The 1996 election and the 2016 elections; staggering similarities of government party and actions towards the opposition! The difference now is Besigye VS M7; then it was Ssemogerere VS M7!

1996 Museveni Sworn in Ceremony

As President Museveni lost with no swagger in 1980 he later returned twice with armies to become the president in 1986. The 1986 where NRA took the power; that story knows all of Uganda well; what Uganda has forgotten is the tactics and ways of rigging the elections of 1996. Even Dr. Kizza Besigye was ready for somebody else in 1996. That says something as the NRM tactics was using levels of fear and tell the general public: “if you vote for somebody else then the Obote-Dictatorship will return!” There is something wrong with that picture as this should be the ushering of democratic values that was installed and promised in the 10 Point Program from President Museveni. This was also the Election that ushered in the Universal Primary Election (UPE) while has done certain things with educations and spreading schools around the country, after many years to many of them has been neglected and has shown that the promise and reform was easier then actually achieving quality school education under the NRM-Regime.

The democratic values and fair elections were not achieved in 1996. As the countless reforms says. The Western nations and International Organizations accepted the result as a positive move for Uganda, even with the malpractices and also because still at this time the world saw President Museveni as the new breed of leadership. He would go away from all the things he might have built later in his presidential career. 1996 Elections was “No-Party” election with a new Interim Electoral Commission who was far from impartial. Kind of what the Electoral Commission proves without any subtlety in today’s election climate.

Besigye against Museveni candidature in 1996:

“Though Besigye was a National Political Commissar, minister and Museveni confidant, by 1996 – as his 1995 decision, and that of other officers like  now Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza and the late Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga to oppose entrenching the Movement’s monopoly of power in the constitution and the  near-banning of political parties – the differences were public” (…)”However, it has now emerged that Besigye and other people in the NRM and army  in 1996 were opposed to Museveni running as the Movement presidential  candidate” (…)”In 1996 Besigye relented at the last minute to go and campaign for Museveni in Rukungiri. He appeared at no more than two rallies, and spoke at one. The very personal and acrimonious face off between the two men last year therefore arose from a feud that had been simmering for about 10 years” (COO, 2002).

Ssemogerere Manifesto

How not to vote for Ssemogerere:

“The Constant refrain during Museveni’s 1996 presidential campaign was that a vote for his opponents would cause a return to the past, the former dictator Milton Obote was waiting in Zambia to return to power if Museveni was defeated. One of Museveni’s presidential election poster featured a picture of skulls and bones besides a mass grave in Luwero with the caption: “Don’t forget the past. Over one million Ugandans, our brothers, sisters, family and friends, lost their lives. YOUR VOTE COULD BRING IT BACK”; another campaign advertisement stated bluntly: “A vote for Ssemogerere is a vote for Obote” (Bouckaer, 1999).

How the sentiment was during the campaign:

“Ssemogerere seems to have hugely underestimated the depth of fear and hatred for Obote and his party among the majority of Buganda. Virtually everyone interviewed  who had voted for Museveni emphasized that they had voted in part to avoid any chance of a return to the violence and anarchy of the early 1980s. The effect of Ssemogerere alliance with UPC, however, does not seem to have been intimidating. Most people felt shift in sentiment against Ssemogerere in the last two months prior to the election. The Museveni campaign strategy of increasingly emphasizing the UPC and Obote connection towards the end of the campaign period was felt to been effective” (IFES, 1996).

Hon Ssemogerere in Northern Uganda campaigning

Museveni used the laws to stifle Ssemogerere campaign:

“The Ssemogerere camp tried to set up branches in the country. This ran foul of the law against setting up party structures. The police constantly frustrated this method of trying to reach the voters. There was a simpler and more effective method used by the Museveni camp. It is simply to announce campaign task forces and groups for given locations. While Ssemogerere was attempting to organise by “structure”, Museveni was organising by “process”. The former violated the existing law; the latter did not. The task force approach recognises the criticality of patrons who mediate the delivery of the votes of their peasant flock. In this approach it is not direct contact with voters, which is not feasible in backward areas with all forms of barriers (language), but contact with the patrons who go through lesser nested patrons to reach the final voters. Yoweri Museveni set up a more effective patron–client campaign network than Ssemogerere’s party structure approach” (Kotorobo, 2000).

How it ended:

“Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said. “I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added. During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers” (Mugabe, 2016).

Questionable freedom of speech during the 1996 campaign:

“The Government controls one television station and the radio station with the largest audience. There are three local television stations, three local radio stations, and five stations available by satellite. Uncensored Internet access became widely available through three commercial service providers in major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent noninstitutional users. Freedom of speech did not fare well in the context of the transition to constitutional government, including the presidential and parliamentary elections. Guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs prevented members of the former constituent assembly from addressing groups outside their constituencies. Electoral rules prohibited “campaigning” by presidential challengers until the official start of the campaign 39 days before the election. However, in their official capacity, President Museveni and senior members of the Government were free to travel throughout the country for months prior to the election. Rallies in support of all three presidential candidates suffered varying levels of harassment from thugs, in some cases resulting in physical injuries. It appeared, however, that such incidents were particularly directed at President Museveni’s opponents. Yusef Nsubuga Nsambu, a leader of the Conservative party and a supporter of presidential challenger Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, was arrested in May and charged with sedition for his unflattering descriptions of President Museveni. He was released unharmed 2 days later” (U.S. Department of State, 1997).

Celebrating the victory:

“KAMPALA, UGANDA — Thousands of President Yoweri Museveni’s supporters drove through the capital honking car horns and chanting “No change” Saturday to celebrate his first electoral victory” (…)”When Museveni was declared the winner on national radio Saturday, tens of thousands of his supporters poured onto Kampala’s streets, chanting “No change” in the local Luganda language, blasting car horns, and waving branches and flags” (Bashor, 1996).

One reason why he won the 1996 Election:

“Not all NRM successes showed the system’s popularity. The government manipulated small constituencies to gain beholden candidates in many special interest seats created by the 1995 constitution for women, youth, workers, the disabled and the army” (ICG, 2012).

Ssemogerere Museveni

Reports of malfunctions during the 1996 elections:

““The election drew a lower turnout than expected and suffered some logistical problems, but Ugandans generally avoided widely feared violence” (…)“Many of the country’s 8.4 million voters stayed away from the polls, and in many districts, turnout hovered around 50 percent. Logistical problems also hampered voting. At numerous polling stations, Ugandans complained that their names were not on the list of registered voters. “We have waited for hours, and we cannot vote,” said Patrick Nuwgaba, 20, surrounded by about 20 people who said they had been barred from voting. “We have our voter cards, but they say the numbers we have don’t match the numbers they have for us.” Despite those problems, calm prevailed around the country. Election observers reported, however, that in some pro-Museveni districts, especially in western Uganda, Ssemogerere backers had difficulty voting because of hostile crowds” (Buckley, 1996).

Questions about the victory:

”Within 24-hours of voting — and while the ballot papers were still being counted — the Inter Political Forces Cooperation (IPFC) backing the main opposition candidate Ssemogerere, announced that the constitutionally imposed “no-party” elections had been rigged” (…)”We have left it up to individuals to decide whether to stand,” Ssemogerere told IPS. “The electoral process is wrong and its going to be wrong again. If anyone stands they should know it will be with those disadvantages.” (…)”The IPFC’s compromise decision was reminiscent for some people of the 1980 elections in which the UPC are widely believed to have cheated the DP of victory — leaving Ssemogerere open to accusations of legitimising the government when he then took up position as leader of the opposition” (…)”Museveni was backed by, and represented his Movement “no- party” system of government while Ssemogerere was supported by the DP and UPC alliance and represented a return to multi-party politics — a return which would have required a change to the constitution” (Bozello, 1996).

m7, besigye

As we see about this Dr. Kizza Besigye and other opposition candidates get the same treatment that Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of Democratic Party in 1996. The vote-rigging, the issues with meeting people, with consulting the party members in the districts, the time for campaigning which apparently happens also before the pre-election period in Uganda in 2015. President Museveni doesn’t only recycle pledges his Police acts similar in 2015 as in 1996. That should be thought of as he talks of that the Movement brings progress. If progress means the same structure that doesn’t offer people freedom or liberty to discuss politics. Then it is NRM for you tomorrow. As the 1996 experience shows; there is a multi-party elections tomorrow, but the signs of 1996 looks strikingly similar, and the Police Force and Governmental institutions is structured to facilitate for the ruling party and funding his campaign while the opposition struggles with unleveled campaigning field that has been all through to the 18th Feburary polls. There is a certainty that Dr. Kizza Besigye has used smarter tactics than Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, but them both has fought the same monster which used the same style of campaigning in 2015-2016 as before the 1996, as he then gave 40 days campaigning as the districts was less, and the same now to the other candidates.

The fear used to intimidate candidates has been used in 2016. As even the security outfits has been deployed and both the army and Special Forces Command; they have been there following opposition and the police has target their trail as the Electoral Commission has given okay to their campaign trail in the start of the campaign in November 2015. This here shows the levels of fear and strong militarized politics that President Museveni feeds on; that has occurred through the whole campaign in the same way it did in 1996. That 2016 and 1996 looks so alike is staggering. The names of the other “actors” are different, but the end-game is the same. Though we hope that the people who are ready for change will see it as the old-man with the hat will do what he can to keep power; even if the people are ready for something else then his empty promises. Peace.

Reference:

Bashor, Richard – ‘In First Direct Election Since ’62, President Wins Overwhelmingly’ (12.05.1996) – Chicago Tribune.

Bouckaer, Peter – ‘Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (August 1999).

Borzello, Anna – ‘UGANDA-POLITICS: ‘Where-To-Now’ Conundrum For Opposition’ (16.05.1996) – Inter Press Service

Buckley, Stephen – ‘INCUMBENT LIKELY WINNER IN UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE’ (11.05.1996) – Washington Post

Katorobo, James – ‘The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996’ (2000)

Mugabe, Faustin – ‘How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?’ (30.01.2016).

International Crisis Group (ICG) – ‘UGANDA: NO RESOLUTION TO GROWING TENSIONS’ (05.04.2012).

International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) – ‘Uganda: Long Term Observation of 1996 Presidential and Legislative Election (May-July 1996).

Onyango-Obbo, Charles (COO) – ‘Besigye Opposed Museveni’s Bid in 1996, And Set Off Movt Demons’ (15.12.2002) – Daily Monitor

U.S. Department of State – ‘Uganda Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996’ Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, (January 30, 1997).

“Tarehe Sita” – Rare old footage of the NRA Bush War (Youtube-Clip)

“Rare footage of the NRA bush war”

“No Peace In Uganda” – CBC’s The Journal from 1985 (Youtube-Clip)

“The Journal’s Ann Madina investigates the period in Uganda after Milton Obote is deposed in a second coup.It highlights the period when the civil war was raging in Luwero shortly before the NRA marched to Kampala” (CBC USA Footage/Clip)

The Presidents’ Black book and the rewards He received from Kagame and Kabila and compensated military support of Kiir

Museveni 1986 Uganda

I know it is supposed to be celebration of 30 years of NRM rule in Uganda. I have discussed the economic situation and democratic deficit now and then. Today I write about something I have thought about for a long time and think is necessary to be told. Never enough as long as President Museveni is a leader and also President Kagame and the son-of Laurent, Joseph Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo. There is a dark history in the way President Museveni took power in Uganda and right after. Here will not directly tell about the atrocities between the UNLA and NRA. There we’re massive breaches in the middle of the civil-war. This here will be snippets of histories from both former loyal men and documents that have been released recently that we’re not public before. They tell how Museveni ushered Kabila, used force to earn wealth for himself and Uganda, how he gave way to Kagame after he helped Museveni gain power in Uganda, And lastly a little story about the recent adventure of Museveni in South Sudan as loyalty to President Kiir. Some tricks doesn’t die easy, as long as he gain something with the use of arms and guns, President Museveni will take it. Take a look!

Gen David ‘Tinye’ Sejusa revealed this murders as ordered by Museveni:
“That after accusing Gen Kazini of sending money to elements of the SPLA, Museveni “ordered his execution by procuring the services of a 6ft 6in man to murder Kazini”. He went on to say: “Forget that trash of [Lydia] Draru. In case of Kazini, again some forex bureau, originally said to belong to Gen Kazini, but [which] actually belonged to a known relative of Museveni, was later to be used to pass the money for the payment of the executioners of Kazini, to the accounts of the assassins.” (…)”He said: “For those in the know, again Andrew Kayiira was said to possess money before he was gunned down by Museveni’s goons.” (Gombya 2013).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Human Rights Violations right after the Bush-War:
NRA embarked on revenge against people from Acholi, Lango and Teso; and second, the collapse of discipline within the NRA coincided with insurgencies in the North and East. Both the NRA and thevarious armed groups in the areas continued to attack and kill civilians. As a matter of fact, the same strategies of gross violations of human rights the UNLA had used in the Luwero Triangle and West Nile are being used by the NRA in these areas. Hospitals, schools, churches, granaries and houses have been destroyed by the the NRA. The insurgents have likewise looted, raped and murdered people from their own home areas. (Otunnu, 1992).

Killings in 1993:
“There is no evidence that the Government sanctioned political killings in 1993. There were, however, reports of extrajudicial killings. For example, on June 21, police and internal security officials arrested four intelligence officers accused of murdering two prisoners in Iganga district on June 7. The case received considerable media attention. Two of the four accused officers were released without charge; the other two were being held in Makindye military prison without charge at year’s end” (U.S. Department of State, 1994).

continental_shift

Museveni support of Kagame:
“Despite Museveni consistence denials, Uganda has given the RPF military support since it began the civil war in 1990. Kagame, a Tutsi who headed Ugandan military intelligence before taking over the RPF, served closely with Museveni in Ugandan civil war” (EXDIS, 1994). Mr. Claver Kanyaryshoki reminiscing: “In September 1990, precociously on 11th September , a three party summer was organized between MOBUTU, HABAYARIMA and MUSEVENI to control the borders of his country and to avoid the invasion of other countries. On that occasion, they issued a declaration signed by the three heads of state that was meant to prevent the destabilization of a neighboring country from Uganda. As the threat became clearer despite all these efforts, president HABAYARIMA sent his foreign affairs minster to MUSEVENI on the 24th September to tell him that the attack was imminent. MUSVENI reiterated that these were rumors. He let HABAYARIMA know that: “he did not to lose single second of sleep thinking about an attack from Uganda, as this would never be the case as long as (MUSEVENI] would hold power”. Later on, MUSEVENI claimed later on the same day he met Fred RWEGEMA, after receiving the Rwandan Minister Casimir BIZIMUNGU. He said he calmed down the Rwandese. However, in fact his meeting with RWEGEMA was intended to put the finishing touches on the details of the invasion. MUSVENI was to attend A UN Summit on the rights of the child in New York. He knew he would not be around and wanted that he operations be carried out in his absence. By doing so, he would then pretend to be innocent or not aware of them. This is an old habit in Uganda. Even in October 1982 with Rwandese nationals were deported, President Milton OBOTE was by any chance away in Italy” (Unofficial OTP Translation, 2006).

Museveni fallout with Laurent Kabila because of business:
“At first, in 1997, Uganda seemed ready to tolerate many of Kabila’s shortcomings if the new president of the DRC would address bigger economic issues, such as US$2 billion road linking Uganda and Kisangani and the need to train police and anti-smuggling units. Both Rwanda and Uganda had hoped that by helping Kabila take power, they would ensure security on their borders and also benefit economically from North Kivu’s natural resources including minerals, gold and diamonds. By May 1997, Ugandan businessmen had jumped into the fray, selling everything from frozen chicken to plastic mugs to Congo. But Kabila had other plans. The Kisangani project also never materialized. This lack of interest on Kabila’s side to open up Congo to Uganda’s business interests was a critical blow to the relationship between Museveni and Kabila” (International Crisis Group, 1999). “Kabila was assassinated on 17 January 2001, the date set for commemorating the 40th anniversary of the death of Lumumba, whose successor he claimed to be. No light has ever been shed on this crime either” (Garreton, 2008).

RwandAir Tanz Airbil-2 LR-2

The plundering under Museveni in 90s in the DRC:
“At the request of the panel, the Ugandan authorities provided extensive data, including production and export values for agricultural products such as coffee, cotton, tea and tobacco. In terms of minerals, the data also cover gold and coltan production and export figures” (…)”The gap between production and export could originate from the exploitation of the natural resources of the Democratic Republic of Congo” (…)”Ugandan gold export does not reflect this country’s production, levels but rather that some exports might be “leaking over the boarders” from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The central bank reported that, by September 1997, Uganda had exported gold valued $105 Million, compared with $60 million in 1996 and $23 Million in 1995” (…)”Second, the data from the Ugandan authorities are silent with regard to diamond production and export” (…)”These diamond exports are suspicious for many reasons: (a) Uganda have no known diamond production; (b) Diamond exports from Uganda are observed only in the last few years, coinciding surprisingly with the occupation of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo” (…)” (c)” (…)”external observers on the need to control the rich diamond zone near Kisangani and Banalia” (UN, P: 19, 2001).

Salva Kiir Poster

Museveni’s adventure in South Sudan:
“Observers question how deployment of Uganda’s army, the Ugandan People’s Defence Force (UPDF), in South Sudan is paid for and who profits from it. At the beginning of the war, when Juba’s fall to the insurgents was a possibility, some of South Sudan’s national reserves as well as senior politicians’ assets were sent to Uganda” (…)”8 A return to intense combat or a protracted war in Uganda’s areas of operation would raise the financial and operational costs of the deployment. In February 2015, the defence ministry requested a supplementary budget allocation, in part to cover South Sudan operations, thus suggesting that they are as much strategic as economically motivated” (…)”Ugandan officials say these early payments do not appear in the national budget and speculate they may have been used for personal, not official purposes”.“The Report of the Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs on the Ministerial Policy Statement and Budget Estimates for the Fiscal Year 2015/16”, Parliament of Uganda, May 2015 (hardcopy with Crisis Group); Crisis Group Report, South Sudan: A Civil War by Any Other Name, op. cit., p. 23” (ICG, 2015)

Afterthought:
I don’t think I just discuss this deep subject to much. The stories and history tells enough and also the sadness of what the Ugandan Army has done after NRA/NRM took power in Uganda. This here is tales and stories of the darkness and shadow of President Museveni. Not only economic destruction in Uganda to personal gain, or democratic deficit to keep himself in power, this here is how he lived by the guns to keep loyal leaders in the neighborhood and also gain riches while looting the DRC. Peace.

Reference:
EXDIS – Unclassified American Government official update: SC-12252-94 ‘Rwanda Update’ (12.04.1994).
Otunnu, Ogenga – ‘Socio-Economic and Political Crisisin Uganda: Reason for Human Rights Violations and Refugees‘– Refuge Periodical, Canada – (October 14-17,1992)

Gombya, Henry D – ‘EXCLUSIVE: Museveni “ordered murder of Kayiira, Kazini and many others” (25.08.2013) link: http://www.thelondoneveningpost.com/exclusive-museveni-ordered-murder-of-kayiira-kazini-and-many-others/

International Crisis Group – ‘ICG Democratic Republic of Congo Report Nº 3’ (21.05.1999)

International Crisis Group – ‘South Sudan: Keeping Faith with the IGAD Peace Process’ Africa Report N°228′ (27.07.2015)

Unofficial OTP Translation – Witness KVB46 – RP 31398-31403 BIS – ‘Report on the Interview between Counsel Yaovi Degli and Mr. Kanyarushoki Claver’ (20.11.2006)

United Nation – S/2001/357: ‘Report of the Panel of Expert on the Illegal Exploration of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (12.04.2001)

United Nation – DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06 – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT’ (03.12.2008) Written by Robert Garreton.

U.S. Department of State – ‘UGANDA HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993’ (31.01.1994).

Kahinda Otafiire – Bush hero finally being bushwhacked

Kahinda Otafiire

Reports on the elections that lead to the fall of Kahinda Otafiire lost his place as an MP aspirant for the General election in 2016. So he will not be the MP for the Ruhinda South-Mitooma District. He lost to another brother on the ballot who actually is in jail! But first I will address the person and few of his previous actions and issues that he has had in recent years in his position as a government official. So that if the public known all of this it’s a miracle that he is still been staying as a MP and representing this area for that long with all this stories. So hopefully the brother who is jailed and Aspirant for Ruhinda South – Mitooma District has more clean hands then Otafiire! Take a look.

Gen. Otafiire said this this summer:

I have been with President Museveni for more than 40 years and he has not sent me to my voters. How does he start sending you who have spent the shortest time with him?” (…)”You will be saved by your deeds because at the level of primaries, we are all equal and stopping someone from standing would send a bad signal to the people” (…)”Don’t forget that we have competitors in other political parties who are seeing whatever we are doing. Just identify your weaknesses and plan to be stronger rather than blocking other people who want to stand against you” (Zadock, 2015).

A week later he said:

“I don’t think I am stupid as I appear. With all due respect, you’re insulting my intelligence” (…)”I don’t remember writing that letter although it has a signature resembling mine” (…)”I know Kasango as an officer of court. The documents were signed by Justice John Keitirima, whom I know well. I had no reason to doubt” (Walubiri, 2015).

Some cool quotes from the brother:

“Tamale Mirundi should leave issues of the generals to the generals.” Commenting on Tamale’s verbal attack” (…)”I am 85kg, do you think I have become big because of corruption?” (…)”what was a wetland doing in the middle of a city?” questioning the Nakumatt vs Nema saga” (…)”Even Museveni knows I am fire” (…)”I don’t like this nonsense. That is my private life, it has nothing 2 do with my public life as Minister. Whether I am taking my family out or not is none of your business. You fellow can u concentrate on what concerns u and leave Otafiire’s family alone.” In response to Daily Monitor concerning his Christmas plans” (Ortega, 2013).

Nominated as one of the Most Corrupt of Ugandans in 2012 and he was awarded the spot of number 7:

“Taking advantage of his senior position in the elite network that effectively plundered diamonds, coltan, timber and Gold in eastern Congo, Otafiire set up lucrative business enterprises in the neighboring country and refused to pay taxes, as reveals the 2003 final report of the United Nations Panel of Experts on Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:” (…)”Members of the Ugandan network are typically tax exempt. The Panel is in possession of documents showing that the network uses its control over the RCD-K/ML rebel administration to request tax exonerations for imports of high-value commodities. The granting of numerous tax exonerations to UPDF Colonel Otafiire between late 2001 and early 2002 is one of numerous cases. Not only did Colonel Otafiire benefit financially but, eventually, those exonerations forced local competitors out of markets in Bunia and Beni, leaving the petrol trade largely under the control of the network” (…)”Even in his own country, Uganda, Otafiire is routinely accused of abusing power. Fourteen years ago, he was dragged to a parliamentary probe committee for allegedly stealing copper rivets worth billions of shillings from an Asian businessman. In 2007, Kahinda Otafiire abused his office as minister of local government when he fraudulently allocated the Nakawa-Naguru estate redevelopment project to Opec Prime Properties Ltd, according to a 2008 report of the Inspector General of Government” (Sseremba, 2012).

1980s Luweero Triangle tricks:

“Obote put it more succinctly to Andrew Mwenda:” (…)”Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, for example, revealed that the National Resistance Army rebels used to wear UPC colours and then go into villages in Luwero and kill people in order to make the people think these were actions of the UPC government. Otafiire was boasting of the “tricks” NRA employed to win support in Luwero, but was also revealing the sinister side of Museveni and his insurgents… Each time there was a reported case of mistreatment of civilians by the army, we arrested those responsible and punished them severely” (Kalyegira, 2010).

Messy water of 2005:

“Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, the Minister for Water Lands and Environment, last month fixed the price of water in rural areas at Shs 10 per 20-litre jerry can” (…)”Until last month, prices varied from one area to another, depending on operational costs. Because costs differ, there is fear that a uniform tariff will jeopardise the operations of the water systems and lead to their collapse. This is because the companies can only continue running the water systems if there is a profit to make” (…)”However, Otafiire this week dismissed such fears, saying that the new water tariff aimed to make accessible it to every one. “It was a bad policy. I am the minister and I have changed it,” he said of attempts to develop a business model. “Water is not for commerce. If we can give free medicine, why not free water?” He said only two water schemes with electricity-powered systems would get government grants to subsidise their power expenses” (Kavuma, 2005).

Kenya Probe 2007:

“KENYAN police are investigating a possible link between Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire to a large consignment of sugar currently impounded in Mombasa over tax evasion, but the Local Government minister has denied involvement in the racket” (…)”The huge consignment, worth about Shs 850 million was impounded at Mombasa seaport several months ago after authorities realised its destination papers had been falsified to avoid paying taxes due” (…)”If the racket succeeded, said Port CID Chief Mr John Nyanzwii, then the owners would have evaded the 100 per cent duty paid for imported sugar and the import duty due to the Uganda Revenue Authority. The sugar would have appeared to have originated from Kenya” (…)”Although police authorities in Mombasa had information that the Sugar belonged to Uganda’s local government minister, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, he denied the allegations in a phone interview with Daily Monitor last week” (NFV Zone, 2007).

Car Crash in 2008

THE Minister of Water, Lands and Environment, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, crashed his car on Saturday morning and drew a gun at a journalist who came to the accident scene.The incident took place on Kinawataka Road, off the Old Portbell Road at 2:30 a.m. Daily Monitor photo-journalist Mr Mike Odongkara was put at gunpoint by an angry Otafiire and manhandled by policemen who were called to the scene to rescue the minister” (Odangkara, 2008).

Threating to leave NRM in 2010:

“I might have to join another party. I won the elections but my name is not on the list [of party flag bearers released this week]. They are chasing me away. What do you want me to do?” (…)”“If you were in my shoes, what would you do?” (…)”You cannot petition someone who does not want you” (Kiggundu, 2010).

Shell case of 2012:

“Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Kahinda Otafiire yesterday failed to show up in court to explain his side of the story in a case in which petroleum giant Shell (U) Ltd sued him over alleged breach of contract“ (…)”Gen. Otafiire, through Benzina (U) Ltd, allegedly negotiated a land lease deal with Shell (U) but later failed to honour it” (…)”The petroleum company now wants a Shs1.2 billion refund for refusal to deliver land to it, which it says resulted in loss of business.” (Wersaka, 2012).

In 2013 Otafiire had issues in the parliament:

“Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs has been thrown out of Parliament for Government’s failure to appoint substantive DPP as Cases pile up and suspects spend longer time on remand without trial” (…)”Appearing before the parliamentary budget committee to present the DPP budgetary estimates for this financial year, MPs today ordered Major Gen Kahinda Otafiire out from Parliament accusing government of delaying the appointment of the substantive Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP)” (Investigator, 2013).

Shopping in 2014:

The Minister of Justice was shopping at the Joy Supermarket in Mbuya who is a city suburb on the outskirts of Kampala. After shopping in his trolley he came to the register where he asked the price for each of the picked items in the trolley. The whole shopping spree cost the minister 160, 000 shillings. He started first buy paying it with 50,000 bills. Before picking coins from another pocket there he started to count and used time to make a jam in the star while getting enough coins to pay the balance missing of 10, 000 in small change (Ugandadrone, 2014).

Kahinda Otafiire. P2jpg

What happen in today’s NRM Primaries:

Retired Maj. Gen Kahinda Otafiire storms the tally center in company of security personnel for the Ruhiinda county polls and orders everybody out; and says they must leave everything inside in the hands of one of the security boys; Kahinda Otafiire came along while saying his votes have been rigged. The people and the officials are reportedly refusing to leave the centre.

Gen. Kahinda Otafiire is seriously being given a run for his money according to the pre-liminery report. Capt. Mugabe Dononzio Kahonda is leading with the difference of 4773.Mind you Kahonda did not vote because he is in the prison on allegations that he forged academic documents. Otafiire is also reported to fall behind Hosea Muhanguzi.

Kahinda Otafiire lost to Rtd. Cap. Kahoonda in Ruhiinda County while he is still incarcerated in prison.

Reasons for the fall of Otafiire:

“Gen. Kahinda lost because of his rejection for Mitooma not become a district. This resulted into the district chairman Benon Karyaija who is very popular to part ways with him and become arch enemies. The former Mitooma district NRM chairman Tito Nsigireho, district speaker silver Tumukuratire, finance secretary Bamusiime Muhwezi have all been against Otafiire since 2010 when they defeated him and Mitoma was granted district status from Bushenyi district. Still in Mitooma district, Thomas Tayebwa won in Ruhinda North with over 80%. He was contesting against one Musinguzi. Ruhinda North is a new constituency that was curved of Ruhinda this year” (Muhwezi, 2015).

If this wasn’t interesting then I don’t know; we can see that with the fix of somebody else as flag-bearer in the district, especially since the district was split of the districts in the area. Also with losing the loyalty of patrons in the area, that cost him a lot of votes. So I am sure that Mr. Otafiire can become Minister Without Portefolio or something in the 10th Parliament. Now we have seen that the future handpicked loyalist of the Party, not because the locals in Ruhinda want him anymore. Peace.  

Reference:

NFVZone – ‘Kenya Police Probe Otafiire Over Sugar’ (20.11.2007) link: http://www.nfvzone.com/news/2007/11/20/3108994.htm

Kalyegira, Timothy – ‘Rwanda: How RPF and NRA perfected the human atrocities to blame it on Hutus’ (18.03.2010) link: http://rwandarwabanyarwanda.over-blog.com/article-rwanda-how-rpf-and-nra-perfected-the-human-atrocities-to-blame-it-on-hutus-46935719.html

Kavuma, Richard M – ‘Otafiire upsets water experts’ (25.08.2005) link: http://www.worldwatercouncil.org/fileadmin/wwc/Sections_for/Journalists/Water_Media_Program/wmp_resources_kavuma_25.08.05.pdf

Kiggundu, Edris – ‘Gen.Otafiire threatens to quit NRM’ (23.10.2010) link: http://www.observer.ug/component/content/article?id=10614:genotafiire-threatens-to-quit-nrm

Muhwezi, Wilber – ‘PRISONER CAPT. KAHONDA DEFEATS GEN.KAHINDA OTAFIIRE’ (27.10.2015) link: http://mknewslink.com/prisoner-capt-kahonda-defeats-gen-kahinda-otafiire/

Investigator – ‘Otafiire thrown out of parliament over DPP’s appointment’ (08.08.2013) link: http://news.ugo.ug/otafiire-thrown-out-of-parliament-over-dpps-appointment/

Odongkara, Mike – ‘Otafiire crashes car, pulls gun at journalist‘ (08.05.2008) link: http://mikeodongkara.blogspot.no/2008/05/otafiire-crashes-car-pulls-gun-at.html

Ortega, Ian – ‘Kahinda Otafiire Quotes (Compilation)’ (31.07.2013) link: http://bigeye.ug/kahinda-otafiire-quotes-compilation/

Sseremba, Yahya – ‘10 Most Corrupt Ugandans’ (19.04.2012) link: http://campusjournal.ug/index.php/special-report/investigation/471-10-most-corrupt-ugandans

Ugandadrone – ‘Kahinda Otafiire causes jam in a supermarket counting coins’ (15.12.2014) link: http://ugandadrone.com/kahinda-otafiire-causes-jam-in-a-supermarket-counting-coins/

Zadock, Amanyisa – ‘Stop deceiving voters, Otafiire tells aspirants’ (05.06.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Stop-deceiving-voters-Otafiire-tells-aspirants/-/688334/2740506/-/ure9e3/-/index.html

 

Walubiri, Moses – ‘I am not as stupid as I appear – Otafiire’ (14.06.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/670963-i-am-not-as-stupid-as-i-appear-otafiire.html

 

Wersaka, Anthony – ‘Otafiire shuns Shell case mediation’ (18.05.2012) link: http://www.kigalikonnect.com/article/otafiire-shuns-shell-case-mediation.html

 

WikiLeaks – Relations between Uganda and Libya (Saga of Gaddaffi and Museveni)

Museveni start as President in 1986:

On the 29th of January 1986 Yoweri Museveni was inaugurated as president, who in the last week battled for the capitol city Kampala and overthrow of Tito Okello. Museveni himself on the matter: “Mere Change of Guards” (…)”Nobody is to think that what is happening today, what has been happening in the last few days is a mere change of guards” (…)”This is not a mere change of guards. I think this is a fundamental change in the politics of our government” (…)”Any individual, any group or person who threatens the security of our people must be smashed without mercy” (…)”The people of Uganda should only die from natural causes which are not under our control” (Rule, 1986). Museveni’s thoughts on democracy: “the right of the people of Africa” and about government: “the masters but the servers of the population”. He continued: “The solution is to have enough strength to ship the whole garbage and put it where it belongs, on the garbage heap of history” (Rule, 1986).

Libyan support for NRA/NRM:

“Idi Amin’s former Minister of Finance, Brig. Moses Ali, along with an economist, Dr. Suleiman Kiggundu, Ugandan Muslim clerics Shiekh Ali Kulumba and Shiekh Obeid Kamulegeya, and a businessman called Habib Hassan Kagimu are the men who introduced Yoweri Museveni, the leader of a news fighting group the National Resistance Army (NRA), to Gaddafi in 1981 and so started the Libyan sponsorship of the NRA guerrillas” (…)”Libya then started air dropping heavy field guns and rocket launchers into the NRA camps in Luwero Triangle in central Uganda in 1982, greatly boosting the NRA guerrillas and making possible their victory in Jan. 1986” (…)”Brig Ali was in jail in Kampala when Gaddafi first visited Uganda led by Museveni in 1987. Ali had to be taken out of jail after Gaddafi asked about his whereabouts” (…)”In the early days of the new NRM government, several officers and men of the new national army, the National Resistance Army (NRA) were sent to Libya for military training. Gaddafi also helped supply the Rwandan guerrillas, the RPF, with weapons in 1990 in the early stages of their invasion of Rwanda. The Libyan weapons were airlifted into Uganda and then the Museveni government passed them on to the RPF rebels” (…)”When Uganda failed to repay money she owed Libya, the debt was swapped for Libyan shares in the Uganda Telecom phone company, the Crested Towers and National Housing and Construction Corporation housing estates in Kampala and the Windsor Lake Victoria Hotel in Entebbe” (Dispatch, 2011).

In the 1986 – Creating an oil company:

Libyan has sent a trade delegation (both medical and financial teams). President Museveni has discussed to have a Joint Holding Company with Doctor Mukhtar. Both Government of Uganda and Government of Libya announced that their examining opportunities to set up an Oil Company. Since 1979 war against Amin the Libyan Peoples Bureau had 6 six employees, the staff has now a higher profile in Kampala. Ugandan government is naïve about it, but the largeness of Libyan interference in the oil company, Uganda can still control it through. Government of Uganda is in to secure oil supply and also setting up a company, because of NRMs distrust in the operations of the multinational capitalism. This company is to secure the supply of oil, in that they also would like to be a part of the Mombasa Refinery from the Government of Kenya (WikiLeaks, 1986).

Suits Museveni well:

The Libyan style of leadership where it’s all centered on the president. If Museveni need to be accommodated in any manner, he can just pick up a phone and call the Cornel Gaddaffi. The Americans describes the Libyans as radicals and calls Museveni’s action towards them as a risk, for him and also the interest of USA (WikiLeaks, 1986).

Relation between Uganda and Libya in 2007:

Libyan Africa Portfolio (LAP) bought shares of 51% of the Uganda Telecom Limited (UTL). The shares were bought from UCOM a German, Swiss and Egyptian consortium. LAP has also bought other assets in Uganda. They gotten 60 % of the textile company Tri-Star and also was awarded with the tender to build the oil-pipe that goes from Uganda to Kenya. Museveni has promised Coronel Gaddaffi that he will not sell the unrefined oil. He has also praised Gaddaffi for his collaborated effort to support Uganda (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Relation between Uganda and Libya in 2008:

President Museveni said Libyan president Gaddaffi: “is a problem” and for his wish of making the “United states of Africa”.  He also commented on Gaddaffi’s “imitations” towards smaller and tinier African nations with bribes and pressure. This has led to that these nations haven’t participated as strongly or corporative in international forums, organizations like United Nation and international meetings. Because of the tension between Gaddaffi and Museveni, this has led to him having radar on his plane when he flies international airspace to get additional information of the airspace (WikiLeaks, 2008).

Relation between Uganda and Libya in 2009:

TamOil the Libyan owned company who is run by director Habib Kagimu. The company hopes that it gets the contract to build the pipeline between from El Doret, Kenya to Jinja, Uganda (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Museveni on Gaddaffi in 2011:

In his own words said Gaddaffi was wrong to support Idi Amin with weapons and arms. This he could use during the battles of the 70s (Museveni, 2011).

Mistakes:

He knows that Gaddaffi supported him because he was seen as Muslim country oppressed by Christians. The second mistake Gaddaffi did after Museveni’s reckoning: he was not polite in AU and respected the regional collaborations in Africa. If he could he would ‘Overrule’ it. The third mistake by the Cornell was to interfere in internal matters of others. Like his actions towards the kings in Uganda. Fourth mistake is that he was like other Arab leaders and did not support the cause of South Sudan. Also not a direct mistake but he commented that as a radical Gaddaffi didn’t distant himself enough from terrorism (Museveni, 2011).

Positives:   

First is that Gaddaffi always has had an independent approach to foreign affairs. Not being an Western countries, where he also did an effort to get rid of British and American Military bases. Second positive was how we able to use and rig the oil-prices, from the meager 50 cents a barrel to 40 dollars a barrel. Fourth is the economic progress of Libya. With that was the current time Museveni wrote in the value of GDP of $89, 03 Billion, which is the same size of South Africa in 1994 and the same time Spain (Museveni, 2011).

Thanks for reading. Peace.

Links:

Dispatch.co.ug – ‘Uganda’s long complicated relationship with Gaddaffi’ (07.04.2011) Link: http://www.dispatch.ug/ugandas-long-complicated-relatioship-with-gaddafi/1745/

Wanock, Frank & Conway, Patrick – ‘Post-Conflict Recovery in Uganda’ (1999) International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank

Link: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/WBI/Resources/wbi37152and37153.pdf

Rule, Sheila (NY Times) – ‘REBEL SWORN IN AS UGANDA PRESIDENT’ (30.01.1986) Link: http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/30/world/rebel-sworn-in-as-uganda-president.html

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni – ‘Article on the Libyan crisis’ (20.03.2011) Link: http://www.scribd.com/doc/51285348/Museveni-attacks-West-over-Libya

WikiLeaks – ‘MUSEVENI AND THE RADICAL MUSLIMS’ (16.07.1986) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/86KAMPALA2314_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: MARCH ECONOMIC REVIEW’ (14.03.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA457_a.html

WikiLeaks –‘A/S FRAZER’S JUNE 13 MEETING WITH UGANDAN PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (18.06.2008) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08STATE65820_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDAN PRESIDENT SEEKS OIL SECTOR SUPPORT IN IRAN’ (04.07.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA561_a.html