“Our troops Red Tabara engaged in heavy fighting on Monday at Magunda to Sud-Kivu, RD Congo against the military Burundais of FDN. Balance sheet 12 dead & more than 25 wounded on the enemy side. Our valiant fighters Red Tabara launched a surprise attack this Friday at dawn against a military position Burundiais from FDN to Masango, Sud-Kivu, RD Congo. We still don’t know the enemy’s toll. On our side, we deplore an injured person” (Red Tabara, 16.04.2022).
The rebels who was created to beat the late Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza is now continuing to enforce impunity and extra judicial killings within the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They are doing that will alliances with other militias and with leaders who helps their cause. Clearly the FARDC isn’t able to stop it.
That’s why the Red-Tabara could come out today with a statement of killings in South Kivu. While it was only days ago there was reports of cattle rustling or thieving of livestock in South Kivu from the same militia. Therefore, something is up and they are very active.
Just read the recent report as well…
Stealing livestock in South Kivu Province:
“Residents of the Kiziba village, in the Bijombo groupment, territory of Uvira (province of South Kivu in eastern DRC) say that rebels of the Red Tabara, a Burundian armed group, looted more than 500 cows on Wednesday. The rebel group has not yet reacted to the allegation. INFO SOS Médias Burundi – Heads of households confirmed to SOS Médias Burundi that “the rebels who looted our cows came from the village of Maheta (same groupment of Bijombo)”. The guards were stripped of everything they had on them, our sources say. Local civil society says it has documented several cases of cattle looting in the region. “We were told that some rebel leaders use the money from the sale of these cows to build or buy houses in Burundi,” said a local activist without giving evidence.
The looted animals, on April 6, were the Banyamulenge’s. This community has repeatedly accused the rebels, described by the Burundian authorities as a terrorist movement, of “having robbed us thousands of cows”. The Red Tabara spokesperson wasn’t available to comment on the allegation” (INFO SOS Médias Burundi, 12.04.2022).
So, things are not good and Red Tabara gets to continue to create havoc and injustice. They were created to fight the CNDD-FDD and late President Nkurunziza. Today, they are murderous group who ravages South Kivu for own spoils. That is how things are looking and these sorts of militias are creating more insecurity as the FARDC is overstretched with the amounts of militias operating in the Kivu regions alone. They are able to power-play and overcome the national army drive to have monopoly on violence in the region. That is evident since Red Tabara is just one of many who gets to operate and do these sinister things.
Here is some old reporting on it and a one piece from a UN report from last year in 2021.
Who is the Red Tabara:
“This group emerged last year, and is believed to be composed of former soldiers, police and demobilised ex-rebels. Its “chief-of-staff”, Melchiade Biremba, says its goal is “to hunt Nkurunziza and his clique”. With his departure, a transitional government will be formed, leading to free and credible elections. RED-Tabara shares the “same goals” as the CNARED opposition alliance – but says, “the ways and means we take are different”. RED-Tabara has been referred to as the military wing of the Movement for Solidarity and Democracy (see above) led by Alex Sinduhije – an allegation denied by Biremba. The group is especially active in Bujumbura. It claims to only target the security forces, but civilians have also been victims of grenade attacks. Biremba says RED-Tabara is united with other anti-Nkurunziza insurgent groups, but “each has its own military strategy”” (Jean-Baptiste Nkurunziza & Obi Anyadike – ‘Briefing – who’s who in Burundi’s armed opposition’ 07.06.2016).
A UN Report from 2021:
“In South Kivu, the Burundian armed group RED Tabara remained active and reportedly continued to cooperate with the Congolese Mai-Mai Ilunga, Mai-Mai René, Mai-Mai Yakutumba and Twirwaneho militias, which have been involved in abductions and kidnappings for ransom. On 15 July, RED Tabara released a communiqué denying any alliances with the aforementioned local armed groups or any involvement in attacks on FARDC” (United Nations Security Council – ‘Implementation of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region’ 30.09.2021).
It is tragic that Red Tabara can continue and prolong the agony. Just like M23 could return to North Kivu. The Red Tabara gets to violate South Kivu. There is a never ending cycle of insecurity and militias creating death in these provinces. A silent war never ending and people are dying over mineral resources and illicit trade of wealth here. Peace.
There is an issue that returns and returns, something that never leaves. The bullets and the victims doesn’t stop. The armies and militias are continuing. They have sponsors and they have fields of tax to continue their looting of either South Kivu Province or the North Kivu Province. This has been going-on, but continues to this day.
Therefore, these days things are getting worse. The realities on the ground is hard figure and the players are acting aloof. Even as they are all playing victims of insurgency, as long as they are sponsoring insurgencies in proxy within the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The Ugandans are known for supporting the M.R.C.D., the former FDLR and RNC combined group whose targeting the counterpart Rwanda. MRCD has promised to fight to overthrow Paul Kagame.
While the Rwandan Patriotic Army or Rwandan Defence Force is now in the DRC to fight the militias together with MONUSCO and FARDC. They are still following genocidaires and others there. Even the groups supported by the powers in Kampala. This being CMI and others who is giving training, ammunition and so-on.
While the Rwandan government isn’t innocent as they are supporting the Red-Tabara who is targeting Burundi and hunts for the head of Pierre Nkurunziza. Therefore, the Burundian is stressed by this.
The Burundi supported militia Mai-Mai has in the end also attacked Rwanda too. That is why all of these are using other militias, which is organized within the provinces of Kivu. While having bases there and being a proxy to attack the ones whose enemies of the head of state, who happens to control the various of Republics.
Taht is why this is worrying, as the intelligence and the means are there. That the Ugandan (Museveni) are having meetings and connections to the militias who works to topple Kagame. While Kagame are supporting another militia to topple Nkurunziza. As well, as Nkurunziza is supporting another militia to topple Kagame. Surely this East African Community (EAC) isn’t that friendly, neither is their intentions.
That they are all using various of groups, name-salads. Supported through the soft-borders of the DRC. To ensure their looting and enriching the supporters. While they are trying to find a way to ensure the end-game is secured. That their enemy and their neighbour is another leader, who they can have as a puppet.
What is worse too is that these groups are extending the harm, the deaths and the massacres in the Kivu’s. They are creating this and the masters across the borders are doing it for greed and for high of power. That they can use proxy warfare to extend their will. This is what they are doing with the various of groups. Just like the Ugandan-Rwandan used to do with the M23 and others in the past. Now, they are targeting each other and using militias for their own benefit. While Burundi has thrown their coins into the mix too, hoping for positive returns.
That should worry the FARDC, MONUSCO and the elite of Kinshasa. As their territory is used as battlefield and also as a training ground for insurgency. That will not create sustainable peace. Since, this will not silence the guns, but instead it will import the guns. That is the mere reality and reason why the silent war of Kivu’s continues. Peace.
The committee appealed to government, faith-based organisations, traditional leaders and community organisations to join hands against this scourge that is plaguing our society.
PRETORIA, South Africa, July 5, 2018 – The committee was made aware of the weaknesses and strengths within Sapo and the South African Social Security Agency (Sassa) before this process was implemented. Because weaknesses in the implementation of the payment process are now becoming manifest, the committee wants to revisit the roadmap that Sapo presented to the committee and to hear about the progress Sapo has made in its checklist for disbursements.
Such weaknesses include, among other things, long queues, stampedes in post offices, the inability of staff to cope with large numbers of people and the unavailability of enough cash in most areas. This is why the committee wants to understand how far both entities are in working together to ensure that grants are disseminated successfully in future.
The committee has also urged Sassa to improve the way it communicates with South Africans and to do so timeously, particularly when challenges are anticipated. The committee urges Sassa to ensure that frontline staff dealing directly with the public are kind and courteous.
The committee also believes that Sassa should consider alternative ways of using a pin number to access the social grants. It has transpired through provincial reports that a lot of grant beneficiaries, particularly the elderly, easily forget their pin numbers and there was no support system, as had been promised before implementation.
The scourge of sexual assault on children was also before the committee at today’s meeting. Some of the Chapter 9 institutions attending the meeting suggested that poor coordination is failing these vulnerable groups. The committee resolved to ask the Minister of Social Development to take up the matter with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Leader of Government Business. This serious social challenge requires a response from government, particularly from within the Department of Social Development, which should champion this response.
The committee also sent sincere condolences to all families whose loved ones passed away as a result of a sexual assault. The committee appealed to government, faith-based organisations, traditional leaders and community organisations to join hands against this scourge that is plaguing our society.
3 July 2018
Members of the International Team of experts,
This interactive dialogue on the Democratic Republic of the Congo is both timely and important. The human rights situation remains of great concern across the country. The United Nations Joint Human Rights Office has documented an increased number of violations: 2,858 from January to May this year, as compared to 2,332 during the same period in 2017 – and the real scale of violations is certainly even greater.
The security situation continues to deteriorate in several regions across the country, with dramatic impact on civilians.
I remain particularly concerned about the violence in South and North Kivu, and in the Kasai regions, with increasing activity by Nyatura and other Mayi-Mayi armed groups in North Kivu, as well as a Mayi-Mayi coalition led by William Yakutumba that is particularly active in South Kivu and, more recently, in the province of Maniema.
Interethnic and intercommunity violence has also continued in Ituri province between members of the Hema and Lendu communities, resulting in deaths, the burning of villages, and mass displacement. Recently deployed army troops are also alleged to have committed human rights violations, particularly targeting the Lendu community.
The situation in the Kasai regions is also deeply preoccupying, with severe abuses against civilians by armed groups, and multiple human rights violations committed by Congolese defence and security forces in their response to the activities of these militias. You will be appraised of the findings of the team of international experts dispatched by my Office in line with the Council’s Resolution 35/33. In this context, I would like to note that further to Resolution 35/33, my Office has also assisted the military authorities’ investigation in the Kasai regions, with two missions by forensic, judicial and witness protection experts.
These and other conflicts continue to drive very large numbers of people away from their homes and livelihoods – further deepening their vulnerability to violations, particularly in the case of women and children. According to OCHA, there are now 4.4 million internally displaced people in the DRC.
I strongly urge the authorities to abide by their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law in all the conflict zones, namely Bas-Uélé, Haut-Uélé, South and North Kivu, Maniema, Tanganyika and the Kasai regions. I further urge much stronger efforts to hold the perpetrators of violations responsible. The perpetrators of conflict-related sexual violence must also be held to account – even, and perhaps especially, when they are agents of the State.
Members of the Congolese armed forces, or FARDC, appear to have been responsible for fully one third of the violations and abuses, including sexual violence, which the UN Joint Human Rights Office has documented across all the conflict zones since the beginning of the year. These crimes do not only harm their victims: they damage the credibility of the authorities responsible for protection, inciting people to create or join irregular self-defence groups. I urge the Government to undertake the necessary measures to ensure the prosecution of perpetrators of these human rights violations. Effective justice will be a deterrent to prevent future violations by members of the military.
I note that in recent months there has been some limited progress in establishing accountability for past violations. In April, a Lieutenant Colonel was sentenced by the South Kivu military tribunal to a 20-year prison term for crimes against humanity and war crimes, including sexual slavery, as well as pillage and attacks on civilians, committed between 2005 and 2007.
I am also deeply troubled by numerous violations of human rights norms and principles in relation to people’s rights to participate in the democratic space. This persistent trend raises serious doubts about the credibility of the DRC’s long-delayed elections, which are now due to take place on 23 December 2018.
Regrettably, there has been no progress in implementing the confidence-building measures laid out in the 31 December 2016 political agreement, including respect for the rights to freedom of opinion, expression and peaceful assembly, the release of all political prisoners, and accountability for human rights violations. The alleged perpetrators of violations, including those who have used disproportionate force to suppress demonstrations, continue to benefit from widespread impunity, undermining public trust in commitments made by the Government.
As requested, my Office has provided technical advice to the national commission of inquiry set up by the Government in response to the brutal attacks which took place during protests in December 2017 and January 2018. The report of the commission, which was released in March, concluded that members of the police and army committed human rights violations, including excessive use of force. It formulated a number of very pertinent recommendations, notably lifting the ban on public demonstrations, and restrictions on use of the military during demonstrations. I regret that to date most of these recommendations have not been implemented and that the consolidated report was transferred to the Ministry of Justice only last week.
Despite verbal commitments by the Minister of Human Rights to lift the ban on public demonstrations, the authorities continued to prohibit or repress activities organized by civil society and opposition parties. In March, April and May, my Office documented 61 violations of the right to freedom of assembly. For example, on 19 May, in Kindu, Maniema province, the launch of the opposition platform Ensemble pour le changement was banned by local authorities, although the President’s political party organised two public demonstrations in Kindu that same month without impediment.
Intimidation of human rights activists and journalists has intensified, with many suffering regular threats to their lives and families. Multiple cases of arbitrary arrests and detention by the security forces continue to be documented by UNJHRO. Lengthy incommunicado detentions by intelligence services, without judicial review, are another matter of great concern and should be prohibited.
Moreover, legislation currently in preparation appears to be intended to further restrict public freedoms and the role of civil society in the DRC. These bills include a draft law on terrorism; a draft law on the protection and responsibilities of human rights defenders, which is currently before Parliament; and a draft law regulating the work of non-profit organizations. I strongly encourage Members of Parliament to refrain from adopting laws which fail to comply with the people’s human rights.
Landmark elections are approaching in a context characterised by continued restrictions of rights and freedoms, and a shrinking democratic space. The Government should be encouraged to prevent further erosion of the rights of the Congolese people at this crucial time, and to fully implement its commitments under the 31 December 2016 agreement, including the release of all political prisoners.
Measures to uphold human rights will also address many root causes of the conflicts now raging in the DRC, which have led to one of the continent’s largest caseloads of displaced people. Both national security and international security can only be obtained when individual security and rights are respected.
The work of the Office, through technical cooperation and monitoring, brings vital assistance to the authorities, including in the electoral process. We stand ready to provide further necessary support to the government to uphold the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people.
Thank you Mr President.