The newest report from Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) together with United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) dropped a report about Human Rights violations this October. These shows the violations of human rights, killings and rapes that have happen over a certain time period. The reports themselves say enough about the extent of how the Government and their Security Organizations does, plus the guerrilla warfare and the results of that in the DRC.
The reports are vivid and direct from political prisoners to rape incidence… the words themselves of what they did to the civilians there. Take a look!
“Initiatives and public advocacy conducted by the Congolese authorities, with the support of the international community, have resulted in the conviction of State agents for sexual violence in conflict in at least 231 cases, during the period under review. Also, according to information made available to the UNJHRO, at least 447 soldiers of the Congolese National Army (Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo – FARDC) and 155 agents of the Congolese National Police (Police nationale congolaise – PNC) have been convicted for acts constituting human rights violations during the period under analysis. Despite the remarkable efforts made and considering the structural and financial difficulties facing the judicial system, this is a very low number compared to the 4,032 human rights violations committed by State agents. This, in addition to other factors, also shows that lack of effective prosecution contributes to the commission of other violations” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P: iv, 2016).
Conflict Areas of Congo:
“During the reporting period, the six provinces affected by the conflict in eastern DRC, namely Ituri, North Kivu, South Kivu, Haut-Uélé, Bas-Uélé and Tshopo provinces registered the highest numbers of 5 human rights violations and abuses, which were mainly committed by combatants of more than 30 different armed groups. Between 1 January 2014 and end of March 2016, among the armed groups, the combatants of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) committed the largest number of abuses (685), followed by the Front for Patriotic Resistance in Ituri (FRPI) (662) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) (424). These abuses were mainly committed during attacks launched on villages, in a bid to control territories rich in natural resources or in reprisal against some individuals suspected of cooperating with parties to the conflict” (…) “. State actors have also committed human rights violations in eastern DRC, in particular FARDC soldiers and PNC agents. These State actors, mainly FARDC soldiers, committed human rights violations or violations of international humanitarian law during military operations against armed groups” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P:4-5, 2016).
“In the current electoral context, concern has been expressed in relation to actions taken by the judiciary and viewed as Government interference in the justice system. For example, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders expressed concern about “the arbitrary detention of three human rights defenders, Mr Fred Bauma Winga, Mr Christopher Ngoy Mutamba and Mr Yves Makwambala, which seem to be related to their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities” as well as “allegations of illegal obtaining of evidence, procedural flaws and unfair trials”. The Special Rapporteur further “voiced his concern at the difficult situation in which human rights defenders exercise their right to freedom of association, of peaceful assembly, of opinion and expression, in the DRC” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P:9, 2016).
“Weaknesses in the penitentiary system have been raised on multiple occasions during 2015 Etats généraux de la justice, and identified as a major obstacle to the fight against impunity. The UNJHRO has documented the escape of 2,604 people from detention centres in 2014 and 201526. Mass escapes take place on a regular basis throughout the countr” (…) “One illustrating example is the mass escape of 18 October 2014 of 326 out of the 433 detainees (130 condemned persons and 196 people in preventive detention) from the prison of Butembo, North Kivu province, following an attack on the prison by four men armed with AK-47 trying to free nine detained soldiers who turned out to be absent from the prison. To this day, only about a hundred of those escaped persons have been found” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P: 10, 2016).
“From 1 October to 31 December 2014, at least 237 people – including 65 women and 35 children – were killed by suspected ADF combatants. At least 47 civilians were wounded, 20 were abducted and two were victims of sexual violence. During this period, suspected ADF elements have attacked at least 35 villages, using machetes, hammers and knives, amongst others, and carrying out summary executions of civilians. During the same period, the UNJHRO also documented the destruction and looting of houses. From 28 February 2016 to March 2016, civilians were targeted by suspected ADF combatants in several villages on both sides of the border between North Kivu and Ituri, in Bambuka-Kisiski (Beni territory, North Kivu province) and Bandavilemba (Irumu territory, Ituri province)” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P: 12, 2016).
FARDC rape in Goma 2012:
“In November 2012, after the capture of Goma by the M23 armed group, FARDC soldiers withdrew to Minova, in South Kivu province, where they committed mass rapes and other human rights violations during a period of 10 days. On 5 May 2014, the Military Operational Court of North Kivu delivered its verdict on this case and sentenced 26 FARDC soldiers to prison terms ranging from three years to life imprisonment for crimes against humanity. Thirteen other soldiers have meanwhile been acquitted” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P 14, 2016).
“From 20 to 22 September 2015, FARDC soldiers assigned to 33071st Battalion under the leadership of Colonel Jules Dhenyo Beker reportedly committed several human rights violations in Musenyi village, in the vicinity of Maibano, Kalehe territory, South Kivu province, during an operation to track down Rayia Mutomboki chief Mweke Atobaibwa. Civilians were arrested and taken to a school used by the military operation’s leadership. A 16-week old baby reportedly died following a beating. Nineteen women were raped (or gang-raped in some cases), 31 people were subjected to cruel, inhumane or degrading treatments and arbitrary arrests while 78 others were subjected to looting and/or extortions. The next day, a high ranking FARDC official reportedly visited the scene of the incident and ordered the population not to report what had happened” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P: 32, 2016).
“Since May 2013, at least 20 children under 12 and thirty children aged between 12 and 17 have reportedly been abducted, raped and subjected to genital mutilations in Kavumu, 35 km from Bukavu, in the groupement of Bugorhe, Kabare territory, South Kivu province. The victims were reportedly abducted in their sleep without any witness and returned home or near their residence after being raped or mutilated. According to judicial authorities, these crimes were reportedly perpetrated in the context of initiation rituals and fetishist practices. Reportedly, these rapes and abductions also sought to terrorize the local population. On 17 March 2016, in Kavumu, a human rights defender who had spoken out on cases of rape against children in Kavumu and denounced the implication of a local leader, as well as the inaction of judicial authorities, was summarily executed by armed men wearing PNC uniforms.” (OHCHR/MONUSCO, P: 33, 2016).
For the ones that hasn’t followed the nation, the FARDC and the Guerrillas in the DRC will this be eye-opening, for others this is old news. Still, the reports prove certain aspects of life in regions and parts of DRC… This is more to show the dirty and nitty gritty that too many civilians and people of the DRC have lived through. This is what you can call a stern warning that people should care about the senseless violence against humanity in the DRC. Peace.
OHCA/MONUSCO – ‘Accountability for Human Rights Violations and Abuses in the DRC: Achievements, Challenges and Way forward’ (1 January 2014 – 31 March 2016) – October 2016
“The attitude of these military personnel can be understood insofar as they have always been pampered by the regime of President Habyarimana. For this reason, they remain impervious to the current political changes and are looking to use any means whatsoever to hold onto their master, who, despite his florid entreaty to the Rwandan people to uphold the Peace Treaty, is in fact the instigator of a diabolical scheme to sow disorder and desolation amongst the population. The events that occurred recently in Kirambo, Mutura and Ngenda are sufficient testimony to this” (Re: Machiavellian plan by President Habyarimana, 03.12.1993, To: The Commandant, United Nations Mission for Assistance to Rwanda, MINUAR, Kigali).
Here is also a prequel to the killing of President Habyarimana… which should not be overlooked as the arms trade and ammunition delivery from China would be substantial, together with another one, I will not show is the way the Rwandan Government order to get Technical Service from Brazil. After this I will look into the aspects of the killing and witnesses to the murder of an Executive of Rwanda 1994.
There is also a Secret Loan and Arms deal with the Chinese Government:
“The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Rwandan Republic sends its compliments to the Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali and, following the verbal memo n°0083/16.00/CAB of 01 February 1992, has the honour of sending it in annex the list of weapons and munitions requirements within the framework of the long-term concessionary loan already accepted by the Chinese party. The Ministry asks the Embassy to send it the draft agreement for this loan for examination and observation. The Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Rwandan Republic thanks the Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali, in advance, for its friendly intervention and would like to take the opportunity to reiterate the assurances of its highest consideration” (Rwandan Government – ‘N° A56/15.00/CAB’ 24.02.1992, Embassy of the Popular Republic of China in Kigali).
The now deceased, Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana that went down in 1994 and was one of the actions that sparked the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda. As I have looked through some documents that says certain things and certain eye-witness reports and such, that gives an in-depth look and fresh stance on the matter, as there still unclear about it. Like there are still uncertainty about the plane, that was carrying Dag Hammarskjöld, the then United Nation Secretary General who lost his life in a plane crash around Ndola, Zambia in 1961.
Thierry Charlier said this: “I would also point out to you that I learned from a Belgian living opposite the residence of the Prime Minister, “Agathe” in Kigali that the Rwandan press agency filmed the serious beating of 3 Belgian soldiers on the property of the Prime Minister…I did not have time to speak further with this individual. I report that European civilian witnesses told me. That in Kigali roadblocks and soldiers were already in place at certain intersections within the city before the attack on the presidential aircraft. These intersections were not usually occupied at normal times. I can add that a soldier of the 2 Bn Cdo told me that he had seen that the markings on the runway had been extinguished just before the landing of the presidential aircraft. During the afternoon, Mr. Charlier notified us of the name of the French Vice-Consul in Butare: BOUSSAC” (Gendarmerie, 16.05.1994).
For report No. 684: “Serubuga, Bagasora, Buregeya, Rwagafilita and others played a role in the attack. I don’t know anything about the assassination of our paratroopers. Nothing allowed us to think that such a thing could happen. I did not hear the communications of the Paras who were killed. With regard to radio RTLM, I only listen to it rarely, but I heard the translations made by the staff because the essential part of the broadcasts were in Kinyarwanda. Comments have been broadcast in the style: “the Belgians have money, it’s from them that we should take it”, “The Belgians killed your president, you should kill a Belgian at this or that place” or things of this kind. I did not hear them personally. As far as I’m aware, the FAR shouldn’t have had missiles” (Report 684, 1994).
From the witness Herman Trog said this: “on 06/04/94, during the afternoon, it was announced on the radio that the President would return from DAR ES SALAAM” (…)”One of their acquaintances, Mrs. BOVEN (of Zairean origin) was at the swimming pool of the Hotel “VILLAGE URUGWIRO” in KACYIRU on 06/04/94 around 17:00, when she was warned by a captain of the Rwandan army that it was advisable for her to go home since serious things were going to happen” (…)”Behind the CND on the road towards DEUTSCHE WELLE, there was a large area somewhere owned by the President, where the INTERAHAMWE carried out its training” (…)”During the period when the disturbances had begun, an anonymous pamphlet had circulated which stated that the Belgians were going to “turn Rwanda into a Somalia” (…)”During the broadcasts of RTLM, on the day following the attack, a type of debate took place between HABYMANA and a woman. This broadcast was rebroadcast several times on that day. It stated that the FPR had shot down the presidential plane with the collaboration of the Belgians. The Rwandans should take revenge and defend themselves. This information was broadcast in the local dialect” (…)”In another broadcast, it was mentioned that people should not ask themselves who the whites were that they had seen. It was observed that it was Belgians who were in the process of pillaging around GISOZI and GACULIRO” (…)”On RADIO KIGALI, between 07/04 and 11/04, Mathieu GIRUTZI (MRND) had cried that it was the 10 paras’ own fault if they had been killed because they themselves had initiated the attack” (Pro Justitia, 1995).
Then this was being reported by Maurice Timsonet said this: “During a security meeting with the authorities of the Rwandan gendarmerie, chaired by the Gen-Chief of staff of the gendarmerie NDINDILYIMANA (the 5th (?) at 14:00)” (…)”had the impression that this latter party, whom I had previously met (CTM between 1980 and 1983 and visit in November 1992), avoided advertising the fact that he knew me in the presence of his officers. At this meeting, it was decided that the weapons search activities carried out by the Rwandan gendarmerie in collaboration with UNCIVPOL, should take place starting from the night of 7/8 April. I also had the impression that this type of operation. On the evening of 6 April, I found myself at PEGASUS. I remember that initially there was confusion and that the sector thought that a munitions depot had exploded on the KANOMBE side. The communications deriving from the airport group soon clearly indicated that it was a small aircraft which had been shot down with missiles. At this point I also said that if it was not a coup d’état, it bore a strange resemblance to one. The confirmation of the assassination was given by VITAMINE, who had contact with the spouse of the pilot of the presidential aircraft. on disturbed a fair number of officers of the gendarmerie present at this meeting” (…)”During the night of 6 to 7 April, an order was received from K9 cancelling all escorts, including the permanent ones, hence that of AGATHE. The message announcing this decision derived from S 14 (Captain SCHEPKENS) who received it from the commander of the sector, Colonel MARCHAL. At this point, this decision was notified to the teams in question, including Y6. This measure seemed logical to me in view of the events. I am not aware that it was the fruit of coordination between KIBAT and the sector. It was simply announced by radio. Some time afterwards (18 minutes according to the campaign journal), the permanent escorts were re-established. The escort for AGATHE is a permanent escort. In the same fashion as the cancellation message, this latter order was broadcast and I could not say what the motivation for it was. By permanent escort, one should understand that the staff carrying out this type of mission makes itself available to a designated individual and ensures the safety of his/her movements until this individual dismisses them” (…)”During the AGATHE mission, the problems faced by Lt. LOTIN, difficulties in finding an open route, problems at the domicile of the minister herself, were serious but did not seem to us to be exceptional relative to other situations experienced in other places” (Report 985/94, 13.06.1994).
The witness report from Jean Turatsinre has said this: “On 6 April 1994, around 21.00, I received the order from Lieutenant-Colonel Bavugamenschi to reinforce the security of Agathe Uwilingiyimana and Faustin Twagiramungu” (…)”On arriving at the presidency, we were stopped by the presidential guards who were in an armoured vehicle and who prohibited us from continuing and passing to reach the residence of Agathe Uwilingiyimana” (…)”The presidential guards entered Agathe’s property two or three times without finding her there, until they discovered the hole in the fence. The presidential guards first searched Agathe’s house but without finding her there” (…)”The gendarmes had hidden her with the Senegalese (PNUD)” (…)”I think that by acting in this way, Agathe wished to protect their children, who were refugees and were also with the United Nations volunteers (PNUD). Agathe and her husband were killed on the spot” (…)”The Prime Minister Agathe was one of the threatened ministers and since 7 April 1994 at midnight/midday?, the Rwandan gendarmerie and hence I myself also knew that three ministers had been assassinated (the information minister, the agriculture minister and Landuald, Chairman of the Liberal party). The commander of the Presidential Guard assigned on another occasion to the gendarmerie was a witness to these three assassinations” (…)”Before dying, Agathe attempted to reach General Dallaire to obtain assistance” (…)”The presidential guard, the Para- commandos stationed at the camp in Kanombé, The Recce Battalion (composed of men from the president’s region) and the FAR battalion stationed at Mont Kigali in HUYE took part in the massacres. The last named FAR battalion carried out the first massacres in the centre of the city” (Pro Justitia, 10.05.1995).
The Witness of Andre Renouprez said this: “This aircraft circled around the airport after the attack waiting for authorisation to land. As it did not have authorisation and was beginning to have fuel problems, it was diverted to NAIROBI. On the radio CAPT. VANDRIESSCHE reported that he found it strange that the firemen from the airport who had come for the burning aircraft seemed to be leaving rapidly in the opposite direction. He also reported that he had tried to approach the aircraft but that this was not possible because of the heat” (…)”I explained to them having found out in the meantime that it was the aircraft of the PRESIDENT of RWANDA that had just exploded” (…)”I report on questioning that at the time of the aircraft crash, in the minutes that followed, I did not hear shooting around our position. Only the following day did we hear shooting quite loudly from the side of the CKD. These shots were from automatic firearms and artillery shooting” (Record 780/94, 31.05.1995).
What the witness Marc Ferdinand Beyens said: “Two or three weeks before the attack on the President, the wing received from on high the order to be on its guard and to dig in. Rifleman’s trenches had to be dug. They were waiting for something. They were very nervous. We felt there was something in the air and something was going to happen. During the night of 6 to 7 April 1994, at about 00.30 hours, I was informed where I was by the Second Captain of the C.T.M. of the attack on the President. The following day, during the briefing, more details were given to us about the attack and the death of the President was confirmed. Despite the fact that the Rwandan army was expecting something, the attack on the President was, for them, a complete surprise” (…)”During the night of 7 to 8 April 1994, while I was on duty, I was informed between 04.00 hours and 06.00 hours by the Chief Warrant Officer Charlier from Kigali that 10 Belgian servicemen had been killed. He gave me no more information about this. Later I learnt that the men, at the time of their capture, had to hand over their weapons. With regard to the arms of the Rwandan army, and more specifically the firearms, I know that they were equipped with Fal, AK 47 and R4. These weapons had bayonets, however these were not placed on the weapons. The servicemen wore them in the belt or kept them in their backpacks.” (Pro Justitia, 10.05.1994)
Here is what the witness Jean Birara said this: “Mr Birara pointed out that he saw together with 6 persons, on 20.02.94 the list of people who were to be massacred. General Nsabimana who he presented to us as a “moderate” managed to have the start of the massacres postponed three times but it was a Presidential decree. President Habyarimana had to give the signal” (…)”At the end of the month of March (30 or 31), President MOBUTU telephoned the HABYALIMANA residence and found him absent; he spoke with Agathe.H. and told her that attack was being planned and would be perpetrated on the return of President HABYALIMANA from Dar-Es-Salaam” (…)”In any event, with the postponement of the massacres, the President seemed decided this time to apply the ARUSHA agreements; convinced finally by the minister DELACROIX. On 4/04/1994, Easter Monday, Colonel RUSATIRA, Secretary to the Ministry of Defence for 15 years, then the Director of School of Officers, replacing BUREGEYA, came to me at midday. He told me that the President had just requested his Chief of Staff, RUHIGIRA Enoch, to prepare everything for the service of swearing in deputies and government, on his return from ARUSHA. When the in-laws and the officers were informed they summoned BAGOSORA back who was on holiday in Gisenyi, he got back to Kigali on 5/04/1994 in the evening. He took the decision to attack the President’s aircraft and to recall SERUBUGA, BUREGEYA and RWAGAFILITA (the three discontented officers)” (…)”The firing came from the Kanombe camp (near to the President’s residence and the airport); after the aeroplane had crashed, from the same camp, the President’s residence was fired on to be certain that the guard soldiers who were there (generally: 200 soldiers with 3 armoured cars) would not counter attack. (The Presidential Guard includes 1,200 soldiers; during the war, 200 guarded the Residence)” (…)”1) After the death of the President, Agathe.H. personally gave (assisted by the two sisters of the President who are nuns) the order to execute:
– NDASINGWA Landward, a Tutsi Minister of Employment
– RUCOGOSA, Minister of Information.
– KAVARUGANDA, President of the Supreme Court.
– UWILINGIYIMANA Agathe, Prime Minister. The soldiers who arrived at the house of UWILINGIYIMANA Agathe telephoned Mrs. HABYALIMANA to ask for instructions; they were told to force the domestic staff of the Prime Minister to rape her, then to kill her. “And the Belgian UN Peacekeepers?”, the Rwandan soldiers asked. Reply: “if they saw everything, they must be discretely removed1… Furthermore, it was Belgium that assassinated my husband.” (Report 734, 26.05.1994).
This is what the witness Rene Marcel Ghislain Chataine said this: “Personally, I would not be surprised if General Nsabimana, the former Colonel Serubuga (retired), Colonel Baransalitse and Colonel Bagasora were implicated as backers in this attack. Furthermore, I have heard it said that after the events Col. E.R. Serubuga took his office back…” (…)”As far as I am aware the FAR did not have Ground-Air missiles. With regard to individual arms, I cannot give you much information given my position. I know that there were kalaschnikovs, FAL, R 4, G7, MAG and FALCOS” (Report 677, 09.05.1994).
Here is what the witness Benoit Roger Ghislain Michael Daubie said this:
“The number of munitions removed was very large. I take for example the distribution of 1000 120 m/m mortar shots over Gitarama. There remained about 20 % of the munitions in the warehouse. This happened about 1 month before the attack and a week was needed for the transport A FAR lieutenant told me that it was in anticipation of an FPR attack. . .” (Report 685, 10.05.1994)
Then this is what the witness Christian Joseph Jean E. Defraigne said this:
“I was in the Belgian Military village of Nyarutarama. I was blocked at this place. I have nothing in particular to say about the attack and the murder of our 10 paras. What surprised me was the speed of action of the FAR. In less than 20 minutes after the attack the entire town was under control and blocked off. It seemed to me that all these soldiers were aware before the attack of what was going to happen and about what had to be done. We were in the FPR lines and I can say that I was impressed by their good manners” (Report 682, 10.05.1994)
The Witness Athanase Dushimiliana, the inspector of the criminal investigation department at the Regional Court of Kigali said this: “I would like to add here, that the day before on Thursday 7 April in the morning, long periods of shooting resounded in the “French village”. I found out subsequently, from Mr. NKUBITO, current Minister of Justice, who lived in the same district as me, that it was the family of Justin NYONGIRA from the Ministry of Public Works that had been massacred while fleeing. As we had seen the various movements of the killers in uniform wearing a black beret and armed with Kalashnikovs from our garden, we had the feeling, shared by our boy, that these movements were directed from the house of the military neighbour in plot 2. The information was confirmed later by Mr. NKUBITO himself” (CRIM/DA-KK/KGL/95 Case n° 57/95, 05.05.1994).
This here is some witness’s form the day that France is planning to yet again open. The mysterious killing of the President Juvénal Habyarimana that we’re never solved even as there we’re many witness reports. Here are even some other ones as well.
SGR Bastien’s Report:
“There are ± two [illeg] (end of March, shortly after the visit of Mrs CLAES to RWANDA) [illeg] a. the Belgians were planning an attack against President HABYARIMANA b. 5 Belgian paras were preparing to go to Rwanda soon, they had told somebody [illeg] in LIEGE that they had received, instructions to do everything to get President HABYARIMANA” (…) “On 07 April in the morning, a Rwandan inhabitant in the Belgian and who was loyal to President HABYARIMANA [illeg] a. “that the rumours started 15 days earlier [illeg] b’ “that formal proofs of the involvement and even of the instigation of the Belgian government [illeg], that is to say: (1) the statements of the 5 soldiers in LIEGE (see para 1b above (2) the missile that hit the presidential aircraft was fired from KANOMBE camp guarded by Belgian soldiers and that soon after the attack, the blue helmets from Bangladesh [illeg] 5 Belgian paras and they took them to the prison where they were [illeg]” (G. Bastien, 10.04.1994).
Reactions from another Military Intelligence days after Bastien’s affidavit:
“It transpires from them that the place where the missiles were probably fired from is located on the topographical map of Rwanda 1:500000, Kigali region series Z721 pages 16 -17 – 23 – 24 between coordinates 190800 and 190820 from South South East to North North West at a minimum distance of 1 kilometre to a maximum of 5 kilometres. This location was provided by one of the eyewitnesses above who was at coordinates 192812. As regards remark 2.b. (2) of the confidential report from Major-General Bastien – SGR – of 10 April 1994, I can formally assure you that that did not happen in any way” (M. Peeraer, Military Investigator, 13.04.1994 – Letter to MINUAR, Military Investigator on the ground).
Memo – Attack on the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi:
“In Kigali, the presidential guard began the hunt for the attackers. Information, as yet unconfirmed, cites arrests of ministers and well-known personalities, Hutu and Tutsi, political adversaries of President Habyarimana. A confrontation in the capital between the Rwandan army and the FPR seems inevitable. The interior of the country seems calm at the moment. The transition institutions have not yet been set up, so the death of the president leaves the country without any recognised authority (the government and parliament have not been established). A military coup is feared” (Bruno Delaye, 07.04.1994).
Testimony of Inspector of Judicial Police:
“Around two in the morning, I got a call from Colonel Bagosora who told me that I had been appointed temporary Chief of Staff of the Army. We had been informed in the meantime, by telegram, that the President and Chief of Staff were dead.” (…) “During the meeting on the evening of the 7th, I felt some antagonism between Bagosora and the rest of the team, in that Bagosora wanted to take over as president of the crisis committee although it was a military committee. We did not agree to him presiding, as he was retired military and was a politician in his capacity as Director of Cabinet. We wanted the most senior military person to preside, that is, Augustin Ndindiliyimana. He was there during that meeting” (…) “We learned afterwards that Bagosora had a radio network with him, parallel to the normal military network. Via this network he had direct contact with the GP, the para-commando battalion and the reconnaissance battalion. Through this network he was certainly able to issue orders to these units without the military authorities knowing” (Kibibi Kamanzi, Report No. 0142, File No. **/CRIM/KK/KGL/95 File 57/95, J. I. Vandermeersch, 06.07.1995).
Belgium official defense:
“More than a fortnight before the attack on the presidential aircraft, Habyarimana was already being accompanied by a Rwandan or even foreign personage. This would explain the presence of the President of Burundi in President Habyarimana’s plane. A few minutes before the attack, when the presidential aeroplane had received the order, issued by the control tower, to circulate around the Kigali airfield, the Presidential Guard had taken out its heavy arms and started taking up positions in the city. Less than ten minutes after the crash, “Thousand Hills Radio” was giving out the names of the persons killed in the crash, on air” (Belgium – Ministry of Justice, Department of State Security, R. Froyen, Subject: RWANDA: the “Amasasu” Association).
A defense for General Basogora:
“I would like to add that the anti-Belgian campaign at the end of the Habyarimana regime was organised underhandedly by President Mobutu and the French authorities. In fact, when President Habyarimana was in the favour of the Belgians and King Baudouin in particular, Mobotu hoped to use him as an official intermediary between him and the Belgians. However, from the time of his fall from grace, the Rwandans became anti-Belgian in the same way as Mobutu in order to please him. On the other hand, most of the leaders of the opposition had privileged relations with the Belgians, especially the PSD (Democratic Social Party), whether it was Félicien Gatabazi or Dr Gafaranga, former ULB members, without forgetting the great Rwandan scattering in Belgium and the FRP, whose co-ordination office was in Brussels. As the opposition was sure that it would win the elections after the Arusha agreements, it was very likely that the influence of Belgium would supplant that of France in Rwanda, as is currently the case despite certain Belgian areas reticent to the regime. The highest Rwandan authorities are more in Brussels than in Paris. Finally, I will add that the FAR cannot fight the FPR in military terms, and because the elections were uncertain for the MRND and the CDR, it is probable that certain French areas suggested the scorched earth policy that led to the genocide, in order to safeguard their influence within the region” (Joseph Twahirwa, 01.12.1994, Pro Justia, Brussels King’s Prosecutor Apostil: 30.99.3959/94).
Even with all of this there is hard to have all the answers to the brutal killing of the President. How and where they shot-down the airplane, where it the Belgian, was it the Presidential Guards? Was it a mutiny under General Basogora?
We can even question it more as there are plans by the French government to settle the score and clean their hands with new rounds in courts in France. They want to take the case and settle it. They will never take if they we’re involved, as much as the Belgians did what they could do. This here is just some witnesses and their affidavits of the actions they saw in the day and the days after.
And if they used Russian/Soviet weapons imported from China to shoot it down wouldn’t be surprising as the sale of that around the world is something we could imagine. The ones using it could be the Presidential Guards or other wishing to bring down the Rwandan Government, this together with the sentiments against the Arusha Agreement. There are enough pieces and soldiers who could be behind it or act with their skill-set to achieve their goal of getting rid of a President.
I don’t believe the French Government wants the true answer, as they are implicated and was part of donor-community who liked to control and “assist” the Central Government in Kigali and wouldn’t like how they turned to Brussels. Peace.
GENDARMERIE, Judicial Detachment, Military Auditorat1, Palais de Justice, 1000 BRUSSELS (02/508.60.11) Report. No. 687
Dossier No. 02.02545N94/CAB.8 Military Auditorat in BRUSSELS (15.12.1995) – Pro Justitia No. 1008/94
Military Auditorat At the Council of War – Pro Justitia (10.05.1995)
Annex No. One To the Report No. 985/94 – Of the Judicial Detachment – BRUSSELS (13.06.1994)
Judicial Detachment of Brussels (10.05.1994) Report No. 684
RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS 71716 Annex n°….01 ………………. of the
Record n°…780/94…… of…31.05.94 of the Gendarmerie Unit JUDICIAL SECONDMENT OF BRUSSELS
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 Brussels ——- N° 676 – Pro Justitia (10.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11 – Report n° 734 (26.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11, Report n° 677 (09.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11, Report n° 685 (10.05.1994)
GENDARMERIE Judicial Secondment Judge Advocate ’s Department Palais de Justice 1000 BRUSSELS 02/508.60.11 Report n° 682 (10.05.1994)
PRO JUSTITIA 1st sheet Report 0011 / Case n° /CRIM/DA-KK/KGL/95 Case n° 57/95 J.I. VANDERMEERSCH (05.05.1994)
The embattled city of Beni, Democratic Republic of Congo has heavy day of deaths again. First was a rumour that I haven’t gotten verified that there been a FARDC Soldier on rampage killing 13 people. Even ABC in the U.S. and The Guardian in the UK have written their piece on it. But the intelligence from the DRC, which I believes says this.
The rumour we’re spread by this official source:
“Seventeen people were killed Saturday, September 24th in Beni and several others are missing, mainly children, following a stampede caused by rumors of an incursion of ADF in this city of North Kivu. According to the head of Civil Protection of Beni, the situation was aggravated when a FARDC soldier in civilian clothes started shooting in the air. He stated that the balance sheet is still provisional” (…) “During this panic, as it was raining heavily, there are children who have been lost. We are still investigating these children. They took the road Mangina, Butembo and other road, the road of Oïcha. And with respect to human damage, we have 15 deaths by drowning and two by crisis. We are still waiting to receive more bodies to be recovered” (…) “The mayor of Beni, Nyonyi Bwanakawa , called the population fled to the neighboring cities of Beni to return to their homes. “There was panic yesterday [ Saturday, September 24 ] , today there is no panic. The city regained its calm since yesterday. My constituents who went to Mangina in Butembo also everyone back home”, says the mayor of Beni” (…) “What I do have secure sources of is 4 people died by accident, 8 by drowning, 4 people by getting to bottom of Congo Kilokwe, 1 person died in the river Kalinda, 3 people by the river of Munyubelu and 1 person of the market of Kilokwa. So the total of deaths alone in the last day has been 17 persons. Not the ten of the rumour. Still, the verification of the matter and deaths is still worrying how easily these people are dying and to what extent” (Radio Okapi – ‘Beni: 17 morts suite à la rumeur d’une incursion des ADF’ 25.09.2016, link: http://www.radiookapi.net/2016/09/25/actualite/securite/beni-17-morts-suite-la-rumeur-dune-incursion-des-adf?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+radiookapi%2Factu+%28Radiookapi.net%29).
So the rampage of certain soldier is not verified by the Mayor of Beni this time around, even if the 17 people died are more than enough by the scare of the weather and rain. This proves the volatile and scarcity of secure areas in and around Beni.
The ADF-NALU we’re attacking Beni on the 22nd September 2016, there we’re 7 dead by assault, 3 missing and 3 hurt. The ADF-NALU burnt the houses of the ones connected to the FARDC in the town as they we’re assaulting it.
Some say the drunk soldier we’re in a military base or compound where he shot bullets in the air together with the bad weather and with the knowledge of the recent ADF attack made the general public scared that the bullets shot from the soldier we’re a prequel to more horror form the guerrilla.
Interview of Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi on the 22nd September 2016:
Journalist: “You just mentioned the “M23”. What do you say, by cons, some officials who accuse you of being behind the ADF rebels, which are suspected, rightly or wrongly, the massacres of the population of Beni?”
Antipas: “In October 2014, I was the first to raise his voice to say he is going serious things in Beni. I can tell you that the killings of Beni organizer is the General Mundos [Editor’s note: General Muhindo Akili, aka Mundos]. For almost two years. Gradually, everyone starts to realize that there is something fishy. There are even reports that the UN no longer say in easy explanations consisting of pointing accusing fingers towards opponents. Everybody is beginning to realize that the sponsor of these massacres is at the top of the Congolese state. I can not be both the author and the informer of a crime. Why are the authorities so far unable to apprehend the perpetrators of these murders? As directory you can see, I do not live in Beni” (Les Depeches – ‘Antipas MBUSA NYAMWISI expose tous les secrets désagréables de Joseph KABILA’ (25.09.2016) link: http://benilubero.com/antipas-mbusa-nyamwisi-leve-le-voile-sur-les-secrets-desagreables-de-joseph-kabila/).
The reports of the mattes is still sad and strong, the silence of the matter and the little heart of all the fellow human beings dying while the valuable resources are traded showing how cold the world are. While bloody mess are traded with the resources that are exported to all kind of industry and products the world needs. Still, all this silence of the killings from either ADF, FARDC and all the leaders who take charge of the death of innocent civilians in the greed and violence; neither if it is former EX-FARDC Gen. Mundos Muhindo Akili and his fellow EX-FAR.
We cannot know about this and look away. That is madness and no honour. The international media is running wild on the 13 dead by the Soldier, while my intel says the drunk solider just made the Beni, DRC scared by the bullets.
We can all question who is reliable and where this is heading. The FARDC if they can even control the ADF-NALU at this point or if they really want to stop Gen. Mundos Muhindo Akili… Because the killings continue, but the quickness of Mayor Bwanakawa claiming otherwise, but the ADF did just recently attack the town again and a drunken soldier shooting in the air days after skirmishes of a guerrilla sound credible to me. This happens together with bad weather and insecurity of Beni.
So we know there is Ill Will and Ill intent in the Kivu’s and weak state that are only in it for the money and not in it for the security of the citizens. If they had cared than they have had a decade to ‘clear the air’ and make sure the citizens we’re safe. But since the MONUSCO and the FARDC is still there and the ADF still roams the area with violence. There are too many questions while the Rwandan Government still earns heavy currency on precious metals or resources they cannot even produce in quantities and quality minerals that isn’t possible to produce and mine. This happens while the guerrillas are attacking civilians and export to take it Kigali and sell it worldwide. The knowledge of this is open and the world should know by now, but doesn’t sanction them in any way it matters while this resources the fuel guerrillas or insurgents that gets wealthy on the deaths of innocent Congolese.
Beni, Beni dies for the mercy of minerals that helps the world go around, while the world doesn’t really care about the deaths and killings in Beni as they are continuing.
As this old page show’s how the ghost of the past continues to hunt the Congolese:
“The United States paid only minor lip service to the charges of human rights abuses during the anti-Mobutu rebellion. This was clearly due to the established connections the RPF regime had with Washington, D.C…the Clinton administration declared its sympathy with Kabila’s assertion that the UN and human rights organizations were trying to impose “Western values” on Africa. As one US official stated, “We have to respect the African point of view” (…) “Perhaps the most ominous indication that the violence in the Congo has yet to see its most extreme devastation is that the North Kivu province contains over 80% of the world’s coltan. Coltan will arguabley be the 21st century’s most important mineral, as it is essential for all the digital technology (microchips) used today. North Kivu resident Vincent Machozi reports that both U.S. and Chinese governmental operatives are active inside North Kivu” (Caroline Smartt – ‘The Roots of the Kivu forgotten tragedy’ (25.04.2008) link: http://benilubero.com/the-roots-of-the-kivu-forgotten-tragedy/ ).
With the knowledge of this and for those who doesn’t know. Now you know the importance of the Kivu’s. That’s why the killings in DRC and Beni are worrying as the world doesn’t do anything to really make the silent war die there. The continued bloodshed and horror of any kind. There we’re once a guerrilla named “Terminator” and surely other will rise to secure the payments for the Coltan and Rare-Earth Minerals from there. Will there be change in Beni and North and South Kivu of the DRC? Peace.
21 May 2016
The ALN notes with extreme concern the warrant of arrest for Moise Katumbi, opposition leader and former Governor of Katanga Province.
Mr Katumbi has recently arrived in South Africa for medical treatment following the firing of teargas directed at him and his supporters.
The charges against Mr Katumbi follow extensive intimidation and arrest of numerous opposition supporters. With elections scheduled for November this year and President Joseph Kabila showing clear indications that he seeks an unconstitutional extension of his term, there is an urgent need for inclusive dialogue amongst all stakeholders.
The lack of both state resources and empowerment provided to Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante (CENI) further inhibits the democratic right of Congolese citizens to participate in free and fair elections.
ALN President and former Minister of Planning Olivier Kamitatu states that: “President Kabila has deliberately sabotaged the electoral process. The ruling policy is one of chaos and fear”.
Further to the ALN’s resolution (adopted at the 12th General Assembly in January 2016) on the political crisis in the DRC, the Network calls for the end to violence and the start of peaceful, legitimate dialogue within the context of the rule of law. All parties, both opposition and majority, must be protected and guaranteed their rights in political activities and assembly.
The ALN furthermore calls for the protection of Mr Katumbi and a fair trial should there be credible evidence. If not, the government of President Kabila is to cease its intimidation and arbitrary arrest of the opposition.
The Network maintains the position that functioning democracies are bound by the rule of law and constitutionalism, including adherence to presidential term limits.
Moïse Katumbi, the Opposition Presidential Candidate in Democratic Republic of Congo; who was recently charged with connection to mercenaries and problem for National Security, as President Kabila tries to secure his third term. This has happen while the Demonstrations in Lubumbashi and tear-gas have hurt Moïse Katumbi, and hospitalized the man; in this tale there is sad news.
He has taken together with his entourage went to the airport of Lubumbashi and went on a Hospital Plane that we’re going to South Africa. This means that the both he needs treatment after the violence from the government security forces attacked him and his supporters recently. There was one of his lawyers that were first verifying his travel plans, today. Even Minister of Communication Lambert Mende confirms the authorization for the travel for Katumbi to Johannesburg for treatment.
Moïse Katumbi is initially going into exile and going for treatment as his candidacy is to hurtful for the ruling president and his strong-man tear-gas fear spreading policies into the General Election.
This is the legacy that Joseph Kabila will leave, not so he could usher in something new. Certainly his home will be fled like the home of Mobutu and his palace in end up like this one in Gbadolite, the same that I am sure Kabila is building for himself. Until his reign ends and a empty palace for the forest to eat, since they (Congolese people) do not want to remember the oppressive behavior of Kabila. Peace.
“A leading opposition party has condemned a ruling by the Democratic Republic of Congo’s highest court that President Joseph Kabila can remain in office, if elections scheduled for November are delayed. The Movement for the Liberation of Congo says the court was not independent. The ruling came amid rising tensions over the government’s failure to set a date for the country’s next elections, originally due in November this year before Kabila’s mandate ends” (CCTV Africa, 2016).
“Clashes between supporters of opposition leader Moise Katumbi and the police erupted in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s second largest city. Police were forced fired tear gas canisters to disperse the protesters while at least 10 people were arrested outside the prosecutor general’s office in Lubumbashi who surged toward the building. Moise Katumbi, a leading opposition candidate for president is being questioned over government allegations of hiring mercenaries, including former U.S. soldiers, in a plot against the republic. Katumbi is a favorite in the race to succeed President Joseph Kabila, whos constitutional mandate ends in November” (CCTV Africa, 2016).
They are gearing up for coming General Elections in Democratic Republic of Congo. Where the incumbent President Joseph Kabila is making sure his candidature is the ones to recognize. As the other candidates are stifled with and intimidated that is why we have seen the army and the military vehicles in Lubumbashi in Katanga and in Kinshasa. Because the DRC civilians don’t need peaceful means; instead they need weapons to underscore the value of their ballot.
Clip from April 2016:
“The Populaton who sings ” Moïse President” before being dispersed by the lacrymognes of the army…”
As it is Opponents have vouched for another man the incumbent President. This man is no other than former Governor of Katanga, Moïse Katumbi who owns TP Mazembe, the team who have won the grand title of CAF Champions League twice!
The House-Arrest of Presidential Candidate Katumbi:
“#Exclusive: is since 12 h30 under arrest. It will be tomorrow at Kinshasa to be submitted to the attorney general of the Republic” (Oeil d’Afrique, 05.05.2016).
This is what happens after he said he would run on the 5th of May:
“this is the response of kabila to my candidacy for president… No matter what happens I keeps my candidacy…” (Voice of Congo, 05.05.2016).
U.S. Response to Allegations:
“The U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa condemns in the strongest terms the ambush on a MONUSCO convoy last night near Beni, which resulted in the deaths of two Tanzanian United Nations peacekeepers. We recognize and honor the ultimate sacrifice of these soldiers, who are part of a United Nations mission dedicated to bring peace and stability to the Democratic Republic of Congo. We offer our deepest sympathies to the families of the soldiers and the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania, as well as their fellow peacekeepers at MONUSCO” (U.S. Mission in Kinshasa, 06.05.2016).
First Answer from Katumbi:
“”They call me a rebel. But the rebels are people who don’t want to hold elections in our country.” (Zambian Day, 06.05.2016).
Message from Felix Tshisekedi said this:
“I forcefully denounces, these methods Stalinist who is to muzzle the opposition. Together with Moïse, let us resist the dictatorship” (Diaspora Katangaise, 06.05.2016).
In Northern Kivu:
“Youth Katumbiste North Kivu assemble around the general coordinator in the person of Hon. Maris Mambo to acquire information on PresidentMoïse Katumbi and reiterate their full support to his candidacy for the presidential elections in 2016” (Ensemble Pour Moise Katumbi, 07.05.2016).
Today’s Message from Moïse Katumbi:
1) Since this morning, police forces are surrounding my house. To arrest me. This is Kabila’s response to my presidential bid !
2) No matter what occurs, I maintain my bid and remain firm in my peaceful struggle for the rule of law. Democracy will win.
In the end Kabila’s Men failed to Arrest @moise_katumbi The UN soldiers Intervened.
That’s just outside his house along Lofoi Street, Manuciple de Golf, Lubumbashi” (Katumbe, 07.05.2016).
So as we see, the Opposition leaders are under attack, the owner of TP Mazembe of Lubumbashi, Katanga Province in Democratic of Congo. Who are now running against two-term President Kabila and trying to overcome his ruling hand. There hasn’t been a peaceful change of Power in DRC since Independence. As we have seen with the three Presidents before in the country like Mobutu Sese Seko, Patrice Lumumba and Laurent Kabila where all overthrown by the gun and not by the ballot.
Before even his candidature I wrote about the military presence that President Kabila already has used to intimidate people to vote for him. Therefore he continues to oppress his opponents and even give them a phony charge to secure that there no viable candidate, but himself. This is not a new scare tactic, I am sure the Roman Senate of Roman Empire they did the same. So the mentality of owning Power is still viable and the ghost of the past resurrects just in new forms and with new names. Peace.