of that puzzle. Dr. Kizza Besigye was a piece of NRM until the fallout. Hon. Amama Mbabazi went finally away; when he got kicked out and Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda his childhood friend took his place as the PM in Uganda.

There many NRM losers all over the country who is deflecting to the Go-Forward Group and Amama Mbabazi. This proves that there is slot open for sore people and a reach for surge that hasn’t happen. Because for many NRM people Dr. Kizza Besigye and Gen. Mugisha Muntu haven’t had the power and spirit of the NRM party, that means that Amama Mbabazi has that or else he is promising to feed them. There is not easy to know what is what. Even FDC members and kind of high ranking members like Mathias Mpuunga the Walk to Work head honcho gone over to Go-Forward.

The validation from JEEMA, DP, CP, UFA and PPP gives an edge to Go-Forward. But their powerbases is small and has been small. Even if all arguments are that Dr. Kizza Besigye has lost the last times against the ghost of all elections Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and National Resistance Movement. The President has won everything since gripping power with the civil war to tore down UPC and Okello’s and all the other former short term presidents. Museveni has secured first a few elections as sole party and as a sole candidate. Sole Candidacy is his wish. I am sure that if he could run as he please then this election in 2016 it wouldn’t be any FDC, TDA and him!

Go-Forward and the allegiance that is with him, gives him an edge. That is even though FDC has the long standing force of the opposition in the country. So here we are, people are crying foul. I have cried foul over Gilbert Bukenya, but that is because was a hot-minute on the outside of the Movement throwing shades at the President and calling him a problem. And seconds later when he offers a position in the NRM CEC he crawls back.  The president might not offer him a place in the NRM CEC, but I am sure NRM has promised a nice position to Alhaji Nasser Ntege Ssebagala for his allegiance.

But there aren’t just the big men who switch allegiance; it’s also on the grassroots-level where members are burning their membership card and switching alliance to another party. That should be worrying for NRM to see that on the Social Media and how their cards are blatantly being discarded like worthless mud.

Though I am sure the result of the election is already picked by the Electoral Commission and the lack of electoral reform to gain population support and not support by the NRM-Regime, it will surely be set for yet another term for Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.

Even if this is surely the end-game we can still see that the movement of people is changing. The sadness is to see that the movement between opposition parties making sour feelings between them; especially with the Second Round K.O. and stop of the consultation between the FDC and Go-Forward. I expected it to fall to pieces by how it ran into sand after the smaller parties of the TDA endorsing Amama Mbabazi over Dr. Kizza Besigye.

The Movement and Museveni will do whatever to destabilize the other parties, rule and conquer. Therefore he had to say at the NRM CEC at Kololo Independence Ground that nobody in the party shouldn’t say that somebody is “Pro-Mbabazi” or “Pro-FDC” because the party is the ones that matters.

That the NRM-Youtb Brigade/League leaders of   Omodo-Omodo and Adam Ruzindana has officially not endorsed should be sad view for the NRM since they even had been rounded up in August to change their stance from this to support Mzee. Seems like it didn’t work even after being under siege by the NRM-Regime! 

There are different ways and easy jumping ships so often between parties proves that it can buy and it isn’t ideological reasons between it. That is what Go-Forward camp should ask them since they get deflectors from all over the map in short space of time. Will it be a sand-castle that the wave from the sea will brush away or can it be sustained?

FDC has a situation and is used to be in the war-zone through the elections and being in trouble with police for trying to be a political party. The Go-Forward is doing everything for the first time, though Hon. Amama Mbabazi has been in election, but then in friendly territory in those times under the wings of the Mzee.

The deflections is a natural thing, especially the ones who has lost their Flag-Bearer positions in the NRM is surely natural to try to get other ways into the Parliament and Constituencies again, though their stripes should be wacked because their couldn’t handle to lose for somebody else, even if the primaries we’re filled with malfunctions, pre-ticket ballots and general rigging.

The FDC can that has decided to move on; can have done that for ideological reasons. If so then it’s should be seen as okay. Secondly if it is a tactical move instead of ideological move; then we have more to question the person that goes from a set off fixed situations with a party actually functioning, though there was some Electoral malfunctions some of their internal election.

Some facts from the CCEDU

“In advancing this objective, CCEDU sought accreditation and deployed a technical team of eight to observe the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Elections held at a Special Delegates’ Conference on 12th June 2015 at the UMA main exhibition Hall, Lugogo, Kampala” (…)”Claims of vote buying were received by the observers. Allegedly, some camps were sending delegates mobile money in a bid to secure their votes. These claims were not verified. A pledge by one of the candidates vying for the position of Secretary General to supply smart phones to districts secretaries general and another candidate for the post of Treasury General to contribute Shs10m to a party Savings and Credit Society were interpreted by some as an effort to induce support” (…)”It was noted that delegates did not heed the call by the Electoral Commission that no campaigns should take place during polling time. Unfortunately, there were no measures to curb this vice” (CCEDU, 2015).

So the surety that the ones leaving from the other parties like FDC/DP/UPC/PPP/UFA or Independents to the NRM has to promised something because they know what they have done and how they have done it to get it.

Independents can do as they please and show allegiance or alliances as they please. Nothing can be taken for granted by any parties they can be bought or ordered, even if they want to be by-partisan. That is justified, though it is a favour to them all if they know where they have them. Independents can either fill their pockets or actually stand for something. So if their flag their place and who honours who. Because they can became pawns on the chess set and easy capped if they don’t take a stand.

Though we will see more movement and deflections we can see the difference between ideology and tactical movement from the politicians. There will be some sour feelings and hurt. There will be some sees it as betrayal. The betrayal is when it so not justified by their recent actions and sudden move to do it for self-serving instead loyalty to party. Independents can move as they please, but the ones moving from any other parties can be questioned, even if it reasonable. Prof. Gilbert Bukenya kissed the ring of President Museveni. That is the truth!

Deflections from the parties will happen. From the FDC and NRM, from all the other parties as well for different reasons and if UPC will be split in two it wouldn’t  surprise anybody with the different of opinion between Jimmy Akena and Olara Otunnu. That could easily be two separate organizations. And leave to more deflections. Especially if they continue as today to address themselves as presidents of the UPC! There will be deflections from there as well.

Deflections from the parties occur neither you like it or not, because that is part of the political game and life. There will be more leaving any party into the General Election and move for possible gain. The men and woman who does that has to address themselves and argue for their move. As the men and woman who is left behind has to respect it, depending on the motive of it all. Even if the motive is only a place in their party-organizational structure or get a free place in higher organ; instead of doing the work as politician to gain the constituencies trust.

What do you think? Peace.  

Reference:

CCEDU – ‘FDC Party Elections – Observation Reports’ (17.07.2015)