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CEON-U: Post election Press release (01.04.2016)

CCEDU Topowa

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

April 1, 2016

The post election season has been characterised by tension arising from the house arrest of lead opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye, a court case by former presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi and filing court petitions for MP, L.C and municipal elections.

The Citizen Election Observers Network- Uganda (CEON-U) is concerned that the continued house arrest of the lead opposition candidate infringes on his right to freedom according to article 23 of the constitution.

In article 43 of the constitution: (I) In the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms prescribed in this Chapter, no person shall prejudice the fundamental or other human rights and freedoms of others or the public interest.

(2) Public interest under this article shall not permit-

(a) political persecution;

(b) detention without trial;

(c) any limitation of the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms prescribed by this Chapter beyond what is acceptable and demonstrably justifiable in a free and democratic society, or what is provided in this Constitution.

NBS Besigye 16.02.2016

Section 24 of the police act gives the police a right to arrest someone if he is a threat to public security, but CEON-U demands that police produces evidence that makes Besigye a threat to public security, otherwise will his arrest be indefinite.

In a multiparty system, opposition parties should not be viewed as enemies of the state, but rather as groups that provide alternative Government programmes.

As part of a process of increasing citizen participation in Uganda’s electoral process, CEON-U recently carried out an opinion survey on the recently concluded general elections.

The survey was meant to expose electoral irregularities so as to provide a premise on how to better organise elections in Uganda.

EC 22.02.2015 Guarded Heavy

Consequently;  8 CEON-U managers visited areas where there is conflict, court petitions and requests for vote recounts to establish the causes of the disputed elections. The team visited Tororo, Gulu, Kotido, Butambala, Serere, Jinja, Mayuge, Iganga, Mukono, Kasese, Bundibugyo and Ntungamo. The managers worked closely with our long-term observers who are natives of the constituencies and the districts which they observed, before, during and are observing after elections. CEON-U held focus group discussions with members of the community, local council leaders, opinion leaders and voters from all political parties in the districts.

CEON-U also met district police officials, district returning officers, registrars in courts of law and victims of electoral violence.

Oulanyah House 20.02.2016

Findings:

Generally, the presidential and parliamentary elections were peaceful, but the period leading up to the election day was volatile in all the districts visited. In Mayuge for instance a man died under unclear circumstances. He was a supporter of Robert Ntende, an independent candidate. He is said to have been killed by supporters of Idi Isabirye.

In Iganga at Idudi supporters of NRM and FDC clashed on the eve of elections over voter bribery. The NRM MP was giving out cash to voters who alerted FDC supporters. FDC supporters reacted by blocking the NRM from giving out money, the NRM called a NAADS soldier to rescue them. He came and shot dead a 25-year-old man and the crowd became more rowdy. And the soldier continued firing live bullets. In the process of the scuffle, a woman was shot through the arm and an s.3 student was shot through the neck. Both these people were not involved in the scuffle but had gone to the trading centre to buy food. This shooting took place at 8:00pm. (attached are the pictures of the victims of the shootings).

The way results were tabulated and announced at the district provided a sharp contrast with what the locals had gathered from the polling stations. This happened for all the elections, presidential, parliamentary, district council and municipal elections.

NRM UPC Arua 16.11.15

There are mainly two known political parties, the NRM and FDC; even though Uganda has 10 political parties. UPC which was once a known party is almost non-existent.

In a strong multi-party dispensation system people are given an opportunity to have divergent views on handling issues of governance. A weak political party system promotes a one party system of governance which impedes institutional growth.

The management of electoral processes by some of the district returning officials was poor.

A case in point is Jinja: When it came to the L.C.3 election of Walukuba West Parish B;

The LC 3 election had five candidates Joseph Bateganya Atumika, Bisusa Amisi Kafuko, Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda, Mande Milton and Mbulugu Emmanuel.

On Election day the ballot papers that were supplied to the polling stations had wrong names. Mande Milton was called Mande Milton Kirunda. Also party symbols were mixed up between the NRM candidate and FDC candidate. This was sufficient ground for the election to have been cancelled. However, even when the Jinja district returning officer, Ambrose Mwaita was notified about the anomaly he told the candidate Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda that electoral commission Jinja was not going to do anything about this case. A case has been filed against the electoral commission in Jinja court by Kirunda Isaac Kiwunda.

There are several other electoral disputes that have been filed in courts of law in the various districts. In Omoro Constituency there is a Petition: Simon Toolit Vs Oulanyah Jacob was logged in on March 24 2016. Simon Tollit is suing the Incumbent Oulanyah Jacob and EC over election mal practice. These included ballot boxes being kept away in a saloon, EC tampering with DR forms, EC using a Different format of the District DR Form to declare results among other things.

Anti Riot Police 30.01.2016 Before FDC Campaign Kabale

Intimidation and Violence:

In Katawi, Amuria, Bukedea and Serere there were cases of intimidation and violence. The community claimed they were beaten by militia groups and crime preventers and were warned against voting an opposition party into power. ( attached is a picture of the people who gave confessions during a focus group discussion)

In Mukono the parliamentary campaigns were characterised by violence and chaos. According to the electoral commission, Fatuma Ndisaba’s supporters used to beat up Betty Nambooze’s supporters during campaigns. There was also the problem of candidates campaigning beyond the stipulated for campaign time and supporters clashing after the campaigns.

Badru EC

Recommendations:

 The military should be restrained from participating in elections, because elections are volatile in nature. Electoral commission should improve its image by investigating and eventually laying off district returning officers who are said to have altered DR forms and extorted money from candidates who wanted to be announced winners.   All political parties should be treated equally and respectfully by the Government in power.  The Government should seriously consider the electoral reforms that civil society presented last year. Presiding officers and polling assistants should be better remunerated to prevent them from being compromised during elections.  Management of elections is not a single days event. Planning and training of officials, desk officers, middle level managers, desk officers, heads of departments on the process of elections should start the second month after the general elections. Training presiding and polling officials should be done a month to the elections to minimise errors on the DR forms.

Ugandan Election 2016 Grieving

Conclusion:

The democratic path is a long bumpy one, despite the many electoral irregularities that marred the recently concluded elections, the gains made over the last 30 years cannot just be thrown away. We need more concerted effort to promote true democratic ideals.

For more information about CEON-U contact Dr Martin Mwondha on 0788929052 or email omwondha662@yahoo.com visit our website at http://www.ceonu.or.ug (CEON – Uganda) – Towards 2016: Conducting a Unified, Comprehensive and effective election Observation Mission in Uganda. You can also visit the FHRI offices in Nsambya.

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Mzee and his Militarized State; the Guns never left the Executive it seems!

M7 rescue

“Soldiers feel that the Police are not serious with the criminal elements and that they are corrupt. The army had to come in and insist that criminals must be punished. It happens in all countries, there is a time when the army assumes the duty of internal security”. General Museveni (Daily Nation – Nairobi – January 26, 1987).

This is ironic that President Museveni said in 1987. We can see that times has changed or that his mind set to other perspective then directly from the bush. With the guerrilla warfare and the so-called liberation struggle, that has been discovered more and more about the tactics done to get power.

It is surely and clearly many ways President Museveni talked democratic values while it has been uncovered that he oppressed the media and opposition. It has done that since day one of the regime, just different how far and to what extent. It has always tried to look beautiful on the surface and smiles to the donors and Election Observers Missions while in the end, the institutions built around the Mzee. That the Electoral Reforms haven’t really been there for free and fair elections. When I went through the 1996 elections the stories are similar to today’s oppression of the opposition.

M7 2016 Post Interview quote

While opening up for free-market thinking has over time and letting the United Kingdom, Kenyan, South African, Indian and Libyan businessmen got easy trading ability in the country, while the exports and trade boards are gone, less of unions and other governmental structures. In the later years the government has started with micro-credit, Operation Wealth Creation and Youth Livelihood Programs as a cheap way of trying to patch up with the loss of sufficient structures that are sold out, by government to get loans in the beginning of its administrations.

We can easily see that the government who came to power with the guns and ammunition, and still has MPs directly from the army is bound to have the militarized effect on the politics. As the Police are acting with direct force and not following always rule of law. While the government overflows with former colonels and generals becoming politicians instead of businessmen and civil servants as the President is a bush-man himself and been part of two insurgents to power. One in the end of 70s and one in the famous 1986, so the guns never left the power and stayed there; even the tale with the donor-funding of the army from abroad to fight dirty wars the U.S. don’t want to stick their finger in, as in Somalia and Central African Republic.

EC 22.02.2015 Guarded Heavy

The Electoral Reforms as discussed briefly the NRM-Regime have stifled most of the time any kind of reform and ruling power therefore had to have two elections on referendum to release the Multi-Party Democracy and also been making the difference between using government funds and using the well-known factor of promises pledges from direct government subsidies to the big-men and chiefs, even Parejo’s and other SUV’s given to men to secure the votes and loyalty to the Mzee.

There been steady shifts in leaders underneath Mzee as he has taken down the men who has been built by his leadership, as he want the ones with his former MPs, VPs and PMs as they wanted to elevate themselves and leave him behind. As the founding father of NRM, nobody else should rule the party and have the Executive control. He took it with a gun and easily takes pictures with it to show where his strength is.

The government have used all kind of methods and tricks to gain riches to NRM elite and leave the certainty of other manufactures, industries and even achieve certain outcomes only for the closest allies of the NRM, even on Town Council levels where NRM members and NRM elders have closest call to get add-ons and secure funding for projects, while the opposition and other institutions have to get hands-out by international NGOs or Bilateral funds to get enough for what they need. The Resistance Councils and the now Local Councils are built for securing de-facto loyalty to the Executive and learn the strength of regime, not to be a democratic system.

UPM Poster

The Police and Army is built around loyal men in the top and men the Executive can trust to follow his suit and have his family close connected, even with Gen. Salim Selah not in direct leadership position as he has been involved into too much thefts, thieving and other activities to clean the leadership to look decent for international community, even with Brig. Muhoozi Kainerugaba who is groomed and quickly up the ante with running the Special Forces Command. The ruthlessness of the army and Police never left, and the new laws in place have given lee-way to them to use it as free-for-all to shut down dissidents. While the leadership is steady shifting  and moving as they don’t want the DPC, RPC and Army commanders to be on short-leach and not be to homely where they work.

The continuation of post-election violence in Bundibugyo and Kasese, the way the army is deployed there days on days, shooting Rwenzururu Kingdoms security guards, while the treat of the ADF-NALU who is stations right over the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and as always the Police issues statements blaming other forces, even when video footage and other eye-witness counter their words and intelligence; in the end insulting the intelligence of the people.

1986 Joke

The NRM-Regime and the words of their Executive is now totally different than what he was talking the first years of their reign. The Economy is dire, the donors are more futile and less interested in involving themselves in a militarized economy and where the NRM-Elite instead of the citizens and general population, the ones that get funding is direct funded projects as roads and buildings, but not economic prosperity as the inflations is high, the value of currency dwindles, the amount of monies to buy ordinary food-stuffs, the government have added higher loans to sufficiently take up the vacuum of the loss of donor-funds to the governmental budgets.

The whole picture is not as it should be after the ruling-party have run the country for 30 years, the picture should be a steady economy, a secure police-force respected and honor the citizens, an army working for securing the borders and doing international missions not for securing funding, but to generate peace. The country should have beneficiary institutions and taxations with representation, the ones that been done have not delivered, the steady progress has not been delivered, and when is when the media has blasted or BBC have got a whiff of it. As the NBS or NTV cannot whip the power to change, the same with the papers as they are mostly censored and controlled as the radio-stations have lost their transmitters, license and even their hosts been detained while being on air, the Daily Monitor ransacked for two days and the NTV banned from following the Presidential Campaign trail of the Executive.

Police 29.02.2016 Kasangati

There is an issue when the army is such a big part of nation, in the parliament, in the streets, in deployment and around all the time. The internal security is based on the army, not the police who is also militarized with sections of special units with military equipment for breaking down demonstrations and other gatherings of opposition, even independents who was former NRM have struggled with army and the Police Force. As the detaining of Opposition without charges, house arrests of Presidential Candidates and taking people with Candidates Declarations Forms from the Polling Station.

The whole picture is not of the state of business, the way of government that NRA and the NRM promised, it has overtaken the control of the institutions, but not given the accountability and transparency, not the economic landscape or investment climate that they have promised for so long, the basics are much of the same and the deals between the oil companies and drilling has been happening behind closed doors; like not open dealings and showing how the companies pay for their operations and how the government structures are as the oil-laws are not strict and not fully operative yet.

Jinja Police 10915 P1

The tear-gas operations and the live bullets are not showing the proof of democratic values and society. The internal security and the structures are not strong, when the army enters all kind of operations, as they even killed bed-bugs in neighborhoods of Kampala in mid-February as the KCCA didn’t have the manpower to reach the area, as the UPDF have been used in any kind of processes, even the training-center of the army Kyankwanzi the National Leadership Institute and military training camp; where the NRM MPs has had retreats before the new parliament like the 9th and 10th Parliament went there.

The Kyankwanzi resolutions or decrees as party MPs has set precedence for the coming term and the evolution of the ruling-party as the structure in the last go-around left many of the old-foes behind, and the former secretary-general and Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi behind. While this time the struggles with Justine Kasule-Lumumba, Jacob Oulanyah and Rebecca Kadaga might go through hardships in the coming 10th Parliament as the internal security means the security of the Executive and bring down the men and woman who has ambitions. That is why the Executive have centered the powers close to him. As even ambassador’s claims he is hard to read, the generals of UPDF fear him and just want to do his will, and the same with the police force who has a loyal Inspector General who follows every whiff from him. Even former Warlords and M23 are yearly on the payroll from the State House. As they are securing the security of the state and the government institution as civilian militia-men that does their army bidding; also does discreet business for the Executive as their role have never been told to the world. Therefore we can only be guessing at this point; though they are not cutting the grass at Entebbe or Nakasero!

The way the Army is embedded in the society and external politics, the guerrilla warfare brought the Executive first to a Ministerial Position before the General Election of 1980 and again at the takeover in 1986. He came with the gun and never left it, and never let it go, in all endeavors and structures the embedded army has followed, the loyal cadres and commando have continued, the re-payment of loyalty and offered protection have come in handy. The kickbacks and graft never left the offices, the building of the businesses have also centered the government officials, while the former government businesses has been sold for quick bucks or privatized.

Daily Monitor 1993

The internal security can be questioned with the army running the streets in Kasese, Kapchorwa and Kampala as a steady force and looking like Marshall Law or state of emergency as the government shows the display of power, and the Police rides around in Personal Armored Carrier and have mortars as Journalist lose their cameras and the media get muffled with. The insecurity created and the ballots been stolen in broad daylight, the impunity of law of fellow citizens is not creating the peaceful atmosphere the Executive have promised and said he delivered, as the Kenyan funding of the campaign and Sudanese Army men proves the Executive went far to secure his stay in power, instead of trusting the ballots and votes, he trusted his instinct and went for the guns and ammunition that have given him the power before, as he had loyal well-paid puppets in the Electoral Commission and generals in the Campaign Team, together with losing NRM Primaries who was paid off; in his mind this should have gone in silence and gotten the credible result needed to be respected statesman abroad, instead the announcement and the cracks of the army and the social media showed the true colors and not the story given by the Executive or his party cadres, which shows the payments and party program is shell of keeping power by any means, instead of building fruitful societies and institutions for better tomorrow. The lies are not invisible anymore, the questions the actions and killings is not only in the hands of semi-army police force and the general populations knows it. As the mourning of the announcement and the weakness of the state comes forward; therefore army had to be deployed and the reshuffling of Police Commanders happening a month after Election Day.

You can lie once and fool the crowd, but lie twice and then the storm comes on the horizon. That is what is happening now and the Executive knows and knew before these elections that the people are tired of his lies and reprogrammed pledges. As the changes of society has only brought bottled water from mountains of the Rwenzori and cellphones, certainty at one point the Universal Primary Education and extended Local Councils that has benefited, but also after a while the schools started to disappear and become depleted. The more districts, sub-counties and counties have taken a toll on the economy. Also been set-up to secure more loyal cadres in Parliament and locally. Through the chain-of-command as the structure is militarized and set to fix the monies, the government institutions, government businesses, government organizations and the commission to be loyal to the Executive, even the churches and holy institutions, if possible they can have some dissidents and opposition; that is just enough for the country to have a rouse and jolly while eating the donor-funding and letting the people stay poor while the NRM-Elite stays powerful. Especially the NRM and the Executive does not care about the FDC and their claims to justice, as the justice is the basics, but for the NRM it is to keep Power and let their Executive stay continuously. And by the minute does not seem to want to leave the country in a state that he promised when he took power.

The Star Paper Article 04.02.2016

As his guns does not seem to be silenced, the level of fear, the way the PAV rides down the streets and highways, the way the roadblocks are put, the way the Police detain without charges and the way the government mend laws to fit the Executive, the way the banks are demonstrating their will of following him to earn monies, the way the businesses are centered around him and given favorable deals, the way the harassment of opposition and media, the way the army and police involve in politics and daily life, it does not seem as a democratic and just society. The detention of the ballots and preventative arrest of citizens are worrying, as much as the control and efficiency of it. The pride of the government and its institutions are weak when the KCCA need the Army to fight local problems, the Executive does not trust anything else and therefore the biggest smiles on the photos from him comes in army fatigue and guns as that is the place he feels the best, not in the office or at state meeting. If not it is on his farm relaxing while the monies are piling in without doing anything. Peace.

NRM MPs wants to secure an extended term from 5 to 7 years for President Museveni; fits the Modus Operandi of Museveni; As Mzee seeks to stay in power forever!

the-1995-constitution-was-very-clear-on-two-terms-but-museveni-used-parliament-to-remove-term-limits

There are stories that are breaking, stories that are strange, stories that are surprising, what I write you today are the new normal and the Modus Operandi of the NRM-Regime and the NRM party. As there been a pattern when it comes to President Museveni, as his grips of power and continues to be the Executive. This he has done deliberately since 1986. Or since after the rigged election of 1980; a history most that has followed the Uganda President should know by now, and should be part of their knowledge.

In the beginning he stated that the Movement System would continuation of the African democratic model as the constituencies would pick their men, than through Multi-Party System, he hold on to it as long as he could. And he kept it until second voting on a referendum that leads into the 2006 elections with the Multi-Party system, and not only NRM party as it had been since 1986. Before 1986 there been other parties that long had been in shadow or worked under the system and being imbedded in the Movement System to sustain positions, but not free-parties to hold their own consultations and own meetings. As the referendum opened up for; just with this proves how little he works for the dissidents or other views in the country, as it is the NRM who matters as that is his Party!

What I will discuss today is how he has used laws both inner-party of the NRM and the deepest in the general law to keep the laws that fits him. Such it was in beginning of the Constitution, who also gained him credit abroad and made him a donor-friendly destination. I will take the amendment, sole-candidacy of 2014 and now the longer terms for him. Take a look!

In 1995 the new constitution gave the President or the Executive power under the Article 105 a basis of two terms, which each term would last 5 years. That was the basis of the new constitution that NRM and President Museveni made during the first period of his presidency.

The Original constitution states this:

“105.  Tenure of office of a President.

(1)       A person elected President under this Constitution shall, subject to clause (3) of this article, hold office for a term of five years.

(2)       A person shall not be elected under this Constitution to hold office as President for more than two terms as prescribed by this article”

But in 2005 he had changed his mind as he wanted to keep power in the country even if he had been elected twice in presidential elections in 1996 and in 2001. So when 2006 elections were coming, he had together with his party change the law to fit him.

As the Constitution Amendment Act 2005 which states:

“28. Amendment of article 105 of the Constitution Article 105 is amended by repealing clause (2) and substituting for it the following—“(2)A person may be elected under this Constitution to hold office as President for one or more terms as prescribed by this article.”

That got voted in Parliament and lead to the general election in 2006, where President Museveni also won the election and took a landslide of MPs in Parliament, as he has always done. This has continued into a single spiral of his strengthen power of the NRM, while cutting ties with men inside the party wishing to take his place in the party, as with Gilbert Bukenya and Amama Mbabazi at times.

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

So to solidify his position he made this happen on a Party Retreat or Conference at Kyankawanzi and the words express the readiness for yet another term and rule under President Museveni and not have a new leader controlling the ruling party. As it says here:

The Kyankwanzi Resolution of 2014 – President Museveni’s right for Sole Candidacy in the NRM:

“RESOLUTION ON PARTY COHESION AND GOVERNANCE

We, the undersigned members of the NRM Caucus attending a retreat at the National Leadership Institute(NALI) Kyankwanzi (6,February 2014); Fully aware of our Country’s historical  past and the need to consolidate and sustain the Milestones registered over the years since 1986; Cognizant of the fact that there is still a lot more to be done in order to realize our ideological vision of uniting Uganda(Nationalism), Pan-africanism, transforming our country from a poor peasantry society to a modern economy and upholding democracy; Conscious of the fact that what has been so far achieved over the last 28 years needs to be guarded jealously and improved upon to realize our vision; Aware  that when individuals engage in personal scheming, party cohesion is undermined, development efforts aredistracted and the population is diverted from work to early politicking;

DO here by resolve;

To support H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni to continue leading and facilitating our country on its take off journey to transformation”.

As we seen that the President Museveni together with Parliament in 1994 before introduction of the Constitution of 1995. Where it stated certain limits for the president, meaning two periods for the actual president and that was that. After and near the end of the official two periods as presidents the constitutional amendment abolished that in 2005. Later he continued to rewrite the NRM Party guidelines and got the resolution of 2014, where they rewrote it so that he is the Sole Candidacy of him as a presidential candidate for the party and be the president of NRM at the same time, as he has been for decades.

So now the news of a new resolution from yet another conference or retreat at Kankwanzi, that will give the Presidency more Power and for longer time!

Today the 14th March 2016 at another NRM MPs retreat at Kyankwanzi:

“Live in Kyankwanzi where the NRM orientation and retreat is on going! Resolution has been passed to extend the term limit from 5 years to 7 years!” (The Inspector, 2016).

This is an amendment that supposed to the same that the MP James Kakooza the MP for Kabula County in Lyantonde District initiated in 2010. The Kyankwanzi resolution for the longer term length is on the precedence of the Rwandan Presidents who have 7 year terms already and the idea of MP Hon. Kakooza want to emulate that. What the NRM MPs does not is copying and also doing this to show support to the President for their ability to be MPs in the 10th Parliament. They should initially give thanks to once they represent (the people) and not the President, they serve him, but they in theory represent the people first. This kind of law and resolution does not give more power to the people or represent them better. On the other hand it gives longer staying power for President Museveni and nothing else. As his next term would be extended with two more years not the 2016-2021, but now would be 2016-2023. That is massive difference and giving him more time to make more laws fitting him.

e8807-votemuseveni

As I am sure we will see more of this and make sure the laws that fit the NRM-Regime and the longevity of President Museveni and his presidency. That is the only certainty as the opposition gets worse treatment and the laws made to suit the Executive and not the people. As it come more and more to forefront and becomes the reality. Last time at Kyankwanzi resolution gave carte blanche for a sole candidacy, now in a similar fashion they want to give him two more years as head of state, as he already embarks on the 30th year in power. And with the new term system the nedt tenure would total 37 years! That is like fish out of the water, and surely is not just an idea from a MP, I am sure this seems like a tactic from the Presidency to do it now after the polls; to justify his extended time in Power.

I don’t believe that this all of sudden happen out of the nowhere. As the other extensions have happen deliberately and through steady choices of the executive, he has made choices and decisions how to manipulate the electorate, the parliament and the laws to fit his way. That has been strength of him and as long as that gave positivity in the county, the people didn’t mind. Now it is not positivity as at the beginning of the presidency, instead the totalitarian power who keeps the power to himself and using all methods to keep it.

This here today is yet another method and another way of securing the power for the presidency, the extension of the term is just the next step for him and his rule. Peace.    

Dr. Kizza Besigye detained today at Kira Police Station and back to house-arrest this evening; President Museveni shows with recent actions and use of Police Force towards the FDC; That he really never believed in the Multi-Party Democracy; I start to believe that President Museveni want to go back to the Movement-System! (25.02.2015)

KB Naggalama Police 25.02.2016

This is reported from Harlod Kajja from FDC that Dr. Kizza Besigye has been returned back to Naggalama Police Station. After hours been at unknown locations after been taken from his home and been away under forces we don’t know; Especially what has happen to Dr. Kizza Besigye while being detained by unknown men in a unknown place, as the FDC Staff or FDC Officials have had no idea today where he has been located.

Ingrid Turinawe reports:

“Dr. Kizza Besigye is being re arrested now just out side his gate. They just drove him back home after kidnapping and arresting him today (morning). He wants to go to clinic- visit his Doctor for treatment. He is not feeling well after full three months of campaign and the subsequent arrests. Police can’t allow him visit clinic“.

“Besigye narrates what happens when he is arrested:“I am arrested roughly even when I cooperate; they grab, shove and push me into the van. They drive the van like they are possessed by demons. The other day, they were driving 140km/hr on a murram road. Inside, we were jumping in the air.” (…)“Once in Naggalama, inmates cheer. Inside, I remove the shoes, belt and enter the cell. There is one toilet which is shared by all inmates.” (…)”Besigye says he is never tortured but says: “Once, they beat me.”(…)”It’s drama. Like what you see in films. When I was in Kira PS, I ate their food once and it was good” (NBS TV, 25.02.2016).

KB 25.02.2015

His own words: “Routine: just been dropped by police after a day’s detention at Kira Police Stn. Home barricaded & not allowed out!!” (Dr. Kizza Besigye, 25.02.2015).

Just why this has been edited, when it comes to Dr. Kizza Besigye facts: 

(This blog has been edited as information has come through the hours, as the was so much uncertainty, therefore the Naggalama Police Station is gone away as Kizza Besigye reports himself that he as at Kira Police Station today; there was the place he was detained. That is the reason alone to edit the matter and get the right information out about his situation; the other is the reports from FDC Officials as the uncertainty of his situation today; that proves the game that Uganda Police is doing under supervision of Gen. Kale Kayihura and President Museveni).

This here is worrying with all those missing ours and what kind of Security Outfit who has taken custody of him; as it most likely have been since he suddenly appears from nowhere and end at the place he has been detain in the recent days. Seems like a well planned operation from the Police Force under Gen. Kale Kayihura! This is their Modus Operandi, and I am right now waiting for CP Enaga who claims foreign powers offered “Gold” to FDC, while Polly Namaye saying “Securing the welfare of Besigye” or some other white-lie from her and the Police Force, who continues to tornment this Presidential Candidate and the man who is questioning the affairs and governance of the NRM-Regime; as he is going from Prison to house-arrest.

Today the FDC tried to follow the car and lost it after awhile. This here is scary, and should be a warning of the Police State and the levels of disregard for rule of law the are in Uganda. Dr. Kizza Besigye is not Uganda, but he is the epitome of what is wrong. When I say that is it not that Dr. Kizza Besigye is wrong. That is surely wrong. What is wrong is method of oppression, disregard for justice and lawful behavior from the Police before the polls and now after the polls to the man. Not only to Dr. Kizza Besigye but the whole party of FDC is under fire because they question the legitimacy  of the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections that Dr. Badru Kiggundu.

That is the mortal sin (Questioning the Legitimacy) in Uganda right now, because the almighty President Museveni has all power and allowed to anything. As he is the law and the justice, and the man who has the vision and understanding of everything. While people like the FDC and the rest of opposition should just scatter. They are rats to him and people who has misunderstood the movement and his leadership. That is why the Police can hunt them down while getting the FDC Officials at gun-point as they have to give over the FDC Agents Declarations Forms from the recent election; so that the NRM Regime can delete and destroy the evidence of the rigging and get them to alter the results to fit to the reality President Museveni lives in; which is the only one that can exesist in Uganda and by the Police State he is in charge of! There is certain that the Police and NRM-Regime is a totalitarian; who does what it can mask it as “Democratic” while using guns and tear-gas at opposition and Public Order Management Act (POMA), but use exceptions for NRM to do same kind of business or operations as the opposition. They don’t need to signal the Police for their actions or follow the POMA; as they are running the country; while the opposition is a nuance that President Museveni only has because he have to. To be able to walk to his donors, smile and laugh; tell about the great progress in the county and get more money he can embezzle while promising giant projects; as the National Development Plan II; for instance is a tool to get foreign donors to loan or gain funds from foreign governments, Multi-National organizations, Bretton-Woods Organizations to supposably direct the money for some sustainable development to the NRM-Regime. While when the project comes and goes, the money will disappear into the hot-air and some Minister will be fired; the same Minister will be brougt back in months time as the money that was embezzled went parts to the Executive and at the same time bought loyalty to President Museveni. Tell me if I am wrong, check the scandals and how many of them where brought back, and how many who has been close to President Museveni? The big question I have, why hasn’t this had major effect on the donor-countries… Who still has continued to give him funds without questioning the behavor or acting up towards him as he issues has come and go during his tenure as the Executive.

I am sure if President Museveni could and still keep getting donor funds; he would abolish Multi-Party Democracy and go back to the Movement System. So that every single person has to automatically be a part of his party and his vision; most important be ruled by him and he controlling them under his will. That is what President Museveni now wishing. He will not say this: because he doesn’t have the arrogance, but if he had the option, the barn-door would be open and the ferried Crime Preventers would be first in line to destroy the Multi-Party Democracy that he never believed in. As it needed to be two elections for the amendment (2000,2005) to get it.

So what we see now is just the notion and motions of President Museveni showing his true color and belief that he has the right to rule without question, because he believes he is the only one who has the right to run the Government of Uganda. That is why Dr. Kizza Besigye get the unjust acts towards him as he questions the powers of the Executive and the grand Chief, Commander-in-Chief and the President of the Republic of Uganda, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni! That is visible reality, not a beautiful picture, but a honest portrait of the signals and actions of his security outfits towards the FDC. I know it is not picturesque and classic view that we wish and hope for. That is because President Museveni will use everybody and anything to keep his posistion; as he has done now from President Nyerere, President Obote and all the other ones he has used to get power and than never leave it. As the most beautiful thing is to have power and be the “Big-Man”. Peace.

COMESA wraps up Mission in Uganda – commends voters for ordely conduct

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Kampala, Saturday, 20 February 2016: COMESA Election Observer team to Uganda has completed its mission and commended voters for turning up in large numbers to exercise their constitutional right of choosing their leaders in the February 18, 2016 elections.

In a joint press briefing with the East African Community (EAC) and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) election observer missions, Leader of COMESA Mission Ambassador Ashraf Gamal Rashed hailed the massive turnout in casting the ballots, and the orderly manner in which voters conducted themselves.

“The polling process was generally free, peaceful and transparent despite the logistical challenges that delayed the opening of polling stations,” Ambassador Rashed said.

The Mission made several recommendations to enhance the conduct of future electoral processes in Uganda. Among them is the need for the Electoral Commission to ensure better organization with regards to logistics such as marking of polling stations, preparation, distribution and delivery of polling materials.

It emphasized the need for a robust communication strategy that will ensure information is relayed in a timely manner from the EC to the polling stations to avoid misinterpretations and confusion that might arise due to delays.

“While noting the progress made to consolidate multi-party democracy, there is need for increased dialogue among political parties and other stakeholders to address any challenges and enhance the credibility of the electoral process and the acceptance of all parties of its outcome,” the mission leader said.

Further, he stated that the credibility and impartiality of the EC should always be maintained and urged the government to adequately provide funding should for the EC to enable it to execute its mandate effectively.

Amb. Rashed encouraged the citizens of Uganda to remain calm and address any electoral disputes that may arise through the proper legal channels.

President Museveni is not running for his 5th term, but he is running for the 7th! Proving it by going through his previous terms

Uganda-parliament-2

I know for some of you people this will blow your mind; some of you will tell I told you so. Other people will be like? How dare you insult my intelligence, well it depends on how you deem history and how you let the victors rewrite it. As President Museveni has been a victor and won over his predecessors like Yusuf Lule, Tito Okello and Milton Obote, even Idi Amin together with Milton Obote and the Tanzanian Army in late 1970s. So President Museveni has won the power through guns. At the same time as he has lingers he has tried to rewrite history as the people neglect certain fact.

We are supposed to see the people of Uganda to elect the 10th Parliament as this is the end of the 9th Parliament. I will not discuss that matter, as that is not important me. We could discuss if there only been 9 functional Parliament and representative government since independence in 1962, or should we also count the ones that we’re before this since the British introduced Parliamentarism in Uganda in 1882. Then it is with certainty more than 10 of them. If so is that based on the new constitution after independence or the newly written to fit NRA/NRM in 1995? Then so I understand the coming 10th Parliament. Still, this is also worth discussing and the matter of how we value the predecessors and the tools they left behind for the men of today who rule. Feel me?

This here is not a reflection on how Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost and got 4% in the 1980s and 1 seat in Parliament, as this was the first outfit for President Museveni. Museveni didn’t even get a seat as he lost to Sam Kutesa in the distric he was running in; that is a worthy side-note!

m7-1970

His first term – Overthrowing Okello in 1986:

But his first term started as he was sworn in and the New York Times described it like this:

“KAMPALA, Uganda, Jan. 29Yoweri Museveni, whose National Resistance Army descended on this battered capital city last week and overthrew the military Government of Gen. Tito Okello, was sworn in today as the new President of Uganda” (Rule, 1986). Here is in my opinion his start of first term, as he took it by the gun. As he was sworn in as President of Uganda, which initial means he got the appointment of rule as he defeated his opposition at that time.

ReaganMuseveni

 His Second Term – Election in 1989:

“The elections in 1989 also included elections for the majority of seats in parliament. Candidates for all these elections stood strictly as individuals and not as representatives for a party although several of them publicly were known supporters for one of the older parties – including the UPC. The Ugandan constitution was abolished in 1966, and no basic consensus has ever since appeared on the most basic issues like: how to elect a President and whether the country should be an unitary state or a federation including several kingdoms” (P: 40, 1994, Tidemand). “As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009). “Out of a total of 278 seats, 210 members were elected without party affiliation” (African Elections).

This here election was one, and gave NRM time to rebuild and rewrite a new constitution. So this gave way for his second term in my opinion. Since the first term was from 1986 – 1989. From 1989 to 1996 is his second as there weren’t elections towards the parliament and presidential candidates, which means that the country was still controlled tightly by the NRM. Before the 1996 election there was election a Council for writing the new Constitution. That was put into place in 1995.

the-1995-constitution-was-very-clear-on-two-terms-but-museveni-used-parliament-to-remove-term-limits

His Third term – 1996 elections:

“The presidential election was preceded by an aggressive electoral campaign which was dominated by intimidation, vote buying, bribery and promises of material benefits. These methods were employed by both the opposition and the incumbent government during the 39 days which were allowed for presidential campaigns. It would seem that the aggressiveness of the campaign was dictated to some extent by the limited time allowed for each candidate to cover all of the country’s 39 districts, which meant that candidates were allowed one day of campaigning in each district. Again, this arrangement favoured the incumbent, President Museveni who had been in power for 10 years and was therefore well known to the electorate, compared to his challengers. Moreover, the electoral law allowed him the continued use of his presidential privileges which made the 39 campaign days less problematic” (Muhumaza, 1997). “The I996 presidential election was deemed a ‘step forward’ by many Western diplomats, although before the election some diplomats privately questioned how the election could be fair because of the fact that political parties were not able to organise to compete with the political machinery of the NRM (Reuters, 6 May I996). Despite private reservations, the official donor attitude was that the losers of the election should not contest the results. When Paul Ssemogerere went to the European Union Parliamentary Committee on Development to complain about the unfairness of the election, the committee told him to accept his defeat (The New Vision, 3 June I996)” (Hauser, 1999).

Interesting allegation about campaign money to Museveni in 1996:

It was for instance alleged that one presidential candidate received funds equivalent to 600 million shillings (US$600,000) from certain foreign organisations while on a pre-election visit to Europe; and that another candidate had been funded certain Islamic countries. Similar insinuations were hurled against President Museveni who was alleged to have got financial contributions from the Indian community in Uganda” (Muhumaza, 1997).

The election results from the 9th of May 1996:

The results was: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 74.33 %, Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere: 23.61 % and Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 2.06 %” (African Election Database).

This here was the official first term as he was this one. Even if he had already been ten years in power, that is why I am saying this is his third term, as he had the first one from 1986 to 1989, when the overthrow Okello, second after the parliamentary elections to the first presidential election in 1996. That lasted to the 2001.

Before the next election this was reports on the great democratic environment President Museveni was building:

“Political parties are prohibited from holding party conferences, a ban which severely hampers their own internal reform. Since this ban has been in place since 1986, reform in the structure and leadership of political parties has been virtually impossible. Attempts to hold party conferences have been met with strong and unambiguous warnings from the Ugandan government that they would prevent such meetings” (…)”Since coming to power, the NRM has used a state-funded program of political and military education called chaka-mchaka to spread its message that political parties are destructive sectarian organizations responsible for Uganda’s past woes, an argument that resonates given Uganda’s recent political history. Chaka-mchaka thus serves to rationalize the NRM’s denial of political rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. Government leaders, including President Museveni, often refer to advocates of democratic reform as their “enemies.” Other structures of local government such as the local councils (LC) and the Resident District Commissioners (RDC) serve to ensure support for the NRM, and often create a hostile climate for advocates of pluralism” (Human Rights Watch, 1999).

Old Campaign Posters Uganda

Fourth Term – General Election in 2001:

KAMPALA, Uganda, March 14— President Yoweri Museveni swept the hard-fought elections here today, in a victory that he called an acclamation of 15 years of peaceful rule but that his main opponent said was won only by extensive cheating” (…)”My votes are like Lake Victoria,” Mr. Museveni told tens of thousands of supporters this afternoon who marched to an airstrip downtown after the results were announced. ”They never dry up.” (…)”The main election monitors in Uganda said, however, that most allegations of cheating appeared to be against forces loyal to Mr. Museveni, estimating preliminarily that between 5 and 15 percent of the vote may have been won fraudulently. The fraud included people being forced or influenced to vote by election officials, intimidation and people being denied the right to vote” (Fisher, 2001).

The Election results from the 12th March 2001:

The results are: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 69.33 %, Kizza Besigye: 27.82 %, Aggrey Awori: 1.41 %, Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 1.00%, Francis Bwengye: 31 % and Karuhanga Chapaa: 0.14 % (African Election Database).

Reactions to the election:

“Amnesty International (AI) agrees with the Besigye opposition that “the Presidential elections in Uganda have been marred by allegations of human rights abuses, both before and after the elections on 12 March 2001. An increasing number of human rights violations against opposition supporters, including illegal arrests and detention without charge, ill-treatment in detention, and alleged unlawful killings were reported by the Ugandan press in the weeks leading up to the elections. In some instances, supporters of President Museveni were also targetted.” (Afrol.com, 2001).

This here was the official second term, while I am saying it is the fourth one, that lead to him opening the Multi-Party elections in 2005. Also the referendum on term limits came into force in 2005. As the constitution made in 1995 gave the limit of the Executive Power and President had the ability to be elect twice. As he wasn’t elected in between 1986 to 1996; 10 years without accountability and still becoming a donor pleasant government as Structural Adjustment Program got eaten up by the Government of Uganda in that period. As President Museveni even met with U.S. President Clinton; as he was the new future leader of the “third world” development.

Uganda Term Limits Museveni

Here are the issues in 2005 with the abolishment of term limits:

“Museveni and his supporters, who pushed a controversial constitutional amendment rescinding presidential term limits through Parliament this month, are urging an overwhelming “yes” vote while the weak and fractured opposition want the country’s 8,9-million eligible voters to boycott the polls” (…)”Under current rules, political parties are allowed to exist but may not have branch offices and may not field candidates in elections. The only fully-functioning political entity is Museveni’s own “Movement” organisation to which all Ugandans theoretically belong” (Mayanja, 2005).

As it was voted in by the public he was allowed to be the Presidential candidate in yet another election. The one that happen in 2006!

Election 2011 Uganda

Fifth term – 23rd February 2006 Presidential Election:

As some context and pretext over the other issues written in between 2001 and 2006; this here is following the close and tense contest that was held in 2006; as the NRM was weaken over time, as the fatigue of running the country since 1986. As the fourth term was already showing how much they tried to continue to work under the Movement System, instead of giving way to Multi-Party Democracy, as people voted in the second referendum poll. Here is some things happening right before:

“A spokesman for the ruling National Resistance Movement told New Vision that the government had complained to the U.S.-based Web server which hosts Radio Katwe, Brinkster Communications Corporation, claiming that the site was publishing “malicious and false information against the party and its presidential candidate. (…)”Local journalists have expressed fears that the government could similarly block The Monitor’s Web site on election day, when the newspaper plans to keep a running tally of votes from across the country. “Our Web site has been going offline every day for the last three days” for several hours at a time, Monitor Group Managing Director Conrad Nkutu told CPJ. He added that while the problem appeared be a technical glitch, “we are also suspicious it might not be.” (CPJ, 2006).

Election results from 2006:

The results are:


Number of Votes
% of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 4,109,449 59.26%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) 2,592,954 37.39%
John Ssebaana Kizito (DP) 109,583 1.58%
Abed Bwanika 65,874 0.95%
Miria Obote (UPC) 57,071 0.82%

(African Election Database)

Aftermath after the first Multi-Party after NRM got into Power:

“The multi-party elections of 2006 saw only slight improvements from 2001, notably in the area of media freedom. Dr Besigye ran against President Museveni for the second time, but now as the leader of a new political party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and garnered 37.39% of the votes, as against Museveni’s 59.26% majority. Dr Besigye’s Supreme Court case regarding the 2006 elections has become famous due to the ruling that Museveni was the rightful winner despite the Court’s acknowledgement of widespread electoral malpractices and vote rigging which were considered not to have substantially affected the results of the elections” (…)”For any engagement with these political parties a number of issues need to be taken into consideration, these include the multi-party system and the fact that the political playing field remains un-levelled in favour of the NRM. As such, donors operating in Uganda need to be cognisant of the implications of this, for the ruling party and for opposition parties. International donors have and continue to play a significant role in financing and monitoring Uganda’s elections. In the 1990s, the UNDP was the lead institution for donors who wanted to co-finance Uganda’s elections. The UNDP’s mandate involved managing a donors’ basket fund, and recruiting and supervising specialised technical assistance to support the EC and civil-society organisations to carry out tasks allocated to them” (Sekaggya, 2010).

Uganda Election 2011 P2

Sixth Term – General Election in 2011:

Some Pretext: “The 2011 Uganda elections have attracted a record 8 Presidential candidates from seven political parties and one Independent candidate. All the Presidential Candidates have been on the campaign trail marketing their manifestos to Ugandans and have dispelled earlier assertions that some of them, seen as weak, will pull out of the campaigns that like in 2006 were expected to majorly be between incumbent Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement and Dr. Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change” (Rulekere, 2011). “FGD respondents said that this happens mainly on the election eve whereby candidates and/or their agents carry gifts and money in vehicles which have had number plates removed and they pack somewhere in the village and then walk from door to door giving money and/or gifts” (…)”Daily Monitor of Friday 7, January 2011 carried a lead story that President Museveni gave out $2.15 million (USh5 billion) in cash and pledges between July and October 2010 but the opposition is charging that such patronage is giving the incumbent an unfair advantage in the February 18, 2011 vote. Mr Museveni always conducts a countrywide tour before each election, during which he makes pledges and donations Critics say this is a disguised campaign that allows him to offer inducements to potential voters out of the public purse, a privilege unavailable to other candidates” (…)”Incumbent candidates have readily used their access to state resources to provide an unfair edge when running for re-election. This includes cash payments from the state treasury, use of state owned property and vehicles, as well as the fulfilment of campaign pledges during the campaign period. Voter have given up on their elected officials to fulfil campaign promises and seek to extract as much benefit as they can around the campaign period” (DMG, 2011)

The results are:

Candidate (Party) [Coalition] Number of Votes % of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 5,428,369 68.38%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) [IPC] 2,064,963 26.01%
Norbert Mao (DP) 147,917 1.86%
Olara Otunnu (UPC) 125,059 1.58%
Beti Kamya (UFA) 52,782 0.66%
Abed Bwanika (PDP) 51,708 0.65%
Jaberi Bidandi Ssali (PPP) 34,688 0.44%
Samuel Lubega 32,726 0.41%

(African Election Database)

Tororo town FDC Poster Former Campaign IPC

The Commonwealth Observation Group noted this:

“The main concern regarding the campaign, and indeed regarding the overall character of the election, was the lack of a level playing field, the use of money and abuse of incumbency in the process. The magnitude of resources that was deployed by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), its huge level of funding and overwhelming advantage of incumbency, once again, challenged the notion of a level playing field in the entire process. Media monitoring reports also indicated that the ruling party enjoyed a large advantage in coverage by state-owned radio and TV. The ruling party in Uganda is by far the largest and best-resourced party and following many years in power, elements of the state structure are synonymous with the party. Further, reports regarding the “commercialisation of politics” by the distribution of vast amounts of money and gifts were most disturbing. Indeed, the „money factor‟ and widespread allegations of bribery and other more subtle forms of buying allegiance were key features of the political campaign by some, if not all, the parties. By all accounts, the 2011 elections were Uganda‟s most expensive ever. It is therefore important that for the future serious thought be given to election campaign financing and political party fundraising. This is more so given that there are virtually no checks on the levels of campaign financing and expenditure due to the cash-based nature of the campaign and the lack of stringent campaign financing regulations, both of which facilitate the use of illicit payments to voters as inducements and has the potential to undermine their free will” (Commonwealth Observers Group, 2011).

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Important how President Museveni could run in the 2016 Election:

The Kyankwanzi Resolution of 2014 – President Museveni’s right for Sole Candidacy in the NRM:

“RESOLUTION ON PARTY COHESION AND GOVERNANCE

We, the undersigned members of the NRM Caucus attending a retreat at the National Leadership Institute(NALI) Kyankwanzi (6,February 2014); Fully aware of our Country’s historical  past and the need to consolidate and sustain the Milestones registered over the years since 1986; Cognizant of the fact that there is still a lot more to be done in order to realize our ideological vision of uniting Uganda(Nationalism), Pan-africanism, transforming our country from a poor peasantry society to a modern economy and upholding democracy; Conscious of the fact that what has been so far achieved over the last 28 years needs to be guarded jealously and improved upon to realize our vision; Aware  that when individuals engage in personal scheming, party cohesion is undermined, development efforts aredistracted and the population is diverted from work to early politicking;

DO here by resolve;

  1. To support H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni tocontinue leading and facilitating our country on its take off journey to transformation”

Afterthought –Run in to General Election 2016.

1986-1996: First and Second Term!

So I have now gone through the Elections since 1986 until today in 2016. That is thirty years in Power for the Executive Power and being President Museveni. 1986 to 1996, he didn’t really become elected as President as he did a coup d’état in 1986 to bring down regime at the current time. So the period from 1986 to 1996, there was an election in 1989 a Resistance Council elections which barred the Parliament with elected men and woman from the NRM/A, but was not an ordinary election to bring the people’s will in full effect and not even electing President Museveni, but securing polls to validate the rule of NRM at the time, also in my consideration to shut-up the donor-community; so they see the “democratic” vision of President Museveni. He even made a stunning Constitution in 1995. President Museveni had set the standard with two term limits and other regulatory tools to secure accountability that was new in Uganda, together with swallowing the Structural Adjustment Program to secure massive amount of funding to rebuild the country and secure Universal Preliminary Education. Something the citizens of Uganda got excited about and also gave him praise abroad.

museveni 2016 Poster

Third Term 1996-2001:

After the 1996 Presidential Election was his third term elections, and the official first term (which I can’t take serious) as he had already ruled for a decade, and you can’t shuffle that off that easy. Even with the bodies and violence to get the power in 1986, it cost so much suffering to gain that power; so to eradicate that and call this his first term, is to neglect the first ten years of power. Something we should be to damn wise to not. There we’re still not a Multi-Party Democracy or Elections as President Museveni doesn’t really believe in that; as the nation had to after this go through two referendum polls before initiating the hassle of letting people be controlled by other party functions then the NRM.

Fourth Term 2001-2006:

So when the fourth term came in 2001, he had already been long enough in power to already using up the constitutional rights as the Executive Power and President of the land. He was still popular and gained a lot of support. Even if the election was rigged and had a massive malpractices; the initial issues is how he pleaded and mixed up with referendum terminating presidential term limits to fit himself and rewriting the constitution of 1995 in 2005, so he could run off a third time. The second score of joy for the people was the second vote of the polls for Multi-Party Democracy, meant that the public could vote for other parties then the NRM during the 2006, as much as they could still as ever; vote for the old man with the hat! After 20 years in power he still used sufficient tools to be able to get voted in. And also stifle the completion in his favor, as the man who took power himself in 1986.

Fifth Term 2006-2011:

Set for the fifth term in 2006. The NRM and President Museveni at the time was re-introducing of multi-party election and continuing to go as the candidate, to secure the total tally of 25 years; when the term would be done.  He fixed the 1995 constitution one year advanced so he could run again! This time the third official campaign and polls, though still, with the 10 year as ruler before an election means, initially fifth. This here was the start of the down-turn as he now showed more and more the authoritarian leader and totalitarian state, compared to donor-friendly character he was when he first was sworn in 1986 and steady ship he hold while elected in 1996.

Sixth Term 2011- 2016:

As his sixth term in 2011, there was already starting to crack with the NRM leadership and the people, as they we’re ready for new leaders and a new executive. As the Kampala Riots and ‘Walk to Work’ demonstrations; proves that the leadership is in a fatigue state where the public is tired of the NRM and their ring leader President Museveni. Even still with well rigged machinery the NRM “won” again the election. To finish of this one, he had to swallow a few scalps to secure his sole candidacy, he had to break of Gilbert Bukenya his loyal fellow, he had to push of cliff Amama Mbabazi who wished to take his seat in the NRM, which is not a possibility unless you are the clone of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni; something Amama Mbabazi is not! In early 2014 he had to set up his machinery ready and get his party in line so that he could get the spot again with the Kyankwanzi Resolution in February 2014 and set his goals on the 7th Term as the Executive and President of Uganda, in the 10th Parliament. That is another timeline I am not sure of, I am sure there are more then 10 elected or appointed Parliaments and sessions in the great republic of Uganda. It is just a a way of rewriting history as the NRM is famous for.

Mbabazi M7 Besigye

That rewriting history comes in the sense of saying NRM and President Museveni is contesting for the 5th Term, I am saying his fifth term was between 2006-2011 his most turbulent ruling period after his first term in 1986-1989 when he still struggled to keep the whole country into peace, as there was still guerrillas and militias wanting to unsettle the new regime in Kampala. As we have seen, and we can see, there is a pattern and there is a reason why I am saying “we could really see his democratic wish” as the elections and malpractices seems like the same as when he took power. The rigging he claimed he wanted in the 1980s and why he lost as the UPM front-man, it seems to be same as it was under Dr. Milton Obote, the only difference is that he has been able to be stable and keep a strong army to spread the fear so that nobody has tried to really use a coup d’état against him. There been allegations in the past, and even persons been alleged in court for treason against the state, but they have been more political motivated then actual forces or militias in the sense they went to the bush to get rid of President Museveni. Though LRA and ADF has gone after his head, but failed.

President Museveni is now trying his best to get into his 7th Term, and we should not be surprised by election rigging, malpractices to destroy level playing-grounds for political parties, paying for votes and using both government institutions and government funds to be re-elected; Even supress the court to secure the validation or dismiss the allegation of election fraud in the 2016 election. I fear for the public response this time and how the security agents of the state will address them. As the Gen. Katumba Wamala of the UPDF will surely do what he can to impress President Museveni and Police Boss IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura follows orders blindly made by the Executive, as if he wants to shut down demonstrations and revolts against the totalitarian regime that the NRM has evolved into. As they are used to stealing the elections and taking the people for ransom to gain riches while the average people toil in poverty. There is time for change with a government with transparency, accountability and good governance; as the government now is famous for not caring about this issues and becoming dependent on feeding the cronies and loyal men of Museveni instead of serving the people. Peace.

Reference:

African Elections Database – ‘Elections in Uganda’ link: http://africanelections.tripod.com/ug.html

Afrol.com – ‘”Uganda needs to re-affirm human rights commitment” (17.03.2001) link: http://www.afrol.com/News2001/uga006_hrights_reaffirm.htm

Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41

Commonwealth Observer Group – ‘UGANDA PRESIDENTIAL AND

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS’ (24.02.2011)

Committee to Protect Jorunalist (CPJ) – ‘Critical website Radio Katwe blocked on eve of presidential election’ (23.02.2006) link: http://www.ifex.org/uganda/2006/02/23/critical_website_radio_katwe_blocked/

Democracy Monitoring Group (DMG) – ‘Report on Money in Politics – Pervasive vote buying in Ugandan Election’ (January 2011)

Fisher, Ian – ‘Final Count Has Uganda President Winning 69% of Vote’ (15.03.2001) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/15/world/final-count-has-uganda-president-winning-69-of-vote.html

Hauser, Ellen – ‘Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?’ (Dec. 1999) link: http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Hauser%20Uganda%20donors.pdf

Human Right Watch – ‘Hostile to Democracy The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (01.10.1999) link: http://www.refworld.org/docid/45dad0c02.html

Manyanja, Vincent – ‘Ugandans face paradox in referendum’ (25.07.2005) link: http://mg.co.za/article/2005-07-25-ugandans-face-paradox-in-referendum

Muhumaza, William – ‘Money and Power in Uganda’s 1996 Elections’ (1997) – African. Journal. Political Science (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 168-179

Rule, Sheila – ‘REBEL SWORN IN AS UGANDA PRESIDENT’ (30.01.1986) link:  http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/30/world/rebel-sworn-in-as-uganda-president.html

Rulekere, Gerald – ‘Uganda Elections 2011: The Presidential Candidates – Early Predictions’ (17.02.2011) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/government/uganda-elections-2011-the-presidential-candidates-early-predictions/1207/ug.aspx

Sekaggya, Margaret – ‘Uganda: Management of Elections’ (01.01.2010) link: https://www.eisf.eu/library/uganda-management-of-elections/

Tidemand, Per – ‘The Resistance Councils in Uganda A Study of Rural Politics and Popular Democracy in Africa’ (1994) –PHD Dissertation at Roskilde University, Denmark.

NRM flagbearers for parliamentary seats to receive 20M each (Youtube-Clip)

Mzee is either in the darkness of the forest or walking in the banana-plantation; he surely have no plans to leave; that is the true #SteadyProgress

m7-1970

It’s hard for me to write this in all seriousness. Since I writing about an African President whom himself said this in 1986: “The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power” (Ross, 2011).  The President in particular is His Exellency Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, the President of Uganda for 29 years and counting!

Mzee said this in 1980 while running as a presidential candidate:

“Using a government position to a mass wealth is high treason. If the UPM is not going to be supported because it denounces such methods of getting rich, let it be”.

This he said while campaigning in Bushenyi and Mbarara districts(Weekly Topic, August 27. 1980).

So Mzee have  had a few points back in the day and knew this was an issues. Now he deflects  them to the extreme, to a point where it nearly get’s boring. Still here is his recents comments on the matter of riches and staying in power.

This was what Mzee said in November 2015:

““I have my own job at home of keeping cattle. Why would I stay when I have been defeated in the elections? I am not power hungry but I have missions to accomplish. I can’t leave without finishing with them” (Kazibwe, 2015).

Well, he has promised to step-down before, doubt he means this for long or even if this utter words was sincere other than for a show. This was for show from Mzee because of the coming Papal visit in Uganda (all seriousness the visit happen around 2 weeks after this interview). Well, let me continue on what he has said over the new-years and his ordinary modus operandi. When the pope has left the country and he could do what he normally do!

e8807-votemuseveni

Mzee saisd this on 5th January 2016:

“I have been hearing people accusing me of sticking around; that I don’t want to leave government. Why would I want to stay in government?” (…)”First of all I am a very rich man. I have a lot of wealth and therefore it cannot be riches that I am seeking in government” (Waswa, 2016).

Well, you have in been in power since 1986. That is sticking around for a while in government and as executive power for nearly three decades. We know you are rich you have a giant farm in Ankole, you and your families own a dozen businesses, some hotels and even some transport businesses as well. You started earning big bucks on transport under the DRC war in the 90s, but that is a nearly forgotten chapter for you and your brother Salim Selah, right? Still you’re in government because you fear what will happen if you leave it. Especially when there is oil-money soon coming into the accounts of Uganda and you want that slice to. The minerals and wood from Kisangani will be small-fry a bogoya. Well, we know about that and as your businesses and family businesses can be lost if you leave government. Therefore you want to secure those, it is a valid argument to stick around in government for wealth as man men make their wealth that way, one of the reason why you went to the bush to eradicate corruption and embezzlement. Well, that chapter is also forgotten and loyal cronies is more and more important therefore we have NRM-Independent and NRM Flag-Bearers in the coming elections, this is new and the NRM-Independents are breach of inner-party law. We know it is okay as long as Mzee,says it’s okay; he even pays the fees for the NRM-Independents to the Electoral Commission. This is to gain their loyalty as well as the ones the members picked in the district and sub-county. That is beautiful right? So, that is the reason why people wonder why you stick around and what can you do now that you haven’t already done? Still, let’s continue to the 10th January 2016.

MuseveniQuote

Mzee said this on 10th January 2016:

“cannot leave power now because all he planted has started bearing fruits” (…)”Those who say, let him go, let him go, they need to know that this is not the right time. This old man who has saved the country, how do you want him to go? How can I go out of a banana plantation I have planted that has started bearing fruits?” (…)”We can’t be in the middle of a forest and want the old man to go. This is not right. We must concentrate on development, my time will come and I will go. I don’t fear going because I have where to go, but we must first see where we go” (…)”We can’t be in the middle of a forest and want the old man to go. This is not right. We must concentrate on development, my time will come and I will go. I don’t fear going because I have where to go, but we must first see where we go” (Rumanzi, 2016).

Now he is proclaiming that he has made a country into a banana-plantation, where it is finally bearing fruits. That means sweat bananas with good yields. That must be from the mustards seed he planted in 1986. Wait, this isn’t a mustard farm, but still the metaphor can be extended to the Banana farm. Yes, he has made the country into a Banana farm or should I say a banana republic. Now that all of that was daft, but the point is clear.

The economic state is getting dire in Uganda, the loans rate on the government budget is going up while the aid and donor funds goes down. While the oil-price lowers before the oil-monies are getting in. The sale of coffee is growing but it has not the yielded price on it neither is the sale of the tea. Like they are not producing enough sugar for consumption and have to import from Kenya.

Bank notes Uganda

IMF in July 2015 wrote in their report this: “Short-term benefits of the oil price decline have been less pronounced in Uganda than in other countries in the region. In the past nine months, petrol average pump prices have declined by 10 percent in domestic currency”.

He surely isn’t done by seeing all the campaign teams struggling with the villages roads his been building since 1986. Since FDC Campaign Convoy have been stuck in Rwenzori and in certain northern districts, while Mzee himself needed a military vehicle to be able to get to campaign rallies in Abletong. Well, the Banana-plantations don’t need a good road as long as the banana gets to market?

500px-Uganda_Regions_map

Or is it the growing amounts of districts, sub-counties and municipalities? Is that your proud work to make sure that that every corner of the country have a local council to control 1000 people and have loyal payment from you?  That seems like the final goal while going through your banana-plantation. In 1967 there was only 18 districts, by 1989 where already 34 districts and 150 counties. By my reckoning in late 2015 there are 111 districts and 167 counties. So the numbers has grown staggering amount of districts and steady rise of counties. Was this the big plan in 1986 make sure that there 3 times over district then when you came to power?

You might feel that you’re in the forest and not really in the mellow place of the banana-plantation since the situation economically, infrastructure, youth-employment, industrial-development, police-violence and so on. There are much darkness in the forest and not any sweat yields of the banana-plantation. The development that you have left is surely questionable; secondly the legacy you’re leaving behind is not the ones you wish you had. You could have been a man who led to real progress and stand for something new.  Instead you’re the same old tribe of African leaders who overstays in power and does let other people rule.

The economic state, together with the lower prices on coffee and oil should be worrying. Together with edged prices on imports as Uganda imports are higher than their exports. The weaker currency and higher inflation makes the trading barrier even higher. There are so many signs that the general election together with the laws that parliament passes gives more and more power to the Executive and his regime. Ever since Public Order Management Act there been more and more laws who gives the government more stronghold over the public instead of giving them freedoms and opportunity to evolve and think on their own. The laws that gives the government carte blanche to borrow money through the new Public Finance Management Act; one section of this law says this: “Amendment of Section 36: (5a) In addition to subsection (5), a loan raised by the Government as a temporary advance by the Bank of Uganda, which does not extend beyond a financial year shall not require to be approved by the Parliament” (P5, 2015, PFMA). That says how the government can initially use the Bank of Uganda as an ATM, was that the problem you had in the forest or the fruits your having yield on the banana-plantation?

NAADS Piggery Enterprise Ibanda

I know that you have no plan of stopping being in power, I am just wondering when you actual thought of leaving since you have been there as long as have lived. Something not many Presidents have done except your friend in Zimbabwe, and maybe aquatints like Paul Biya in Cameroon, and Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatoral Guinea. But hey, they are from francafrique countries so I only expect you smile at them when you arrive at African Union meetings in Addis Ababa. Since they know and you know that all the fellows who meet with decades ago are no longer there.

We know that what you said before new years are utter rubbish since you have promised before to step down and haven’t. That has happened before 2001 and before 2006. Even before you got the multi-party system back into place; Gen. Benon Biraaro said this early part of his campaign in 2015: “When we captured power in 1986, Mr Museveni promised to rule for only five years and after he will go and look after his cows, I never knew his cows would be Ugandans”.

Old Taxi Park

Surely, if his still is in the forest or in the banana-plantation or even with his cows in Ankole, it is for certain he is still the executive power and will do what he can to keep that in 18th February 2016 or make sure the counting is fixed to measure the right way. Mzee will make sure that the counting of the ballots from the Electoral Commission declares him the President, AGAIN! If not he has prepared the police with a bucket full billions of shillings for post-election violence. So he must have looked in the darkness of the forest and worried for the outcome. In the sense that he smells the people are not his anymore. They do not follow him blindly and let him guide them freely. The banana-plantation is not as peaceful as it once was; This means that Mzee is not directly entitled anymore, to get the fruits of the plantation without any questions, from the people who are working on it. Peace.

Reference:

Kazibwe – ‘Museveni: I am Ready to Hand Over Power If Defeated’ (19.11.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/museveni-i-am-ready-to-hand-over-power-if-defeated/

Ross, Will – ‘Would Uganda’s Museveni recognise his former self?’ (07.05.2011) link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/9477930.stm

Rumanzi, Perez – ‘I can’t leave power now – Museveni’ (10.01.2016) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-can-t-leave-power-now—Museveni/-/688334/3027090/-/ldhhetz/-/index.html

Waswa, Sam – ‘It Is Never My Intention to Stick To Power – Museveni’ (05.01.2016) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/it-is-never-my-intention-to-stick-to-power-museveni/

Dr. Kizza Besigye Statement on the Presidential Debate

Mbabazi M7 Besigye

The attempt to have a presidential debate in Uganda is not new. There has been an attempt at every of the previous elections to have a debate.

At every election that I have participated, I have been ready to engage in a debate. But at each of those attempts, it was the failure of Mr. Museveni to accept to have a debate that led to the failure of having a debate.

So this time when I challenged Mr. Museveni to a debate, I knew that he is averse to having a direct debate- which is unfortunate because in a situation like ours where there are deep contradictions, it is important to have a direct debate so that people are able to determine the candidates’ positions and policies.

But even then, when I challenged Museveni to a debate, I really knew that Museveni was not up to it because he has untenable positions; the positions he has taken over the last 30 years and the consequences of those positions are indefensible.

So I really knew he would do everything to avoid the debate. In fact, I was surprised by his initial response when he appeared to have agreed to the debate. I was surprised because I thought he would avoid it right away.

But as I have now heard, it is clear that he is not going to engage in the debate for 15th, Jan, 2016. This does not come as a surprise.

Secondly, it ought to be understood that we don’t have a multiparty democracy in Uganda; we have a military dictatorship. It is that military dictatorship that we intended to examine and interrogate in the debate.

The military dictatorship has been in power for 30 years and it has espoused certain policies that have had serious consequences on the country. So we cannot have a utopian debate about what is good for the Uganda without questioning and interrogating the 30yr incumbency of Mr. Museveni regime.

In fact the contestation in Uganda, to my mind, is between the dictatorship and the organizations challenging it. So if the dictatorship in the debate is absent, then is it a primary election of those who are challenging the dictatorship? Is it a primary contest of only those who are challenging the dictatorship?

Therefore, my view is very clear: that if Mr. Museveni declines to have a debate, then we cannot have a debate alone; the debate simply collapses.

I think it is disingenuous for people to suggest that the opponents of the dictatorship debate amongst us to demonstrate that it is only Museveni that declined to engage in the debate.

Thirdly, it also ought to be understood that the anti dictatorship organisations are engaged in this political contestation from a point of severe disadvantage.

Mr. Museveni has been campaigning for the last five years using state resources while we were restricted. Even in this campaign, we have severe obstacles from the poor roads to partisan security organizations that try to interfere and obstruct our campaign.

We also have severe challenges of financial resources to fund our campaigns- we have to raise funds from our very poor supporters while Mr. Museveni has unlimited access and supply of state resources, funds and even uses a state helicopter to facilitate his campaign.

So it is us that treasure every minute of this campaign more than Mr. Museveni. If Museveni is not going to be available, it would be madness to take off a day or two to go and talk to my colleagues with whom we are fighting the dictatorship.

It is most unfortunate that Mr. Museveni has more or less at the last minute opted out the debate. It is sad.
I was actually informed by chance of the date of debate by someone from Inter Religious Council of Uganda whom I had a meeting with on Monday.

The gentleman informed me that the date was set by Mr. Museveni in July last year before he became a candidate. That in itself is very curious that a none candidate sets a date for a debate presuming that he will be a candidate; that he fixes the date of the debate which six months later, he is not able to honour.

I was informed of the date in one week and immediately agreed to the debate but the one who set the date unable to honour his commitment. I had even promised to cancel my program in Tororo to attend the debate.

So surely, this is very unfair but it is not unaccepted that Mr. Museveni would turn down the opportunity for a debate.

Mzee doesn’t feel the Calvary can protect the election anymore; therefore he changes guards and get the Army to flex for him

IGP Kayihura Gen Katumaba M7

There been news that Mzee have ordered the Uganda People’s Defence Force to be in-charge of the security during the rest of the election-time, because in the previous elections the people or citizens of Uganda have been sleeping. They we’re sleeping so well and misunderstood by Mzee. He must have forget the reactions to the recent General Election in 2011 that ended in public display and post-election violence; at the strange past, where the now Presidential Candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye and other politicians started the demonstrations with the group of Activist4change and “Walk to Work”.

Mzee have a little amnesia and even have forgotten that have got so much money to spend on post-election violence. But why postpone the violence when you can intimidate the public in 40 days before the Election Day and polls. That sounds so much sweeter, right? Why wait to be hit and the international media on your agenda when you can do it more in silence now.

Mzee have the plan since he is seeing the Go-Forwand/TDA and FDC Presidential Candidate during better than expected. While Mzee and his party is like ferrying more people than the ordinary safari company in the country and especially countryside where he have lost support. So the easy way is to rent buses and get people from other districts to look like you still have the power and suction in the country.

Mzee have issues, strong issues with opposition; that’s why when he looks back in time. He remember with joy the times between 1986 to 2005; when there wasn’t anything else than his own built Movement Political System. That went away with the 2005 referendum. That has opened the gates for other people then Mzee to actually rule! While Mzee did apparently around the same time he did take away the Presidential Term Limits, that why still Mzee have executive powers and campaigning for yet another term.

Mzee have seen the rise of people lately and that people aren’t eating of his hand and enjoying his speeches as they once did. While the Uganda Police Force and IGP Gen Kale Kayihura doesn’t make the people fear Mzee and his folks enough. Not even Mzee’s Wife’s grin and speeches can’t beat the lions into shape, the people are to touchy with the Leopard’s anus. So he has to switch up.

Leopard

Mzee has already switched up in the UPDF and gotten his loyal friend Chief of Defence Forces Gen Katumba Wamala. Since IGP Kayihura haven’t played this well enough and his spokesman CP Fred Enanga looks foolish. That makes Mzee looks like dumb-dumb and he can’t have that. To look dumb isn’t respected and Mzee need all respect and honor to man.

Mzee can’t have this and the way Hon. Amama Mbabazi of the Go-Forward his new arch-nemesis and former arch-nemesis Dr. Kizza Besigye of the FDC is making is life and election campaigning so hard. The Police can’t even beat them enough or the block their campaign rallies. They are not creating enough havoc so that the people lose hope in them. The police aren’t even jailed enough FDC people or Go-Forward to secure Ugandans from them. Because Ugandans are NRM; Mzee is that right or have I misunderstood you? No wait, Ugandans are the ones that will work for you and under your executive power.

cadets10 UPDF

Later today he released this through State House of Uganda:

“President Museveni has assured Ugandans that no one can disrupt Uganda’s hard earned peace and security. President Museveni said: “The Army and other security agencies are strong enough to handle anybody who attempts to interrupt the peace that is prevailing in the country.”

The Security Agencies went into collaboration before the election as they made 40 Units consistence of Uganda Prisons, Internal Security Organization, External Security Organization, Uganda Police Force (UPF) and Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF). This was in the middle of 11th November 2015. So this measure seems now in beginning of January 2016 to not be enough, together with the Electoral Commission’s not use of UPF as much as they have done to now during this stressful time.

Gen Katumba Wamala

Now that the letter between President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni the executive power of Uganda have ordered the Chief of Defence Forces Gen Katumba Wamala to deploy troops around the country to secure the election. So that he will take over for IGP Gen Kale Kayihura is following the Presidential Candidates and other ones trying to get voted in for the general elections in February this year. Just 40 days before the Presidential polls happens. It must be a tactic of fear. The power of anti-riot police following Go-Forward Presidential Candidate Convoy isn’t enough. The stressful movements of the police towards the Forum for Democratic Change Presidential Candidate Convoy that have done what it could even violence when it has to. For Mzee that is not enough and safe enough; Bukwo District against the FDC and Northern districts policing of Go-Forward. That has not been cutting it. The defiance and struggle of the opposition is not enough.

Mzee need bigger guns to control these vile political parties that he didn’t really wanted. That is why he had elections for it twice. Not only in 28th July 2005 where the “Yes” for Multi-party system against the Movement System where 92, 44% versus 7, 56%. They had a previous try out before the election in 2001. That was in 29th June 2000 when 90, 71% voted for the Movement System versus the Multi-Party System who got 9, 2%. So Mzee got one less election with more parties then NRM, I am sure he wished the result in 2005 could be reversed since there is so much work with elections after releasing UPC, DP, PPP, PDP, TIC, TDA, FDC etc etc. To keep the NRM people secure because the true Ugandans are NRM.

NRM 13.11.15 Kole South

Mzee and have enjoyed in silence the words of his chairman. The man he employed in the Electoral Commission who said that he would call on the military if needed to keep the elections peaceful. You have ensured that he doesn’t have to do that. Mzee have done it today!

Mzee, this is ironic, it’s your people who are violent, most likely the Police and Crime Preventers are the ones who usually are behind the issues. The NRM Primaries we’re the King-Kong Cadres who came with security agents and took the paperwork and results to clear it before delivered to the NRM Electoral Commission for review. The same is happening here, the NRM is initiating together with the Police or the Police alone after orders from the Electoral Commission. So the opposition convoys are in the field not knowing what kind of police are there or what kind of crime preventers who enters the area of campaigning. That is why the violence has not erupted at Mzee’s Campaign Rallies; instead it is just poster perfect and wonderful yellow flowery smiles. Up to a point where it looks unrealistic and the perfection is just like Insta-DAMN. Well, that is not enough for Mzee, he doesn’t like that. Because FDC and Go-Forward campaigning is big and without ferrying voters from districts that is from other ones than where Mzee actually campaign giving them a bus-ride and paying for support. That must hurt after 29 years and nobody giving you love!

Mzee, you must be desperate to see the people going to FDC instead of you, even to Mbabazi then you! Therefore you have to use the trick of old since you haven’t learned any new. UPM is reacted. Uganda Patriot Movement; is resurrected through National Resistance Movement. They need to go to the bush, this time they are the UPC and have the UNLA in new name and state govern facilitated through the now UPDF! The generations have moved on and there new people in the army, still some old leaders from Luweero, though very few are still there. Mzee has kept a few of his men close and other have scattered like the ones who are his main opposition. So they know the Movement system and the way Mzee thinks. Still they try!

NRA M7

Mzee needs the army and bush-war tactics again, because he doesn’t trust anything else. Since he can’t produce any moral fiber or make anything worthwhile. Mzee lives and strides on the fear and not on the actual political platform or agenda since that is rewind from former elections; Mzee is not committed to deliver to the Ugandan people anymore, therefore he needs the army to secure that the Electoral Commission and Uganda Police Force is necessary tools for Mzee to get his will. That is so he can continue being the Executive Power and His Excellency President of Uganda. Mzee can’t trust the Uganda Police to deliver anymore and since it getting closer to the General Election in February 2016. That is why he trust now more in the advanced weapons then the Police to secure that he get the prize again, even if the opposition looks like it’s winning over the people this time around. Peace.   

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