Alassane Ouattara should remember how he got into power in 2011, as the contested elections of 2010 gave way for him. That because the international pressure and the support for your place got in order. This is why he has had the pivotal role and been the President since 2011. His now going into his third term and pushing the same levels of dishonest elections as his predecessor.
Laurent Gbagbo was the elected President since 2000. A man who struggled a few coup d’etat’s, but that doesn’t stop the fact. That Gbagbo used his place in position and the role of Head of State to have the ability to circumvent an lost election. Which he did in 31st October 2010. That was his third election and was stretching his time in office.
Now Ouattara is trying to do the same. Guillaume Soro, the former Prime Minister is trying to be a viable candidate in the next presidential election. However, his banned and stopped by the authorities. While Ouattara is saying there is no other viable candidates and even as his ageing his the one who can stand yet another time.
It seems like Ouattara seems to forget why people had sympathy with him. That was because he wasn’t power-hungry nor a seemed like someone who wanted to be like Gbagbo. But now he proves that powers corrupts and he doesn’t want to let go.
Ouattara had to use violent means to get his victory validated. A week-long battle for Abidjan continued the bloodshed. Until the fall of Gbagbo, also the use of pro-militia to fight for his incumbency. Seemingly, Ouattara doesn’t want this against himself. But if he tries to overstay.
Who doesn’t say Soro get people pro-him and start the battle, if the state rigs the election and secure a third term. Just like Gbagbo tried back-in-the-day. He was called everything and had to serve time in Europe and charged at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Therefore, Ouattara must have thought his nemesis be gone.
Certainly, Ouattara thinks its wise to bar Soro from participating and joining the elections. Though, it only shows that his not prepared for successor, just like his predecessor. They are alike and the President hasn’t learned from his past. That is why he plans to run again and have a third term. Which would be the continuation since he was sworn in 2011.
Gbagbo had suspended the constitutional powers and suspended the elections between 2005 to 2010. Which in the end lead to the end of his reign in 2011. Just like his was secured as a former Prime Minister in 1999 and voted in 2000. Than he was supposed to have an election in 2005, but that happen later in 2010, which he lost to a previous Prime Minister.
Now Ouattara does what he can to stop a previous Prime Minister from running against him in October 2020. Soro should be able to run. That would only make sense, unless Ouattara is afraid of losing against another former Prime Minister. Which it seems like here.
Ouattara will make Soro look like a criminal, just like he did to Gbagbo too, but Ouattara also used violence and armed forces to get the power after 2010. Therefore, the President should have the sense of letting other run and not trying to capture all power. Nevertheless, don’t expect that he will give way to others.
We are now seeing a man who wanted to teach Gbagbo a lesson, maybe needs the same lesson. As his not indispensable. Ouattara needs to re-thing his strategy and give way. Maybe even try to find someone suitable to run instead of himself. But that means to answer for his time in office, which he most likely not want to do. As the fear to step down, as the consequences of doing so are unknown. That also, that no one before he stepped down and all has left power by the biggest guns. However, it should soon be time for someone to flee office like gentlemen and not like warriors. Drink a cup of tea and not buy more ammunition. Peace.
Well, by what pictures uploaded by the handlers of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. It seemed more like a military parade, than a celebration to the Work-Force. Even the speech could have been used at any sort of function and with the bottlenecks, which the President has steadily addressed for as long as the Marvel Universe has looked for infinity stones. It is a continued path until Thanos was able to pick it up.
We know parts of his speech was a military fanfare as he said this: “The victory against the wrong elements would not have been possible without the support of the local people throughout northern region. I, therefore, wish to take this opportunity to thank all civilians in northern Uganda who supported the UPDF’s fight against Kony and his wrong elements. Defeating Kony was not an end in itself but a means of giving the people the opportunity to pursue a livelihood in an atmosphere of peace and stability. I am, therefore, very pleased that the people of Acholi and Lango and northern Uganda generally have taken advantage of the return of peace and are actively engaged in productive economic activities like farming and trade” (Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, 01.05.2019.
This is more pretext for a victory speech after a war, than a labour day celebration. To continue his shenanigans. As he persisted with this: “However, not all people understand the dividends of peace and stability in a country. For example, in 2004, our proposal to defer expenditure in other sectors so that we can raise enough resources was opposed by politicians. I remained steadfast and because we mobilised resources and deployed them well, we were able to defeat Kony and consequently give our people here a chance to rebuild themselves” (Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, 01.05.2019).
This is the sort of tale that is fitting for a military parade and not a labour day. When your supposed to tell what the goals of betterment of the workforce. When your supposed to speak of the hardships and the struggles of the people working. Instead, his whole speech was about the supposed greatness of National Resistance Movement (NRM) and supposed achievements.
Just as this smear job: “You can see that while people are busy politicking, I am busy creating employment for the young people. I am told that the new factories established in different industrial parks in the country have created about 47,000 jobs for Ugandans. A good road network and sufficient energy supply also reduce the cost of doing business and lead to more local and foreign investments and job creation” (Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, 01.05.2019).
When you speak about simple policies and micro-management instead of actually solving it. That is why its all more small directives, than directly coming with things that solves it. This is even as the President could have ensured things was better for the workers. However, that hasn’t been done, because this haven’t been a priority. That is why he speaks more of military victories and infrastructure development, than actually what he did for the workforce. Which is a very rich attitude on the International Labour Day.
We know in the past, that the President have had a mismatched labour day speeches in the past. This is part of that series and this will not be the last. Peace.
Thank you, Mr. President. First, let me thank you, Mr. President, and Vice President Kagame, and your wives for making Hillary and me and our delegation feel so welcome. I’d also like to thank the young students who met us and the musicians, the dancers who were outside. I thank especially the survivors of the genocide and those who are working to rebuild your country for spending a little time with us before we came in here.
I have a great delegation of Americans with me, leaders of our Government, leaders of our Congress, distinguished American citizens. We’re all very grateful to be here. We thank the diplomatic corps for being here, and the members of the Rwandan Government, and especially the citizens.
I have come today to pay the respects of my Nation to all who suffered and all who perished in the Rwandan genocide. It is my hope that through this trip, in every corner of the world today and tomorrow, their story will be told; that 4 years ago in this beautiful, green, lovely land, a clear and conscious decision was made by those then in power that the peoples of this country would not live side by side in peace. During the 90 days that began on April 6, in 1994, Rwanda experienced the most extensive slaughter in this blood-filled century we are about to leave – families murdered in their homes, people hunted down as they fled by soldiers and militia, through farmland and woods as if they were animals.
From Kibuye in the west to Kibungo in the east, people gathered seeking refuge in churches by the thousands, in hospitals, in schools. And when they were found, the old and the sick, the women and children alike, they were killed – killed because their identity card said they were
Tutsi or because they had a Tutsi parent or because someone thought they looked like a Tutsi or slain, like thousands of Hutus, because they protected Tutsis or would not countenance a policy that sought to wipe out people who just the day before, and for years before, had been their friends and neighbors.
The Government-led effort to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi and moderate Hutus, as you know better than me, took at last a million lives. Scholars of these sorts of events say that the killers, armed mostly with machetes and clubs, nonetheless did their work 5 times as fast as the mechanized gas chambers used by the Nazis.
It is important that the world know that these killings were not spontaneous or accidental. It is important that the world hear what your. President just said: They were most certainly not the result of ancient tribal struggles. Indeed, these people had lived together for centuries before the events the President described began to unfold. These events grew from a policy aimed at the systematic destruction of a people. The ground for violence was carefully prepared, the airwaves poisoned with hate, casting the Tutsis as scapegoats for the problems of Rwanda, denying their humanity. All of this was done, clearly, to make it easy for otherwise reluctant people to participate in wholesale slaughter.
Lists of victims, name by name, were actually drawn up in advance. Today, the images of all that, haunt us all: the dead choking the Kigara River, floating to Lake Victoria. In their fate, we are reminded of the capacity for people everywhere, not just in Rwanda, and certainly not just in Africa but the capacity for people everywhere, to slip into pure evil. We cannot abolish that capacity, but we must never accept it. And we know it can be overcome.
The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy, as well. We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe havens for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past, but we can and must do everything in our power to help you build a future without fear and full of hope.
We owe to those who died and to those who survived who loved them, our every effort to increase our vigilance and strengthen our stand against those who would commit such atrocities in the future, here or elsewhere. Indeed, we owe to all the peoples of the world who are at risk because each bloodletting hastens the next as the value of human life is degraded and violence becomes tolerated, the unimaginable becomes more conceivable – we owe to all the people in the world our best efforts to organize ourselves so that we can maximize the chances of preventing these events. And where they cannot be prevented, we can move more quickly to minimize the horror.
So let us challenge ourselves to build a world in which no branch of humanity, because of national, racial, ethnic, or religious origin, is again threatened with destruction because of those characteristics of which people should rightly be proud. Let us work together as a community of civilized nations to strengthen our ability to prevent and, if necessary, to stop genocide.
To that end, I am directing my administration to improve, with the international community, our system for identifying and spotlighting nations in danger of genocidal violence, so that we can assure worldwide awareness of impending threats. It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the word there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.
We have seen, too – and I want to say again – that genocide can occur anywhere. It is not an African phenomenon and must never be viewed as such. We have seen it in industrialized Europe; we have seen it in Asia. We must have global vigilance. And never again must we be shy in the face of the evidence.
Secondly, we must, as an international community, have the ability to act when genocide threatens. We are working to create that capacity here in the Great Lakes region, where the memory is still fresh. This afternoon in Entebbe leaders from central and eastern Africa will meet with me to launch an effort to build a coalition to prevent genocide in this region. I thank the leaders who have stepped forward to make this commitment. We hope the effort can be a model for all the world, because our sacred task is to work to banish this greatest crime against humanity.
Events here show how urgent the work is. In the northwest part of your country, attacks by those responsible for the slaughter in 1994 continue today. We must work as partners with Rwanda to end this violence and allow your people to go on rebuilding your lives and your nation.
Third, we must work now to remedy the consequences of genocide. The United States has provided assistance to Rwanda to settle the uprooted and restart its economy, but we must do more. I am pleased that America will become the first nation to contribute to the new Genocide Survivors Fund. We will contribute this year $2 million, continue our support in the years to come, and urge other nations to do the same, so that survivors and their communities can find the care they need and the help they must have.
Mr. President, to you, and to you, Mr. Vice President, you have shown great vision in your efforts to create a single nation in which all citizens can live freely and securely. As you pointed out, Rwanda was a single nation before the European powers met in Berlin to carve up Africa. America stands with you, and will continue helping the people of Rwanda to rebuild their lives and society.
You spoke passionately this morning in our private meeting about the need for grassroots efforts, for the development projects which are bridging divisions and clearing a path to a better future. We will join with you to strengthen democratic institutions, to broaden participation, to give all Rwandans a greater voice in their own governance. The challenges you face are great, but your commitment to lasting reconciliation and inclusion is firm.
Fourth, to help ensure that those who survived, in the generations to come, never again suffer genocidal violence, nothing is more vital than establishing the rule of law. There can be no place in Rwanda that lasts without a justice system that is recognized as such.
We applaud the efforts of the Rwandan Government to strengthen civilian and military justice systems. I am pleased that our Great Lakes Justice Initiative will invest $30 million to help create throughout the region judicial systems that are impartial, credible, and effective. In Rwanda these funds will help to support courts, prosecutors, and police, military justice, and cooperation at the local level.
We will also continue to pursue justice through our strong backing for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. The United States is the largest contributor to this tribunal. We are frustrated, as you are, by the delays in the tribunal’s work. As we know, we must do better. Now that administrative improvements have begun, however, the tribunal should expedite cases through group trials and fulfill its historic mission.
We are prepared to help, among other things, with witness relocation, so that those who still fear can speak the truth in safety. And we will support the war crimes tribunal for as long as it is needed to do its work, until the truth is clear and justice is rendered.
Fifth, we must make it clear to all those who would commit such acts in the future that they too must answer for their acts, and they will. In Rwanda, we must hold accountable all those who may abuse human rights, whether insurgents or soldiers. Internationally, as we meet here, talks are underway at the United Nations to establish a permanent international criminal court. Rwanda and the difficulties we have had with this special tribunal underscores the need for such a court. And the United States will work to see that it is created.
I know that in the face of all you have endured, optimism cannot come easily to any of you. Yet I have just spoken, as I said, with several Rwandans who survived the atrocities, and just listening to them gave me reason for hope. You see countless stories of courage around you every day as you go about your business here, men and women who survived and go on, children who recover the light in their eyes remind us that at the dawn of a new millennium there is only one crucial division among the peoples of the Earth. And believe me, after over 5 years of dealing with these problems, I know it is not the divisions between Hutu and Tutsi or Serb or Croatian; and Muslim and Bosnian or Arab and Jew; or Catholic and Protestant in Ireland, or black and white. It is really the line between those who embrace the common humanity we all share and those who reject it.
It is the line between those who find meaning in life through respect and cooperation and who, therefore, embrace someone to look down on, someone to trample, someone to punish and, therefore, embrace war. It is the line between those who look to the future and those who cling to the past. It is the line between those who give up their resentment and those who believe they will absolutely die if they have to release one bit grievance. It is the line between those who confront every day with a clenched fist and those who confront every day with an open hand. That is the only line that really counts when all is said and done.
To those who believe that God made each of us in His own image, how could we choose the darker road? When you look at those children who greeted us as we got off that plane today, how could anyone say they did not want those children to have a chance to have their own children, to experience the joy of another morning sunrise, to learn the normal lessons of life, to give something back to their people? When you strip it all away, whether we’re talking about Rwanda or some other distant troubled spot, the world is divided according to how people believe they draw meaning from life.
And so I say to you, though the road is hard and uncertain and there are many difficulties ahead, and like every other person who wishes to help, I doubltless will not be able to do everything I would like to do, there are things we can do. And if we set about the business of doing them together, you can overcome the awful burden that you have endured. You can put a smile on the face of every child in this country, and you can make people once again believe that they should live as people were living who were singing to us and dancing for us today. That’s what we have to believe. That is what I came here to say. And that is what I wish for you.
Thank you, and God bless you.
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:25 p.m. at Kigali Airport. In his remarks, he referred to President Pasteur Bizimungu of Rwanda and his wife, Sarafina, and Vice President Paul Kagame and his wife, Janet. A tape was not available for verification of the content of these remarks.
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