








Kinshasa, 11 February 2017 – MONUSCO is concerned about the persistent conflict in the Kasais which is marked by violent atrocities committed by the Kamuina Nsapu militia including their recruitment and use of child soldiers whilst targeting symbols and institutions of State authority as well as the disproportionate use of force by the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) in their response to the situation. Particularly, since 9 February 2017, there have been ongoing clashes between Kamuina Nsapu militia and Congolese Security Forces within the area of Tshimbulu (160 Kilometers South East of Kananga) with unconfirmed reports of between 30 to 50 deaths resulting from these clashes.
Maman S. Sidikou, the Special Representative of the Secretary General and Head of MONUSCO, strongly condemns the actions of the Kamuina Nsapu militia in recruiting and using child soldiers as well as their acts of violence against the State. He expresses his concern about repeated reports of the disproportionate use of force by the FARDC and offers the Mission’s support to a credible investigation of this regrettable situation. He regrets the deaths and injuries suffered in these clashes and calls upon the Congolese Security Forces to act in line with acceptable standards of national and international laws in their response to the situation.
Since the outbreak of this crisis about six months ago, MONUSCO has sought to effectively support the Congolese authorities in addressing the situation at national and provincial levels. In addition to several engagements by the Special Representative at the political and security levels, the Mission has reinforced its civilian and uniformed personnel presence in the area. The Mission has also deployed one of its Mobile Monitoring Response Team in the area (Tshikapa, Dibaya, Bunkode, Tshimbulu and Luiza) to possibly prevent, investigate and document human rights violations in line with its mandate.
Note to Editors:
Following the decision of the Security Council in early 2014, MONUSCO redeployed most of its resources to Eastern DRC in 2014. There was also a drastic reduction of military and civilian personnel affecting the Mission’s presence in Kananga given the improved security situation at the time. Presently, the Mission has since December 2016, deployed a Military Company of soldiers in Kananga (Kasai central) with the task of protecting the Mission’s personnel and assets as well as carrying out Protection of Civilians.

On an internal United Nations memo from 6th February 2017, there been stating this that United Nations Humanitarian Air Service (UNHAS) have described a certain interesting scenario:
“On 23 and 24.1.2017, while being Kenya, two prominent SPLM-IO officials from Akobo area disappeared under unclear circumstances. Kenyan Authorities have been accused of detaining with the intention to repatriating them. Pro SPLA IO Mass Media speculates that the two officials were secretly transported and delivered to South Sudan Government” (UNHAS Ross Aviation Security Notice, 2017).
So the story between South Sudan and the Kenyan authorities continues, as both governments have claimed in different times to have citizens behind bars. Like Kenyan civil activists ask for freeing Kenyan Nationals in South Sudan, the same is now known and even in internal note inside the UN and their agencies.
Because of this the UNHAS also decided:
“UNHAS International Staff, Operators & users, WFP Security & WFP Country Office advice to inform all Kenyan citizens to be cautious while travelling/deployed to/from IO areas” (UNHAS Ross Aviation Security Notice, 2017).
If this is true, than the SPLM-IO are targeting not only SPLM/A, but also Kenyan citizens that are part of the UNMISS mission in the republic. That says a lot of the rebellion and their target of anyone who isn’t them. As the SPLM-IO will therefore give it all to create fear and control their areas. As even UNMISS and blue helmet personnel could easily be taken by the IO.
As the note continue:
“UNHAS users are advised to analyse the necessity to risks of sending or keeping Kenyan citizens in the field, in IO areas and especially Akobo” (UNHAS Ross Aviation Security Notice, 2017).
So the UNHAS are clear that the Kenyan part of the mission should not be extended to areas that involves the IO as the fear and the risk of disappearing from the mission there. The UNHAS will also do this to make sure things goes as smooth as possible:
“If Kenyan citizens are to be transported out of IO areas UNHAS will solve these requests as a matter of priority” (UNHAS Ross Aviation Security Notice, 2017).
So we can see that the Kenyan nationals are now a priority and main objective for the UNHAS as part of the UNMISS mission, as the fear of disappearing citizens, the SPLM-IO are really showing their objective to control and spread fear in their regions of control, so the UN Humanitarian Air Service has to secure their transport out of there. This is a further proof of the fragile and the lack of rule of law in the regions under SPLM-IO regime. It is worrying not only for Kenyan, but as much for the South Sudanese themselves. As this is a proof of the grand issues in the state itself. This wouldn’t be an issue if there we’re peace and was honouring of the latest peace-agreement by both parties. Peace.

On 8 February, UNMISS received reports of hostilities between the government SPLA and opposition forces in Owachi and Tonga, Panyinkang County.
JUBA, South Sudan, February 9, 2017 -Fighting in the west bank of the River Nile in the north of South Sudan has reached what the head of the UN mission in the country (UNMISS), David Shearer has described as “worrying proportions.”
What began with an exchange of fire between SPLA and Aguelek opposition forces, has expanded geographically. Military resupplies have since been observed arriving in the area.
Humanitarian workers have been evacuated and aid is not being provided
On 8 February, UNMISS received reports of hostilities between the government SPLA and opposition forces in Owachi and Tonga, Panyinkang County.
Military operations on the west bank of the Nile river are taking place in an area where people, predominantly from the Shilluk ethnic group live, forcing people out of their homes.
The town of Wau Shilluk town is now reported to be deserted.
Humanitarian workers have been evacuated and aid is not being provided.




[New York, 7 February 2017] The Special Adviser of the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, expressed grave concern at the continued level of violence in several areas of South Sudan. “President Salva Kiir has made a commitment to end the violence and bring about peace, yet we still see ongoing clashes, and the risk that mass atrocities will be committed remains ever-present,” said the Special Adviser. The peace process has yet to be accompanied by a complete cessation of hostilities, undermining the likelihood that the National Dialogue proposed by the Government will be seen as credible.
More than 52,000 South Sudanese fled to Uganda in January alone, coming primarily from areas in and around Yei, Morobo, Lainya and Kajo-Keji. Some 24,000 arrived between 25 and 31 January, of which 4,500 arrived in a single day, on 28 January. Many have given accounts of the killing of civilians, destruction of homes, sexual violence, and looting of livestock and property, and cite fear of arrest and torture.
The Special Adviser is particularly alarmed at the situation in Kajo-Keji, Central Equatoria, (south of Juba), where civilians have fled in fear of violence en masse. The access of the United Nations peacekeeping mission to and around Kajo-Keji has reportedly been restricted despite the serious security situation, as peacekeepers were initially blocked from accessing the area.
The freedom of movement of residents has also reportedly been limited. Some have reportedly been instructed to leave Kajo-Keji. Others who fled their homes and moved towards the border area between South Sudan and Uganda were reportedly intercepted by government forces. Those seeking refuge report using a number of informal border crossing points to enter Uganda, as armed groups are preventing the use of major roads, forcing them to travel through the bush often without access to food and water.
Various areas in the Equatorias, among other regions, have been similarly targeted, and some 20,000 people were displaced from Wau Shilluk in Upper Nile in the last week, following violence that left many without emergency health care, safe drinking water, food and shelter.
In November 2016, the Special Adviser drew attention to the dire situation in Yei River State, following his visit to Yei River town, where credible information suggested that a scorched earth campaign was underway, targeting suspected opposition members and civilian communities believed by authorities to be their supporters. He reported the expulsion of farmers from their land, looting of property and burning of villages, as well as brutal violence against civilians.
Despite extensive discussions in the United Nations Security Council in November and December 2016 on a proposal to impose an arms embargo on South Sudan and increase targeted sanctions, agreement was not reached on either proposal. In the meantime, weapons have continued to flow into the country.
In the margins of the January 2017 African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, and the United Nations in a joint statement expressed their deep concerns over the continuing spread of fighting and risk of inter-communal violence escalating into mass atrocities. “If South Sudan is to achieve peace,” the Special Adviser affirmed, “all belligerents must urgently cease hostilities and invest in the peace process to settle their differences, before the territorial fragmentation and destruction of the social fabric of this young country become irreversible.”


The Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) has yet again lost a state minister, as John Marik Makur has left his office in the Gok State. The reasons are underneath and the turmoil and uncertainty must be a reason for why State Ministers are leaving their offices in South Sudan. Here is his statement.
Gok State minsiter of Education, Gender and Social Welfare have resign. John Marik Makur said: “After having reviewed and evaluated over the past ten months as a minister; numerous aspects of our morale and constitutional responsibilities towards service delivery and development to our communities, which apparently not realized and mainly attributed to manners and ways of your leadership. Therefore, I concluded that my contributions and many vital projects developed by the institution (ministry of physical infrastructure) I led; were consistently not awarded or deliberately ignored and quite often were passed over or misdirected. Therefore, I felt to have sufficient grounds to honorably submit this resignation for no other reasons than personal convictions. It is also a great opportunity for your leadership to move on with new and energetic team so as to give our state a new light of hope for development and progress” (Manyang Mayom, 06.02.2017).
If he is the first of many, the ones already left the building, which is well-known where Dr. Lam Akol, he created his own rebellion and party under National Democratic Movement (NDM), as he has now turned from both Dr. Riek Machar and President Salva Kiir. Certainly, John Marik Makur must have other reasons for leaving the cabinet. There must be some internal inaccuracies and malfunctions from a man of his stature to leave.
So when a man like him feels like his efforts and work doesn’t matter, that should be a worry for the young nation as the loyalist to President Salva Kiir is the ones that staying behind, while the able ones are leaving their offices. This is a sign and should not be misunderstood; it should be interpreted in the ways of maladministration and mismanagement of funds. There is viable evidence and issues within, as the Enough Project report this year even suggest corrupt malpractice within the government. If so than the State Ministries who didn’t comply with the methods in the report would not get needed funds or even clear allocations. That is mere speculation, still we have to suggest that are reasons for why a State Minister resigns and give clear statement of feeling that his efforts didn’t matter. Peace.

Earlier in November 2016, there we’re reports of movement from the M23 from Uganda into the Democratic Republic of Congo. As there we’re even clear violence from the rebels in December. Now that we in 2017 and another month gone, there are reports and official reports that Brigadier Sultani Makenga has fled his home and is on the move.
In mid-January the Ministry of Defence Minister Henry Okello Oryem in Uganda claimed there we’re little movement and they we’re still captured. Still, there we’re at the same time said to be 200 rebel soldiers moving across into the DRC.

Just as of yesterday when the news broke of fleeing Makenga and the raids of Police Stations in and around Kasese District and Rwenzori Sub-Region. As the raids we’re going after guns and bullets in these police stations. As Bwera Police Station we’re put on fire and they also burned down Luwero Town Council, therefore armed militants seems to be on the move.
There we’re reports in January from Nord-Kivu Governor Julien Paluku we’re writing of the movement of the M23 across the borders. Still, the reminiscent of past was not certain at that point. Because in the past the M23 has had sufficient weapons and training in Kisoro on the Ugandan border, where the UN had witness affidavits briefing the UNSC on the rebels. That was the Local Governor that broke the news and the FARDC and the Central Government in Kinshasa did not verify it. Therefore the intelligence between the Central and Local was different. Just as of now, there are indicated violence and attacks inside Uganda, but also news of escalation of M23 prescience of them in the DRC.
As it happen and news we’re out of M23, the DRC government and transitional government under “third term” President Joseph Kabila are running on it and keeping their power as they have to fight another militant group creating chaos in North and South Kivu’s. This is just a curious timing that the M23 just happen to come after the CENCO agreement and the new timeline for elections, elections where President Kabila cannot be a candidate with the current Constitution of the 3rd Republic.
It is just like a rabbit out of the hat, the M23 get guns and run-wild in Kasese and Rwenzori Sub-Regions, as the numbers of militants has differed from who is counting. Some said a 101 soldiers crossed the borders other said about 230. In mid-January the M23 we’re reported to take the village of Ishasha in Nord-Kivu. Reports in late-January we’re that FARDC lost two military helicopters in running battles in a town called Rushuru, also in Nord-Kivu, which is close to the Rwandan border. Therefore the insurgency could be from both Rwanda and Uganda as the attacks are happening close to the too nation at separate time.
Therefore the sudden resurgence of M23 and the message from Kinshasa seems so fitting and just. So all of a sudden the Elections have to be postponed again and give political mileage for Kabila. So he can be the hero who fights M23 again. We can question and should question why this is an issue that can destroy the elections when ADF-NALU and Mayi-Mayi are already causing issues in the provinces in the Kivu’s, as well as the FDLR that is still creating havoc. So M23 isn’t the only militants and rebels in the region.
That is why it is suspicious that the M23 are the sole reason for postponing the elections and ballots so there can be another government running the Republic. If there we’re other circumstances that we’re less fishy and without having the history of both M23 and the Kabila Regime, it might been substantial. Since it isn’t so and the actors and the politicians has played these ploys before we should question the reasoning and the effects of the violence.
The ones dying, the ones losing property and innocent suffering for the political games of the big-men in the region, that they uses rebels and militants to sufficiently steady their political life is demeaning. The M23 we’re as off the Nairobi Agreement deserters in Uganda. Some was also expected to come back and be contained in the DRC. Instead they are now returning with vile force, some are seen as thieves in the border regions, others are implicating that the M23 and UPDF is covering their tracks with burning of Police Stations and other facilities to make it seem like a fleeing insurgent force returning to Nord-Kivu.
We can certainly question the efforts and the timing, as it fits the time-frame and evidence Kabila needs to overstay in power without changing the laws. That has been the goal since long before the negotiations with CENCO or anybody else, it wasn’t like President Kabila we’re intent to stepdown. He even runs a transitional term before twice elected. Therefore that Kabila tries to succumb the rules and still being the President without any election. That is why the sudden launch of M23 into the Kivu’s of recent days and months. This story will not end, if so then the Kabila presidency would also have ended. Peace.