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Archive for the tag “Luwero Triangle”

UPDF: “Arrest of Murder Suspects” (21.01.2018)

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Opinion: Should we be worried about the power-struggle between IGP Kayihura and CMI’s Gen. Tumukunde?

We can think of the recent days as a visible power struggle between two loyalist to the Ugandan President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. This weekend has filled with stories and captures of the men and woman behind the Boda Boda 2010 syndicate. A Syndicate and organization who has followed orders of the Inspector General of Police Edward Kale Kayihura. He has supported them and used their services. That is why the leadership of Abdallah Kitatta felt safe, not only as a NRM Chairman of the Lubaga (Rubaga) Division in Kampala. So he had connections to power.

Still that power was not enough the visible actions, the violence it followed has been questioned and people have struggled to believe the reason for having outlaws running the law. That was sanctioned from the IGP. Now, this weekend its enough for some reason. Chief of Military Intelligence and General Henry Tumukunde have now gone in and settled the case with the Boda Boda 2010. Kiatta has even been interviewed after the arrest by Intelligence Security Organization (ISO), therefore, the organization supported by Kayihura is now publicly dismantled.

If this is sanctioned by the State House, then Kayihura should really worry. As well as all the men and woman who is Crime Preventers too. They might be the next group that the state is dismantling through arrests and investigations. Because, this has all been useful tools of the Police Force to quell demonstrations and rallies. Both, has been used for that and the NRM could need to save the costs of having them. Instead of using political means, they could use CMI and ISO to silence them.

Gen. Tumukunde are now using his power to silence the extra organizations of Kayihura. This is happening in broad daylight and Kayihura cannot do anything about it. The men and woman of Boda Boda 2010 that has been used to enforce orders from Kayihura is now going away. We can just wonder if the CMI or the Police Force who knows who really killed Andrew Kaweesi or the one behind the murders of innocent woman in Entebbe last year. Since none of the murders has been solved, they are just a left stain on the Security Forces.

We know now that Boda Boda 2010 has killed for cars and equipment by the released information during this week. Who know what else crimes that has been sanctioned by this criminal syndicate. It is far from criminals to police officers, that is maybe a reason why the courts are extra botched. They cannot see the difference between criminals and the police. That isn’t a sign of hope or of peaceful society. That is destroyed security organization, that has to use military enforcement to stop criminals.

Gen. Tumukunde might win support over this and also shows his strength towards a man he despises. That is known and there been criticism of each other in public, with spats in the papers and even on TV between the men. It is well-known. These men has disputed and also questioned each others methods. Tumukunde is using his good standing with Sarah Kagingo, the NRM spokesperson of some sort, who owns the Soft Power Communications LLC and the Softpower.ug, to spread the positive message of the arrests and actions of Tumukunde. Just check the track-record, the friendliness of Softpower to it all is staggering.

We can know that these sort of stories will make the actions of Tumukunde sound like masterpieces of intelligence, even if the CMI and ISO are doing this as retribution for something Kayihura has either said or done. Because the Boda Boda 2010 was not an for Tumukunde in 2016 or 2017. But suddenly became so in 2018. We know that this is a sign of power-struggle between the two leaders under Museveni.

We will follow this and we should worry if this escalates, if Kayihura will try to take allies and leaders close to Tumukunde for something criminal. Even establish sort of monitoring over his men like he did to Besigye. We never know. Kayihura is surely blocked and under fire. As his supportive group has been taken down by the military and their operatives. Peace.

Issa Arinaitwe Furaha letter to President Museveni – “Re: Threats on My Life by Gen. Kale Kayihura and Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame through Rwanda Inteligence Operatives and their Embassy in Uganda because of my Exposure of their Deadly Actions against You, Ugandans and Rwandan Refugees (04.01.2018)

Parliamentary Report spells out that the Operation Wealth Creation (OWC) is a totally flawed initiative!

As the 10th Parliament and one of their committee has written a report on the Operation Wealth Creation (OWC), this one lead by the man who is named General Salim Selah. There has been seen to see fruitful results to the government sponsored projects, that is for the cash-crops and other agricultural outputs. But the report that is made today in Parliament isn’t really saying much positive about the initiatives. As this OWC that are part of the Office of Prime Minister Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, he surely will looked failed together with Gen. Selah.

It is clearly stating the OWC as failed initiative, as the delivery is flawed, it is done without information sharing, without local knowledge or input into how they want it. The leadership from the top has decided and gives the seeds and seedlings when they feel like it. Without any concern of the districts and their OWC administration, as they do not have facilities for the deliveries done by the OWC. Certainly, there are decisions made by OPM and the General without clear leadership, neither listening to the farmers they are supposed to help to enrich. Instead, they are more delivering sub-standard services and not working for others than the ones on the top. Just take a look!

OWC is coordinated by the Senior Presidential Advisor on Defense and Security. He heads the team of directors at the headquarters in charge of inputs, low cost housing, value addition, pensions among others, They coordinate all activities of the operation such as planning, evaluation, supervision, monitoring and evaluation” (Republic of Uganda, P: 2, 2017).

Operation Wealth Creation distributes inputs late. Because of this, people do not pick them especially seedlings and they go to waste. For example when the Committee undertook the field visit to Agago, Oyam and Nebbi, it was informed that the inputs had been delivered late in September/October and were also planted late. The crops planted could not withstand the long dry spell that run from late November till late March and ended up dying” (Republic of Uganda, P: 3, 2017).

Most of the suppliers of seeds and seedlings do not own nurseries. They buy from uncertified nursery operators and end up compromising the quality to meet demand” (Republic of Ugandan, P: 6, 2017).

Some people complained that OWC “dumps” agricultural inputs that are not required by the beneficiaries for example the people of Nakaseke complained that they are given too many mangoes and oranges yet they would prefer food crops like maize and beans instead” (Republic of Uganda, P: 7, 2017). “OWC uses the top bottom approach. People are not consulted before supplying therefore people are sometimes given what they do need for example people in Kubuku district complained that they were given the variety of mangoes that they not need” (Republic of Uganda, P: 7, 2017).

OWC supplies inputs without informing the district leadership making it difficult for them to plan how to store and distribute the inputs” (Republic of Uganda, P: 7, 2017). OWC does not monitor the performance of the inputs distributed. This leaves the programme without data on which it can base the supply of inputs in the future” (Republic of Uganda, P: 8, 2017).

If these quotes are not proving that the OWC is totally flawed, it is heavily run by the General Salim Selah and under the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, who are in-direct charge of the OWC. The OWC seems more like a fine slogan and signs, but the secretariat are not controlling or informing as it should. Neither is it listening to the ones that are supposed to benefit from it. Secondly, the programme doesn’t even monitor the results. Therefore, the results and the evidence of the having it is more on the feelings of Gen. Selah and the President Museveni. Not on the farmers who could instead have district boards on Co-Ops on Inputs. Instead of a centralized Museveni family controlled organization, that is clearly not doing what is supposed to do. It seems futile and not to be there for anyone else, then the ones appointed by the President and the companies they buy the seeds and seedlings from!

OWC isn’t for the farmers and for growing better yields, right now it is a non-transparent, top bottom leadership without any care for the districts who needs help and need government subsidized seeds and seedlings. If it doesn’t change… than the government can just pocket the monies, instead of just spending monies at the wrong time, for the wrong farmers and for the late season for growing the seeds. Peace.

Reference:

Republic of Uganda – ‘Report on the Sectoral Commission on Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries of the Implementation of the Operation Wealth Creation Programme in Uganda’ (May 2017)

What do Mobutu and Museveni have in common after thirty years in power? Massive looting of their state reserves!

Museveni: My critics always forget to mention that I was democratically elected, the others were not. Everyone in Uganda can challenge me, everyone can vote, the elections are free. Not many countries have achieved what we did. One third of the seats in parliament are reserved for women, five seats for youth, five for workers, five for the disabled and 10 for the army. How many democracies with such a record do you know?” (Koelbl & Puhl, 2016).

Just as the knowledge of the all the state businesses and properties of President Museveni that he has amassed over the 31 years in power in Uganda. It reminds more and more of the state of affairs under President Mobutu. Mobutu Sese Seko was a dictator that President Museveni was proud to ouster and reinstate President Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). So that President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni knows about Mobutu’s fatal fall, is certainly known.

President Museveni has gotten rid of other dictators before the fall of Mobutu, he even knew or had knowledge of the death of the plane of Juvenal Habyarimana, the plane who got shot down in April 1994, as his fellow comrade General Paul Kagame of Rwandan Patriotic Front was on the way to overthrow the current regime there. Also that the President Museveni together with President Milton Obote overthrew President Idi Amin in the late 1970s. So the current President Museveni has been involved in lots of armed change of power, he is even rumored and not verified if he had knowledge of the death of John Garang of SPLA and the South Sudan.

Still, the man who has used force and taken weapons to change history and his own fate, again and again, also to get puppets in states around. Have certainly thought of the demise of the men he got rid off. So when the stories of the last year of Mobutu sounds like this:

Mobutu’s Wealth:

For 32 years President Mobutu has treated Zaire like a toy and used its rich mineral reserves like his own private bank account. He plundered its mines, insisting their entire annual profits be transferred to personal accounts overseas” (…) ““We had to be close to the regime to do business,” admitted Mohammed Abdul, a Lebanese businessman yesterday as he fortified his shop for an expected pre-Kabila pillage by Zaire’s ruthless and brutal army. The Lebanese are hated by Zaireans who believe they colluded with President Mobutu to plunder the country’s diamonds” (Kinshasa, 1997).

Swiss assets:

The decision by the Swiss Federal Council came a day after judicial and police authorities seized his luxurious villa at Savigny near the lakeside resort of Lausanne. The 30-room mansion is estimated to have a market value of more than $5 million” (…) “After three decades of plundering the mineral wealth of his country, Mobutu is believed to have accumulated an enormous fortune. There have been persistent reports that he has stashed as much as $4 billion in Switzerland, but a government review of the country’s 400 banks last week said that none reported having accounts in his name” (Drozdiak, 1997).

Just as you think the dictator of Democratic Republic of Congo would be different than the current one in Uganda, your terribly wrong and President Museveni tries to keep it hidden, the way he is using the state reserves on himself and build his wealth. Just like President Mobutu was trying to move the money to the Swiss accounts, President Museveni has his own way.

A look into Museveni:

The way the Museveni family is paid royalties, or rent, by escrow accounts for their ownership of the title deeds of the Stanbic Bank business name in Uganda (what was once the Uganda Commercial Bank, Uganda’s largest banking group) is the way it is paid for their ownership of other apparently South African or foreign-owned businesses in Uganda” (…) “These sources say that it is Stanbic Bank that is used to finance businesses like Roofings Ltd, Speke Resort Munyonyo, the J&M Hotel along the Kampala-Entebbe highway, businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba’s hotel and Kampala International University, all of which actually belong to the Museveni family” (The London Evening Post, 2012).

This is just the business side of it, it could be worse by now and they could own more pieces of all the businesses that are bailed out or even getting tax breaks by the government, because who knows the true deeds or royalties going to accounts owned by the royal Ugandan Museveni family. So the next says more about the value of the Museveni family and their estates.

Museveni’s wealth includes ranches in Rwakitura and Kisozi Uganda which accommodates over 2,000 healthy cows which produce thousands of liters of milk daily. The Uganda president makes at least Ush 100 million per month from his farm” (…) “Apart from livestock farming, Museveni has interests in real estate, hotel industry as well as transport industry. He has also invested heavily in the banking industry” (…) “The longest serving president of Uganda is estimated to be worth $ 700 million” (Venasnews, 2016).

So when you see how the Museveni family has become as wealth and rich as President Mobutu did. Mobutu had after his 30 years of dictatorship stashed away US$ 4 Billion into Swiss Bank Accounts, what is more uncertain is the total value of the 30 years President Museveni rule in Uganda. What is right now and known is the businesses that the President is involved in or having ownership in. Secondly is the knowledge of estates, as well as ranches in Uganda with livestock that the President owns. Therefore, the extended wealth of secret bank accounts and not revealed businesses could show the true value of the Museveni family.

With the knowledge of this and the sudden departure that President Museveni together with President Kagame, as they forced the dictator away in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). I don’t think there will be an intervention on President Museveni from one of the neighbors. Still, the world can see the dictator protocol is kept by Museveni as he himself have crafted ways of emptying the state coffers. Therefore, that the riches, the estates and the value of Museveni have risen over the three decades in power isn’t strange. What is more worrying is how he has been able to keep is wealth and ownership.

That President Museveni wishes to look like a hardworking rancher and that he works for his fortune. The yields are coming from hard-work and dedication. At the same time the ownership in banking industry and in other parts of the economy shows how much control the family and the President does have. The private industries and companies are run or ordered directly from the State House.

So that President Museveni said this in 1997 as he overthrew Mobutu is now insane:

Mr. Museveni’s ideology is simple. For too long, he says, African politicians have hoodwinked the common people, manipulating tribal sentiments to stay in power and steal millions of dollars in foreign aid and taxes. A former Marxist, he sees the true struggle on the continent as one between corrupt leaders and the dirt-poor people they exploit” (McKinley Jr., 1997).

So he said for to long African Politician played the commoners, using the sentiments of tribe on their populations and using this tools to stay in power, while doing so taking an emptying the state reserves and donor funding to themselves. Therefore, 20 years since he stood for this and said these words, he has now done the same.

President Museveni of today would assassinate himself or overthrow himself… since he is now the Mobutu of Uganda, he has the character of the men he overthrew in past. He should be worried, because the ghosts of the past and the reckless leadership will follow him and that is why he trust the guns more than people. Since his own insincere political game might catch up with him.

On some levels now, there aren’t much difference between President Mobutu and President Museveni. Peace.

Reference:

Drozdiak, William – ‘Swiss Freeze Mobutu’s Assets; Reports Put Worth at $4 Billion’ (18.05.1997) link: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/africa/zaire/swiss.htm

McKinley Jr., James – ‘Uganda Leader Stands Tall in New African Order’ (15.06.1997) link:http://www.nytimes.com/1997/06/15/world/uganda-leader-stands-tall-in-new-african-order.html

Kinshasa, Mary Braid – ‘Mobutu takes the money and runs to a safe haven’ (16.05.1997) link: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/mobutu-takes-the-money-and-runs-to-a-safe-haven-1261945.html

Koelbl, Susanne & Puhl, Jan – ‘’This Is Our Continent, Not Yours’ (10.06.2016) link: http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/interview-with-ugandan-president-yoweri-museveni-a-1096932.html

The London Evening Post – ‘Revealed: How the Museveni family owns Uganda’ (03.01.2012) link: http://www.thelondoneveningpost.com/comments/revealed-how-the-museveni-family-owns-uganda/2/

Venasnews – ‘Yoweri Museveni Salary and Wealth’ (27.06.2016) link: https://venasnews.com/yoweri-museveni-salary-and-wealth/

The 1996 election and the 2016 elections; staggering similarities of government party and actions towards the opposition! The difference now is Besigye VS M7; then it was Ssemogerere VS M7!

1996 Museveni Sworn in Ceremony

As President Museveni lost with no swagger in 1980 he later returned twice with armies to become the president in 1986. The 1986 where NRA took the power; that story knows all of Uganda well; what Uganda has forgotten is the tactics and ways of rigging the elections of 1996. Even Dr. Kizza Besigye was ready for somebody else in 1996. That says something as the NRM tactics was using levels of fear and tell the general public: “if you vote for somebody else then the Obote-Dictatorship will return!” There is something wrong with that picture as this should be the ushering of democratic values that was installed and promised in the 10 Point Program from President Museveni. This was also the Election that ushered in the Universal Primary Election (UPE) while has done certain things with educations and spreading schools around the country, after many years to many of them has been neglected and has shown that the promise and reform was easier then actually achieving quality school education under the NRM-Regime.

The democratic values and fair elections were not achieved in 1996. As the countless reforms says. The Western nations and International Organizations accepted the result as a positive move for Uganda, even with the malpractices and also because still at this time the world saw President Museveni as the new breed of leadership. He would go away from all the things he might have built later in his presidential career. 1996 Elections was “No-Party” election with a new Interim Electoral Commission who was far from impartial. Kind of what the Electoral Commission proves without any subtlety in today’s election climate.

Besigye against Museveni candidature in 1996:

“Though Besigye was a National Political Commissar, minister and Museveni confidant, by 1996 – as his 1995 decision, and that of other officers like  now Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza and the late Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga to oppose entrenching the Movement’s monopoly of power in the constitution and the  near-banning of political parties – the differences were public” (…)”However, it has now emerged that Besigye and other people in the NRM and army  in 1996 were opposed to Museveni running as the Movement presidential  candidate” (…)”In 1996 Besigye relented at the last minute to go and campaign for Museveni in Rukungiri. He appeared at no more than two rallies, and spoke at one. The very personal and acrimonious face off between the two men last year therefore arose from a feud that had been simmering for about 10 years” (COO, 2002).

Ssemogerere Manifesto

How not to vote for Ssemogerere:

“The Constant refrain during Museveni’s 1996 presidential campaign was that a vote for his opponents would cause a return to the past, the former dictator Milton Obote was waiting in Zambia to return to power if Museveni was defeated. One of Museveni’s presidential election poster featured a picture of skulls and bones besides a mass grave in Luwero with the caption: “Don’t forget the past. Over one million Ugandans, our brothers, sisters, family and friends, lost their lives. YOUR VOTE COULD BRING IT BACK”; another campaign advertisement stated bluntly: “A vote for Ssemogerere is a vote for Obote” (Bouckaer, 1999).

How the sentiment was during the campaign:

“Ssemogerere seems to have hugely underestimated the depth of fear and hatred for Obote and his party among the majority of Buganda. Virtually everyone interviewed  who had voted for Museveni emphasized that they had voted in part to avoid any chance of a return to the violence and anarchy of the early 1980s. The effect of Ssemogerere alliance with UPC, however, does not seem to have been intimidating. Most people felt shift in sentiment against Ssemogerere in the last two months prior to the election. The Museveni campaign strategy of increasingly emphasizing the UPC and Obote connection towards the end of the campaign period was felt to been effective” (IFES, 1996).

Hon Ssemogerere in Northern Uganda campaigning

Museveni used the laws to stifle Ssemogerere campaign:

“The Ssemogerere camp tried to set up branches in the country. This ran foul of the law against setting up party structures. The police constantly frustrated this method of trying to reach the voters. There was a simpler and more effective method used by the Museveni camp. It is simply to announce campaign task forces and groups for given locations. While Ssemogerere was attempting to organise by “structure”, Museveni was organising by “process”. The former violated the existing law; the latter did not. The task force approach recognises the criticality of patrons who mediate the delivery of the votes of their peasant flock. In this approach it is not direct contact with voters, which is not feasible in backward areas with all forms of barriers (language), but contact with the patrons who go through lesser nested patrons to reach the final voters. Yoweri Museveni set up a more effective patron–client campaign network than Ssemogerere’s party structure approach” (Kotorobo, 2000).

How it ended:

“Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said. “I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added. During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers” (Mugabe, 2016).

Questionable freedom of speech during the 1996 campaign:

“The Government controls one television station and the radio station with the largest audience. There are three local television stations, three local radio stations, and five stations available by satellite. Uncensored Internet access became widely available through three commercial service providers in major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent noninstitutional users. Freedom of speech did not fare well in the context of the transition to constitutional government, including the presidential and parliamentary elections. Guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs prevented members of the former constituent assembly from addressing groups outside their constituencies. Electoral rules prohibited “campaigning” by presidential challengers until the official start of the campaign 39 days before the election. However, in their official capacity, President Museveni and senior members of the Government were free to travel throughout the country for months prior to the election. Rallies in support of all three presidential candidates suffered varying levels of harassment from thugs, in some cases resulting in physical injuries. It appeared, however, that such incidents were particularly directed at President Museveni’s opponents. Yusef Nsubuga Nsambu, a leader of the Conservative party and a supporter of presidential challenger Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, was arrested in May and charged with sedition for his unflattering descriptions of President Museveni. He was released unharmed 2 days later” (U.S. Department of State, 1997).

Celebrating the victory:

“KAMPALA, UGANDA — Thousands of President Yoweri Museveni’s supporters drove through the capital honking car horns and chanting “No change” Saturday to celebrate his first electoral victory” (…)”When Museveni was declared the winner on national radio Saturday, tens of thousands of his supporters poured onto Kampala’s streets, chanting “No change” in the local Luganda language, blasting car horns, and waving branches and flags” (Bashor, 1996).

One reason why he won the 1996 Election:

“Not all NRM successes showed the system’s popularity. The government manipulated small constituencies to gain beholden candidates in many special interest seats created by the 1995 constitution for women, youth, workers, the disabled and the army” (ICG, 2012).

Ssemogerere Museveni

Reports of malfunctions during the 1996 elections:

““The election drew a lower turnout than expected and suffered some logistical problems, but Ugandans generally avoided widely feared violence” (…)“Many of the country’s 8.4 million voters stayed away from the polls, and in many districts, turnout hovered around 50 percent. Logistical problems also hampered voting. At numerous polling stations, Ugandans complained that their names were not on the list of registered voters. “We have waited for hours, and we cannot vote,” said Patrick Nuwgaba, 20, surrounded by about 20 people who said they had been barred from voting. “We have our voter cards, but they say the numbers we have don’t match the numbers they have for us.” Despite those problems, calm prevailed around the country. Election observers reported, however, that in some pro-Museveni districts, especially in western Uganda, Ssemogerere backers had difficulty voting because of hostile crowds” (Buckley, 1996).

Questions about the victory:

”Within 24-hours of voting — and while the ballot papers were still being counted — the Inter Political Forces Cooperation (IPFC) backing the main opposition candidate Ssemogerere, announced that the constitutionally imposed “no-party” elections had been rigged” (…)”We have left it up to individuals to decide whether to stand,” Ssemogerere told IPS. “The electoral process is wrong and its going to be wrong again. If anyone stands they should know it will be with those disadvantages.” (…)”The IPFC’s compromise decision was reminiscent for some people of the 1980 elections in which the UPC are widely believed to have cheated the DP of victory — leaving Ssemogerere open to accusations of legitimising the government when he then took up position as leader of the opposition” (…)”Museveni was backed by, and represented his Movement “no- party” system of government while Ssemogerere was supported by the DP and UPC alliance and represented a return to multi-party politics — a return which would have required a change to the constitution” (Bozello, 1996).

m7, besigye

As we see about this Dr. Kizza Besigye and other opposition candidates get the same treatment that Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of Democratic Party in 1996. The vote-rigging, the issues with meeting people, with consulting the party members in the districts, the time for campaigning which apparently happens also before the pre-election period in Uganda in 2015. President Museveni doesn’t only recycle pledges his Police acts similar in 2015 as in 1996. That should be thought of as he talks of that the Movement brings progress. If progress means the same structure that doesn’t offer people freedom or liberty to discuss politics. Then it is NRM for you tomorrow. As the 1996 experience shows; there is a multi-party elections tomorrow, but the signs of 1996 looks strikingly similar, and the Police Force and Governmental institutions is structured to facilitate for the ruling party and funding his campaign while the opposition struggles with unleveled campaigning field that has been all through to the 18th Feburary polls. There is a certainty that Dr. Kizza Besigye has used smarter tactics than Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, but them both has fought the same monster which used the same style of campaigning in 2015-2016 as before the 1996, as he then gave 40 days campaigning as the districts was less, and the same now to the other candidates.

The fear used to intimidate candidates has been used in 2016. As even the security outfits has been deployed and both the army and Special Forces Command; they have been there following opposition and the police has target their trail as the Electoral Commission has given okay to their campaign trail in the start of the campaign in November 2015. This here shows the levels of fear and strong militarized politics that President Museveni feeds on; that has occurred through the whole campaign in the same way it did in 1996. That 2016 and 1996 looks so alike is staggering. The names of the other “actors” are different, but the end-game is the same. Though we hope that the people who are ready for change will see it as the old-man with the hat will do what he can to keep power; even if the people are ready for something else then his empty promises. Peace.

Reference:

Bashor, Richard – ‘In First Direct Election Since ’62, President Wins Overwhelmingly’ (12.05.1996) – Chicago Tribune.

Bouckaer, Peter – ‘Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (August 1999).

Borzello, Anna – ‘UGANDA-POLITICS: ‘Where-To-Now’ Conundrum For Opposition’ (16.05.1996) – Inter Press Service

Buckley, Stephen – ‘INCUMBENT LIKELY WINNER IN UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE’ (11.05.1996) – Washington Post

Katorobo, James – ‘The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996’ (2000)

Mugabe, Faustin – ‘How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?’ (30.01.2016).

International Crisis Group (ICG) – ‘UGANDA: NO RESOLUTION TO GROWING TENSIONS’ (05.04.2012).

International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) – ‘Uganda: Long Term Observation of 1996 Presidential and Legislative Election (May-July 1996).

Onyango-Obbo, Charles (COO) – ‘Besigye Opposed Museveni’s Bid in 1996, And Set Off Movt Demons’ (15.12.2002) – Daily Monitor

U.S. Department of State – ‘Uganda Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996’ Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, (January 30, 1997).

“Tarehe Sita” – Rare old footage of the NRA Bush War (Youtube-Clip)

“Rare footage of the NRA bush war”

“No Peace In Uganda” – CBC’s The Journal from 1985 (Youtube-Clip)

“The Journal’s Ann Madina investigates the period in Uganda after Milton Obote is deposed in a second coup.It highlights the period when the civil war was raging in Luwero shortly before the NRA marched to Kampala” (CBC USA Footage/Clip)

The Presidents’ Black book and the rewards He received from Kagame and Kabila and compensated military support of Kiir

Museveni 1986 Uganda

I know it is supposed to be celebration of 30 years of NRM rule in Uganda. I have discussed the economic situation and democratic deficit now and then. Today I write about something I have thought about for a long time and think is necessary to be told. Never enough as long as President Museveni is a leader and also President Kagame and the son-of Laurent, Joseph Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo. There is a dark history in the way President Museveni took power in Uganda and right after. Here will not directly tell about the atrocities between the UNLA and NRA. There we’re massive breaches in the middle of the civil-war. This here will be snippets of histories from both former loyal men and documents that have been released recently that we’re not public before. They tell how Museveni ushered Kabila, used force to earn wealth for himself and Uganda, how he gave way to Kagame after he helped Museveni gain power in Uganda, And lastly a little story about the recent adventure of Museveni in South Sudan as loyalty to President Kiir. Some tricks doesn’t die easy, as long as he gain something with the use of arms and guns, President Museveni will take it. Take a look!

Gen David ‘Tinye’ Sejusa revealed this murders as ordered by Museveni:
“That after accusing Gen Kazini of sending money to elements of the SPLA, Museveni “ordered his execution by procuring the services of a 6ft 6in man to murder Kazini”. He went on to say: “Forget that trash of [Lydia] Draru. In case of Kazini, again some forex bureau, originally said to belong to Gen Kazini, but [which] actually belonged to a known relative of Museveni, was later to be used to pass the money for the payment of the executioners of Kazini, to the accounts of the assassins.” (…)”He said: “For those in the know, again Andrew Kayiira was said to possess money before he was gunned down by Museveni’s goons.” (Gombya 2013).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Human Rights Violations right after the Bush-War:
NRA embarked on revenge against people from Acholi, Lango and Teso; and second, the collapse of discipline within the NRA coincided with insurgencies in the North and East. Both the NRA and thevarious armed groups in the areas continued to attack and kill civilians. As a matter of fact, the same strategies of gross violations of human rights the UNLA had used in the Luwero Triangle and West Nile are being used by the NRA in these areas. Hospitals, schools, churches, granaries and houses have been destroyed by the the NRA. The insurgents have likewise looted, raped and murdered people from their own home areas. (Otunnu, 1992).

Killings in 1993:
“There is no evidence that the Government sanctioned political killings in 1993. There were, however, reports of extrajudicial killings. For example, on June 21, police and internal security officials arrested four intelligence officers accused of murdering two prisoners in Iganga district on June 7. The case received considerable media attention. Two of the four accused officers were released without charge; the other two were being held in Makindye military prison without charge at year’s end” (U.S. Department of State, 1994).

continental_shift

Museveni support of Kagame:
“Despite Museveni consistence denials, Uganda has given the RPF military support since it began the civil war in 1990. Kagame, a Tutsi who headed Ugandan military intelligence before taking over the RPF, served closely with Museveni in Ugandan civil war” (EXDIS, 1994). Mr. Claver Kanyaryshoki reminiscing: “In September 1990, precociously on 11th September , a three party summer was organized between MOBUTU, HABAYARIMA and MUSEVENI to control the borders of his country and to avoid the invasion of other countries. On that occasion, they issued a declaration signed by the three heads of state that was meant to prevent the destabilization of a neighboring country from Uganda. As the threat became clearer despite all these efforts, president HABAYARIMA sent his foreign affairs minster to MUSEVENI on the 24th September to tell him that the attack was imminent. MUSVENI reiterated that these were rumors. He let HABAYARIMA know that: “he did not to lose single second of sleep thinking about an attack from Uganda, as this would never be the case as long as (MUSEVENI] would hold power”. Later on, MUSEVENI claimed later on the same day he met Fred RWEGEMA, after receiving the Rwandan Minister Casimir BIZIMUNGU. He said he calmed down the Rwandese. However, in fact his meeting with RWEGEMA was intended to put the finishing touches on the details of the invasion. MUSVENI was to attend A UN Summit on the rights of the child in New York. He knew he would not be around and wanted that he operations be carried out in his absence. By doing so, he would then pretend to be innocent or not aware of them. This is an old habit in Uganda. Even in October 1982 with Rwandese nationals were deported, President Milton OBOTE was by any chance away in Italy” (Unofficial OTP Translation, 2006).

Museveni fallout with Laurent Kabila because of business:
“At first, in 1997, Uganda seemed ready to tolerate many of Kabila’s shortcomings if the new president of the DRC would address bigger economic issues, such as US$2 billion road linking Uganda and Kisangani and the need to train police and anti-smuggling units. Both Rwanda and Uganda had hoped that by helping Kabila take power, they would ensure security on their borders and also benefit economically from North Kivu’s natural resources including minerals, gold and diamonds. By May 1997, Ugandan businessmen had jumped into the fray, selling everything from frozen chicken to plastic mugs to Congo. But Kabila had other plans. The Kisangani project also never materialized. This lack of interest on Kabila’s side to open up Congo to Uganda’s business interests was a critical blow to the relationship between Museveni and Kabila” (International Crisis Group, 1999). “Kabila was assassinated on 17 January 2001, the date set for commemorating the 40th anniversary of the death of Lumumba, whose successor he claimed to be. No light has ever been shed on this crime either” (Garreton, 2008).

RwandAir Tanz Airbil-2 LR-2

The plundering under Museveni in 90s in the DRC:
“At the request of the panel, the Ugandan authorities provided extensive data, including production and export values for agricultural products such as coffee, cotton, tea and tobacco. In terms of minerals, the data also cover gold and coltan production and export figures” (…)”The gap between production and export could originate from the exploitation of the natural resources of the Democratic Republic of Congo” (…)”Ugandan gold export does not reflect this country’s production, levels but rather that some exports might be “leaking over the boarders” from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The central bank reported that, by September 1997, Uganda had exported gold valued $105 Million, compared with $60 million in 1996 and $23 Million in 1995” (…)”Second, the data from the Ugandan authorities are silent with regard to diamond production and export” (…)”These diamond exports are suspicious for many reasons: (a) Uganda have no known diamond production; (b) Diamond exports from Uganda are observed only in the last few years, coinciding surprisingly with the occupation of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo” (…)” (c)” (…)”external observers on the need to control the rich diamond zone near Kisangani and Banalia” (UN, P: 19, 2001).

Salva Kiir Poster

Museveni’s adventure in South Sudan:
“Observers question how deployment of Uganda’s army, the Ugandan People’s Defence Force (UPDF), in South Sudan is paid for and who profits from it. At the beginning of the war, when Juba’s fall to the insurgents was a possibility, some of South Sudan’s national reserves as well as senior politicians’ assets were sent to Uganda” (…)”8 A return to intense combat or a protracted war in Uganda’s areas of operation would raise the financial and operational costs of the deployment. In February 2015, the defence ministry requested a supplementary budget allocation, in part to cover South Sudan operations, thus suggesting that they are as much strategic as economically motivated” (…)”Ugandan officials say these early payments do not appear in the national budget and speculate they may have been used for personal, not official purposes”.“The Report of the Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs on the Ministerial Policy Statement and Budget Estimates for the Fiscal Year 2015/16”, Parliament of Uganda, May 2015 (hardcopy with Crisis Group); Crisis Group Report, South Sudan: A Civil War by Any Other Name, op. cit., p. 23” (ICG, 2015)

Afterthought:
I don’t think I just discuss this deep subject to much. The stories and history tells enough and also the sadness of what the Ugandan Army has done after NRA/NRM took power in Uganda. This here is tales and stories of the darkness and shadow of President Museveni. Not only economic destruction in Uganda to personal gain, or democratic deficit to keep himself in power, this here is how he lived by the guns to keep loyal leaders in the neighborhood and also gain riches while looting the DRC. Peace.

Reference:
EXDIS – Unclassified American Government official update: SC-12252-94 ‘Rwanda Update’ (12.04.1994).
Otunnu, Ogenga – ‘Socio-Economic and Political Crisisin Uganda: Reason for Human Rights Violations and Refugees‘– Refuge Periodical, Canada – (October 14-17,1992)

Gombya, Henry D – ‘EXCLUSIVE: Museveni “ordered murder of Kayiira, Kazini and many others” (25.08.2013) link: http://www.thelondoneveningpost.com/exclusive-museveni-ordered-murder-of-kayiira-kazini-and-many-others/

International Crisis Group – ‘ICG Democratic Republic of Congo Report Nº 3’ (21.05.1999)

International Crisis Group – ‘South Sudan: Keeping Faith with the IGAD Peace Process’ Africa Report N°228′ (27.07.2015)

Unofficial OTP Translation – Witness KVB46 – RP 31398-31403 BIS – ‘Report on the Interview between Counsel Yaovi Degli and Mr. Kanyarushoki Claver’ (20.11.2006)

United Nation – S/2001/357: ‘Report of the Panel of Expert on the Illegal Exploration of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (12.04.2001)

United Nation – DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06 – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT’ (03.12.2008) Written by Robert Garreton.

U.S. Department of State – ‘UGANDA HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993’ (31.01.1994).

Kahinda Otafiire – Bush hero finally being bushwhacked

Kahinda Otafiire

Reports on the elections that lead to the fall of Kahinda Otafiire lost his place as an MP aspirant for the General election in 2016. So he will not be the MP for the Ruhinda South-Mitooma District. He lost to another brother on the ballot who actually is in jail! But first I will address the person and few of his previous actions and issues that he has had in recent years in his position as a government official. So that if the public known all of this it’s a miracle that he is still been staying as a MP and representing this area for that long with all this stories. So hopefully the brother who is jailed and Aspirant for Ruhinda South – Mitooma District has more clean hands then Otafiire! Take a look.

Gen. Otafiire said this this summer:

I have been with President Museveni for more than 40 years and he has not sent me to my voters. How does he start sending you who have spent the shortest time with him?” (…)”You will be saved by your deeds because at the level of primaries, we are all equal and stopping someone from standing would send a bad signal to the people” (…)”Don’t forget that we have competitors in other political parties who are seeing whatever we are doing. Just identify your weaknesses and plan to be stronger rather than blocking other people who want to stand against you” (Zadock, 2015).

A week later he said:

“I don’t think I am stupid as I appear. With all due respect, you’re insulting my intelligence” (…)”I don’t remember writing that letter although it has a signature resembling mine” (…)”I know Kasango as an officer of court. The documents were signed by Justice John Keitirima, whom I know well. I had no reason to doubt” (Walubiri, 2015).

Some cool quotes from the brother:

“Tamale Mirundi should leave issues of the generals to the generals.” Commenting on Tamale’s verbal attack” (…)”I am 85kg, do you think I have become big because of corruption?” (…)”what was a wetland doing in the middle of a city?” questioning the Nakumatt vs Nema saga” (…)”Even Museveni knows I am fire” (…)”I don’t like this nonsense. That is my private life, it has nothing 2 do with my public life as Minister. Whether I am taking my family out or not is none of your business. You fellow can u concentrate on what concerns u and leave Otafiire’s family alone.” In response to Daily Monitor concerning his Christmas plans” (Ortega, 2013).

Nominated as one of the Most Corrupt of Ugandans in 2012 and he was awarded the spot of number 7:

“Taking advantage of his senior position in the elite network that effectively plundered diamonds, coltan, timber and Gold in eastern Congo, Otafiire set up lucrative business enterprises in the neighboring country and refused to pay taxes, as reveals the 2003 final report of the United Nations Panel of Experts on Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:” (…)”Members of the Ugandan network are typically tax exempt. The Panel is in possession of documents showing that the network uses its control over the RCD-K/ML rebel administration to request tax exonerations for imports of high-value commodities. The granting of numerous tax exonerations to UPDF Colonel Otafiire between late 2001 and early 2002 is one of numerous cases. Not only did Colonel Otafiire benefit financially but, eventually, those exonerations forced local competitors out of markets in Bunia and Beni, leaving the petrol trade largely under the control of the network” (…)”Even in his own country, Uganda, Otafiire is routinely accused of abusing power. Fourteen years ago, he was dragged to a parliamentary probe committee for allegedly stealing copper rivets worth billions of shillings from an Asian businessman. In 2007, Kahinda Otafiire abused his office as minister of local government when he fraudulently allocated the Nakawa-Naguru estate redevelopment project to Opec Prime Properties Ltd, according to a 2008 report of the Inspector General of Government” (Sseremba, 2012).

1980s Luweero Triangle tricks:

“Obote put it more succinctly to Andrew Mwenda:” (…)”Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, for example, revealed that the National Resistance Army rebels used to wear UPC colours and then go into villages in Luwero and kill people in order to make the people think these were actions of the UPC government. Otafiire was boasting of the “tricks” NRA employed to win support in Luwero, but was also revealing the sinister side of Museveni and his insurgents… Each time there was a reported case of mistreatment of civilians by the army, we arrested those responsible and punished them severely” (Kalyegira, 2010).

Messy water of 2005:

“Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, the Minister for Water Lands and Environment, last month fixed the price of water in rural areas at Shs 10 per 20-litre jerry can” (…)”Until last month, prices varied from one area to another, depending on operational costs. Because costs differ, there is fear that a uniform tariff will jeopardise the operations of the water systems and lead to their collapse. This is because the companies can only continue running the water systems if there is a profit to make” (…)”However, Otafiire this week dismissed such fears, saying that the new water tariff aimed to make accessible it to every one. “It was a bad policy. I am the minister and I have changed it,” he said of attempts to develop a business model. “Water is not for commerce. If we can give free medicine, why not free water?” He said only two water schemes with electricity-powered systems would get government grants to subsidise their power expenses” (Kavuma, 2005).

Kenya Probe 2007:

“KENYAN police are investigating a possible link between Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire to a large consignment of sugar currently impounded in Mombasa over tax evasion, but the Local Government minister has denied involvement in the racket” (…)”The huge consignment, worth about Shs 850 million was impounded at Mombasa seaport several months ago after authorities realised its destination papers had been falsified to avoid paying taxes due” (…)”If the racket succeeded, said Port CID Chief Mr John Nyanzwii, then the owners would have evaded the 100 per cent duty paid for imported sugar and the import duty due to the Uganda Revenue Authority. The sugar would have appeared to have originated from Kenya” (…)”Although police authorities in Mombasa had information that the Sugar belonged to Uganda’s local government minister, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, he denied the allegations in a phone interview with Daily Monitor last week” (NFV Zone, 2007).

Car Crash in 2008

THE Minister of Water, Lands and Environment, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, crashed his car on Saturday morning and drew a gun at a journalist who came to the accident scene.The incident took place on Kinawataka Road, off the Old Portbell Road at 2:30 a.m. Daily Monitor photo-journalist Mr Mike Odongkara was put at gunpoint by an angry Otafiire and manhandled by policemen who were called to the scene to rescue the minister” (Odangkara, 2008).

Threating to leave NRM in 2010:

“I might have to join another party. I won the elections but my name is not on the list [of party flag bearers released this week]. They are chasing me away. What do you want me to do?” (…)”“If you were in my shoes, what would you do?” (…)”You cannot petition someone who does not want you” (Kiggundu, 2010).

Shell case of 2012:

“Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Kahinda Otafiire yesterday failed to show up in court to explain his side of the story in a case in which petroleum giant Shell (U) Ltd sued him over alleged breach of contract“ (…)”Gen. Otafiire, through Benzina (U) Ltd, allegedly negotiated a land lease deal with Shell (U) but later failed to honour it” (…)”The petroleum company now wants a Shs1.2 billion refund for refusal to deliver land to it, which it says resulted in loss of business.” (Wersaka, 2012).

In 2013 Otafiire had issues in the parliament:

“Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs has been thrown out of Parliament for Government’s failure to appoint substantive DPP as Cases pile up and suspects spend longer time on remand without trial” (…)”Appearing before the parliamentary budget committee to present the DPP budgetary estimates for this financial year, MPs today ordered Major Gen Kahinda Otafiire out from Parliament accusing government of delaying the appointment of the substantive Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP)” (Investigator, 2013).

Shopping in 2014:

The Minister of Justice was shopping at the Joy Supermarket in Mbuya who is a city suburb on the outskirts of Kampala. After shopping in his trolley he came to the register where he asked the price for each of the picked items in the trolley. The whole shopping spree cost the minister 160, 000 shillings. He started first buy paying it with 50,000 bills. Before picking coins from another pocket there he started to count and used time to make a jam in the star while getting enough coins to pay the balance missing of 10, 000 in small change (Ugandadrone, 2014).

Kahinda Otafiire. P2jpg

What happen in today’s NRM Primaries:

Retired Maj. Gen Kahinda Otafiire storms the tally center in company of security personnel for the Ruhiinda county polls and orders everybody out; and says they must leave everything inside in the hands of one of the security boys; Kahinda Otafiire came along while saying his votes have been rigged. The people and the officials are reportedly refusing to leave the centre.

Gen. Kahinda Otafiire is seriously being given a run for his money according to the pre-liminery report. Capt. Mugabe Dononzio Kahonda is leading with the difference of 4773.Mind you Kahonda did not vote because he is in the prison on allegations that he forged academic documents. Otafiire is also reported to fall behind Hosea Muhanguzi.

Kahinda Otafiire lost to Rtd. Cap. Kahoonda in Ruhiinda County while he is still incarcerated in prison.

Reasons for the fall of Otafiire:

“Gen. Kahinda lost because of his rejection for Mitooma not become a district. This resulted into the district chairman Benon Karyaija who is very popular to part ways with him and become arch enemies. The former Mitooma district NRM chairman Tito Nsigireho, district speaker silver Tumukuratire, finance secretary Bamusiime Muhwezi have all been against Otafiire since 2010 when they defeated him and Mitoma was granted district status from Bushenyi district. Still in Mitooma district, Thomas Tayebwa won in Ruhinda North with over 80%. He was contesting against one Musinguzi. Ruhinda North is a new constituency that was curved of Ruhinda this year” (Muhwezi, 2015).

If this wasn’t interesting then I don’t know; we can see that with the fix of somebody else as flag-bearer in the district, especially since the district was split of the districts in the area. Also with losing the loyalty of patrons in the area, that cost him a lot of votes. So I am sure that Mr. Otafiire can become Minister Without Portefolio or something in the 10th Parliament. Now we have seen that the future handpicked loyalist of the Party, not because the locals in Ruhinda want him anymore. Peace.  

Reference:

NFVZone – ‘Kenya Police Probe Otafiire Over Sugar’ (20.11.2007) link: http://www.nfvzone.com/news/2007/11/20/3108994.htm

Kalyegira, Timothy – ‘Rwanda: How RPF and NRA perfected the human atrocities to blame it on Hutus’ (18.03.2010) link: http://rwandarwabanyarwanda.over-blog.com/article-rwanda-how-rpf-and-nra-perfected-the-human-atrocities-to-blame-it-on-hutus-46935719.html

Kavuma, Richard M – ‘Otafiire upsets water experts’ (25.08.2005) link: http://www.worldwatercouncil.org/fileadmin/wwc/Sections_for/Journalists/Water_Media_Program/wmp_resources_kavuma_25.08.05.pdf

Kiggundu, Edris – ‘Gen.Otafiire threatens to quit NRM’ (23.10.2010) link: http://www.observer.ug/component/content/article?id=10614:genotafiire-threatens-to-quit-nrm

Muhwezi, Wilber – ‘PRISONER CAPT. KAHONDA DEFEATS GEN.KAHINDA OTAFIIRE’ (27.10.2015) link: http://mknewslink.com/prisoner-capt-kahonda-defeats-gen-kahinda-otafiire/

Investigator – ‘Otafiire thrown out of parliament over DPP’s appointment’ (08.08.2013) link: http://news.ugo.ug/otafiire-thrown-out-of-parliament-over-dpps-appointment/

Odongkara, Mike – ‘Otafiire crashes car, pulls gun at journalist‘ (08.05.2008) link: http://mikeodongkara.blogspot.no/2008/05/otafiire-crashes-car-pulls-gun-at.html

Ortega, Ian – ‘Kahinda Otafiire Quotes (Compilation)’ (31.07.2013) link: http://bigeye.ug/kahinda-otafiire-quotes-compilation/

Sseremba, Yahya – ‘10 Most Corrupt Ugandans’ (19.04.2012) link: http://campusjournal.ug/index.php/special-report/investigation/471-10-most-corrupt-ugandans

Ugandadrone – ‘Kahinda Otafiire causes jam in a supermarket counting coins’ (15.12.2014) link: http://ugandadrone.com/kahinda-otafiire-causes-jam-in-a-supermarket-counting-coins/

Zadock, Amanyisa – ‘Stop deceiving voters, Otafiire tells aspirants’ (05.06.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Stop-deceiving-voters-Otafiire-tells-aspirants/-/688334/2740506/-/ure9e3/-/index.html

 

Walubiri, Moses – ‘I am not as stupid as I appear – Otafiire’ (14.06.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/670963-i-am-not-as-stupid-as-i-appear-otafiire.html

 

Wersaka, Anthony – ‘Otafiire shuns Shell case mediation’ (18.05.2012) link: http://www.kigalikonnect.com/article/otafiire-shuns-shell-case-mediation.html

 

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