Kenya: A Pakistani Journalist assassinated by the GSU…

A senior police officer confirmed the shooting and added a comprehensive statement will be released later. “We had an incident of shooting which turned out to be a case of mistaken identity involving a journalist. We will release more information later,” the officer said” (Cyrus Ombati – ‘Pakistani journalist shot dead by police at roadblock in Kajiado’ 24.10.2022, The Star).

This whole story is tragic, a Pakistani civilian was murdered or assassinated in Kenya. That’s the story and the General Service Unit (GSU) is the one behind it. They are the ones that is mentioned. The little military wing of the National Police Service. A military wing of the Police Service. They are highly trained and capable para-military group, which is either in Recce-brigades or part of the Presidential Guard Company. Most likely not the trainees from the Embakasi training school. This was done by professionals. Especially, in the way and manner the car was shot at.

Just read this:

4. The shooting hit the car from all sides. The incident left the car with nine bullet holes on the left side of the windscreen, which is the side the deceased was sitting; two bullet holes on the rear left back screen, one bullet hole on the rear right door, four holes right side of the boot and one front right tyre that had been deflated.

5. The driver, Mr Ahmed, reported finding a gunshot wound on Mr Sharif’s head, which was likely the fatal shot. The bullet penetrated the back of his head and exited the front” (Stanley Ngotho – ‘Shooting of Pakistani Arshad Sharif: 5 things we know so far’ 24.10.2022, Daily Nation).

When you read this and the “mistaken identity” don’t make sense. They shot the vehicle from all sides, as it was coming to a roadblock. There are so many issues with this and needs further independent investigation. The DPP and DCI will most certainly “kill” this gave and ensure it gets cold. Because, the GSU and the ones ordering the bullets don’t want to take accountability. This must come from up high and that’s why the assassination happened in such a mysterious way.

It’s not just me pointing the obvious out:

The police statement on the Arshad Shariff killing has too many gaps. First, if it was a case of a stolen vehicle, the number plates of the stolen car and the one Arshad was are different. They don’t say the make. By the time of the incident, the “abducted” son had been found. The driver was his brother, Khurram Ahmed. They now say the road was blocked “with small stones” and on passing them, there was a shooting by GSU officers. Interestingly, no chase to recover the “stolen” vehicle is reported. We have a problem here. Clarification: I am being told Khurram Ahmed is not the brother as indicated in the OB report. Probably a cousin” (Eliud Kibii, 24.10.2022).

This is why this has to be properly investigated. The National Police Service first statement is already poked holes in. Secondly, I highly doubt he was shot at from all sides, because of “mistaken identity”. That sort of profile and targeted vehicle happens for a reason. The GSU doesn’t spray a vehicle with bullets and aims maliciously like they did without intent. That is just the obvious and an assassination like this happens for a reason. There is ranking officer and “high above” who ordered the hit. It must be something shady behind all of it…

This is an extra judicial killing, which isn’t new in Kenya. Mysterious murders and assassinations has happened with the assailants leaving without a trace. That’s the reality right here. The Pakistani journalist was hit, targeted and assassinated. We just don’t know why and for what reason. We don’t know the motive or the ones who issued it. Certainly, there is more to this. Since the story doesn’t add up. Peace.

Kenya: National Police Service – Press Statement (24.10.2022)

Kenya: Police Reforms Working Group – Kenya (PRWG-K) – State Culpability in Extra-Judicial Executions, Torture and Enforced Disappearences – A Call to the President to finsh the Job Started (19.10.2022)

Kenya: The National Treasury & Planning – Kenya’s Financial Position is Sound and Robust (13.10.2022)

Kenya: National Integrity Alliance – The Red Card Campaign – ODPP Must Come Clean on Withdrawal of Corruption Cases (13.10.2022)

A look into Mzee’s 60th Independence Speech Part II [a story about the East African Federation]

It has, therefore, been long, ever since the NRM and its pre-cursors, started supporting the struggle for the realization of the dream of the East African Federation. If we had achieved that by 1963 as the elders had intended, this part of the World would be very far. Some of the political elite, let down Africa in 1963 by frustrating the effort. If the Federation had been launched in 1963, you can be sure that Idi Amin would never have taken power in Uganda, there would have been no genocide in Rwanda or the killings in Burundi, Congo would have stabilized long ago, the problems of South Sudan, would have been solved much earlier and the problem of Somalia may not have turned out the way it did. Even today, the sort of problems we are facing, would be easily solved” – President Yoweri Tibuhurwa Kaguta Museveni (09.10.2022).

Today on the 9th October 2022, yet again President Museveni held his Independence Day Speech, which he has year after year. These speeches are long and this year was no different. He held a two hour long speech at Kololo Grounds and certainly there was plenty of points or things to look into. However, in this here piece. I am only looking into the stories of the East African Federation.

President Museveni comes with strong claims and reasoning. He blames the ones in 1963 for not pushing through with the East African Federation. Nevertheless, the nations haven’t since then been able to agree or find the stipulations fitting for a federation. Neither has the nations been able to agree on an East African constitution. It has been plenty of stumbling blocks and this is why we are seeing an East African Community (EAC) in 2022.

Just read these insights here!

It was mainly Uganda’s objection to the surrender of sovereignty, the desire to preserve its fragile internal unity, and the fear of Kenyan control over regional institutions which led to the failure of East African federation. In fact, President Obote had made a statement that the Nairobi declaration did not commit Uganda to federation and that the questions of relationships and powers were still in the ‘exploratory stage’. For the Tanganyikans and Kenyans, regional unity involved ‘the concept of a tightly constructed federation’” (…) “By the end of 1963 the failure of the federation was clear. The last session of the Working Party was held in Kampala in May 1964, but the three Presidents found that the political union they had advocated so wholeheartedly was no longer feasible. It can be argued that national interests developed guickly in East Africa during 1963, as President Nyerere had prophesied:

We shall be increasing the number of human beings who have a personal interest in disunity – and because they are human beings most of them will be more conscious of the advantages of the present situation and the difficulties of change than of the long-term benefits which could come” (John A. Mgaya – ‘REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY’ P: 14-15, August 1986).

Though the official start of the East African Community’s project lay at the beginning of the new millennium, the roots of the drive for East African unity actually extend much farther back. It began at the signing of the treaty of East African Cooperation in 1967, following the end of the British colonial period. While the treaty was abandoned a mere decade later due to faltering political will and disparate levels of development between the three nations, the idea would remain a powerful one. In fact, it was powerful enough for regional governments to revisit the possibility after the end of the Cold War” (Borgen Magazine – ‘The East African Community’s First Constitution’ 28.03.2020).

The East African Heads of State signed the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community in Arusha, on 30 November 1999. Prior to re-launching the East African Community in 1999, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda had enjoyed a long history of cooperation under successive regional integration arrangements. These included the Customs Union between Kenya and Uganda in 1917, which the Tanganyika later joined in 1927; the East African High Commission (1948- 1961); the East African Common Services Organisation (1961-1967); the East African Community (1967-1977), and the East African Co-operation (1993-1999)” (UNESCO – ‘RELATIONS WITH THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY (EAC) AND DRAFT COOPERATION AGREEMENT BETWEEN UNESCO AND THAT ORGANIZATION’ 2006).

After reading these it is easy to see why it didn’t happen and Nyerere was prophetic about it. His words has been proven and righteous. Museveni who has had the time and could have pushed further. His never done so or tried that much. Since, he knows he would give way on the sovereignty and the rights of Uganda. We know that Museveni wouldn’t allow or accept being controlled by Nairobi or Dodoma for that matter. This is why Obote was reluctant and wasn’t willing in 1963.

It is interesting that later in the speech today that Museveni further said this about the subject:

In the 1962 Independence elections, no Party could win by absolute majority because they had fragmented the electorate into sectarian groups that could never attract broad support. Guided by our principle of Pan-Africanism, when we won power, we worked with Mzee Hassan Mwinyi, Mzee Benjamin Mkapa, Mzee Daniel Arap Moi, supported by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere who was still alive, to revive the EAC, which was re-inaugurated on the 30th of November, 1999.Guided by the same principles, we stood with the African brothers in South Africa, Namibia, South Sudan, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, etc. It is this principle, that educates us not to aim at building a Latin America in Africa but build a United States of Africa in Africa –to ensure the prosperity of our people and the strategic security of Africa” (Museveni, 09.10.2022).

Here Mgaya reasons differently than Museveni on the matter, especially the reasons around 1962, which he says this: “While people like Tom Mboya supported Nyerere, in Uganda the Kabaka’s government and Obote’s Democratic Party stated that Uganda was not ready for federation. Therefore, soon after Tanganyika’s independence in December 1961 Nyerere stated that federation would now have to wait until all three countries were sovereign” (John A. Mgaya – ‘REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY’ P: 13, August 1986).

Here we see there is nothing about sectarianism or such. It was about the independence and becoming sovereign republic’s themselves. That is all natural that you wouldn’t the same minute your getting independence, become a part of another entity. The new nations would need time to assess and consider their foreign diplomatic ties and trading partners. That is just natural and this is the reason for the downfall of the East African Federation in 1963. As there was internal fears and speculations into the balances of power and losses of sovereignty to others. Parts, which Museveni doesn’t dwell upon. He only speculates of the salvation from the worst damages and suffering, which has happen since. However, he hasn’t spoken about his involvement in these and how he sponsored the violence and military operations in several of the neighbouring countries over the years. That’s why it’s epic that he doesn’t look into his interference there for personal gains.

Last part about 1999 has also been stated in the little documentation I found. That Museveni mentions in the second paragraph of EAC or East African Federation part of his speech. He takes pride in the moment of the 1999. Nevertheless, since then and the ills he mentioned. The EAC should have ensured that his nation didn’t interfere in the Democratic Republic Congo (DRC) or in South Sudan for that matter. Museveni has done this and been vital in it. Therefore, his own military activity across the borders has caused the pain and sufferings, which the EAC couldn’t deal with or had any say in. That’s why it’s really hypocritical of him. He wouldn’t have accepted their interference and totally blocking of it. We just know he wouldn’t have followed it anyway.

That’s why it’s interesting that he says this. We know the war to topple Mobutu and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo. We know how Uganda supported the Rwandan Patriotic Front in the 1990s. There has been speculations for year in the Museveni involvement in the late death of Dr. Joseph Garang. We can also mention the involvement and support of Nkurunziza in Burundi. Therefore, he has interfered and ensured allies in the neighbour nation and done so deliberately. So, when he speaks of the ills of the people and the never ending troubles that needs to be solved. He has partook in the action and should take some blame in it. Since he has invested, used his armies and gained personal power by doing so. I doubt the East African Community or Federation could have stopped him. Within the time frame and the context, the nations involved wasn’t even signed up and would have been out of EAC/EAF. Peace.

Opinion: Odinga goes into conspiracy theories to defend his loss…

What we had was a coup d’etat. You even saw the chairman of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission run to announce the results as some of his commissioners denounced the outcome, yet he was celebrated as a hero. They cannot allow that to happen anywhere else in Africa” (…) “The international community could not condemn Mr Chebukati’s actions because they knew what had happened. The African right-wing has always been in conspiracy with the international monopoly capital since independence and Kenyans must be prepared to further sacrifice to win this struggle” Raila Odinga (07.10.2022).

This time around the Azimio la Umoja – One Kenya Alliance Presidential Candidate Raila Odinga is going overboard in defending his loss in the 2022 elections. We know the Azimio didn’t prepare or even collect workable evidence to sustain in the Supreme Court. The Odinga Secretariat and Azimio was running on vibes and not directly considering the professional work of the Kenya Kwanza Alliance.

It is really interesting that a month has passed since the Supreme Court confirmed William Ruto’s win. Now after the fact his coming with pseudo-intellectualism and conspiracies to why he lost. Odinga should be better than this, but he needs to grasps straws, instead of reflecting on the reasons for his loss. There was internal issues within the Azimio, which has been revealed after the August election and it has never been addressed. The Azimio team could have investigated and looked into how it operated. However, it wants to vilify someone else and continue to target Chebukati.

Chebukati is the epic boogeyman now. His the villain and the grand culprit of a scheme to overturn the August election. That’s what Odinga is saying… while his not reflecting on the reasoning, the evidence or the work of Azimio in general. It is like saying Ruto and KKA has no agency of their own. Only Odinga has agency and ability to work on his own. The rest is either part of a grand conspiracy or working for colonial powers. Alas, how can you put these things together now?

Couldn’t the same arguments and reasoning be used against him, if he would have won and become the next President? If he had become Baba the 5th couldn’t the cartels and the dynasties be seen as a part of the “deep state”. So, in this regard his making a lot of smoke, but there is no initial fire.

In this manner, Odinga is actually undermining the authorities and the entities involved in the election. His disregarding the KKA and their allegiance to the Republic. They have now overlords, which they are following and directing them. If it is so, wouldn’t the same most likely have happened to him too?

Since Odinga would inherit the same structures, institutions and international obligations, which the Kenya government have to uphold. It isn’t like he would operate in a vacuum or on a lonely island without any pre-conditions what-so-ever. If that sound preposterous or outrageous, well, it is and this is why Odinga needs a pushback.

I have defended and wished Odinga victory in the past. Seeing the plights and the pleas from him in the 2013 and in 2017. However, the 2022 election was different for me. Both the way the IEBC operated and how it could defend it’s role. It’s like Odinga never moved on from the technical and mechanisms the IEBC has made over the years. That’s why Chebukati is getting such wording his way.

What I would prefer, if any of these things was true. Would be a deep dive from the Raila Odinga Presidential Secretariat or the Azimio team. Where Odinga and his associate could prove the involvement and the conspiracy itself. Until then, it’s just hearsay and alleged allegations that cannot be proven. Therefore, it’s just conspiracy theories.

Yes, there will be multi-national organization connected to the Kenyan government. That being the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, World Bank and diplomatic relations with several of other nations. It is not like that would change under Odinga, who himself has been a part of the African Union as an Envoy. He should know the gist of this… and that’s why his conspiracies are of no good. Especially, when his own petition and evidence didn’t hold up in Court.

Odinga either have to deliver a comprehensive report with valid evidence or just accept the loss. Because, his team couldn’t even get a victory like they did in the Supreme Court in 2017. So, he should know the gist of it. However, this is politicking, but not the good kind. Peace.

Opinion: Wetangula has outwitted the Azimio

The Azimio la Umoja – One Kenya Alliance must feel the fall. They went into the elections and campaigns with their heads high. It was anticipated to be slow train coming and new reform under the Presidency of Raila Odinga. All of that was a house of cards and been spoilt milk. There is no return and the Azimio has been crushed.

The Kenya Kwanza Alliance has certainly been able to gain the majority in both houses in the National Assembly. This being in the House and in the Senate. While it has a hold of the Judiciary and the Presidency under William Ruto. The tides of security and dynasties seems to be over. The ones who was close to Odinga and Kenyatta has lost out. While the ones who dared to align with Ruto has sway and influence.

That is real change of guards and shows how conning Ruto is. He has ensured the safety and paid-off political parties to give him a majority. There was several of parties which changed alliance the moment he was announced the victor. This together with binding the “independent” MPs has all given him way. That got to sting for Azimio, but we Azimio would have tried to do same. Because, who don’t want a majority and a hold of the National Assembly?

Today, because of the clever wheeler-dealing ways of Ruto. Speaker Moses Wetangula could announce and declare the KKA as the majority. Meaning the Azimio is the official minority in the Parliament. They are the ones who are the opposition and the ones who are not part of the government majority. That’s really a telling sign. It marks an end of the campaigns of the 2022 election season and the beginning of the business of the House.

Wetangula’s announcement has ruffled some feathers, but he has the surety of the technicalities and the numbers to do so. That is hurting the pride of the Azimio who thought the they had come to a feast in the House. However, they are instead being sidelined and caught of guard. It is like they winged the whole enterprise and thought they could just walk in unprepared.

The Speaker has just ensured the gravitas of the parties he represents. His appointment and such will surely be remembered. Not only for this, but for he will operate as Speaker under this Ruto term.

Some states this a revenge for the February 2018 ousting him as the Minority Leader of the Senate, when the NASA coalition removed him with Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) own senator James Orengo. Therefore, Wetangula could hold grudges, but his loyalty is also to KKA, which is the coalition he ran with in the previous election.

The Speaker has returned the favour, but also been able to do so, thanks to the “free-transfers” from Azimio. That’s why the KKA has enough MPs and the numbers to do so. Even if several of the MPs either was initially independent or part of Azimio. However, the KKA has the upper-hand here and the Azimio team lacks a strategy.

The Azimio has done one thing wrong, which its repeating itself with. Azimio looks like it’s running on vibes, but the KKA is well-prepared and has a plan. That plan is executed and makes it easy for the Speaker to announce it.

Wetangula is already showing his resolute ideas and how he will handle his role. As speaker we should expect more like this. However, it is now official that Azimio has been outflanked everywhere it matters since the polls. Peace.

Kenya: Speaker Moses Wetangula announces the Allegations of coercion (06.05.2022)

My considered determination on the matter raised is as follows-

Allegations of coercion

1)THAT, the consideration of the various allegations of coercion and duress at the time of entering into coalition agreements and any appropriate remedy for the same lies outside the authority of the Speaker.

The place of Members of UDM, PAA, MCCP & MDG

2)THAT, In my considered opinion, it would be imprudent to treat the 14 Members elected to the House under the United Democratic Movement (UDM), Pamoja African Alliance (PAA), Maendeleo Chap Chap Party (MCCP) and the Movement for Democracy and Growth (MDG) as part of a coalition that they have expressly distanced both themselves and their parties from. I am therefore persuaded that the 14 members and their parties are part of the Kenya Kwanza Coalition. This, in my view, would be fair and in accord with previous rulings by my predecessors on related matters.

3)THAT, With the 14 Members, the membership of the Kenya Kwanza Coalition stands at 179 Members while the membership of the Azimio La Umoja One Kenya Coalition Party stands at 157 Members. This, by implication, indicates that the Kenya Kwanza Coalition is the Majority Party and the Azimio La Umoja One Kenya Coalition Party is the Minority Party in this House. Entities entitled to appoint the Leader of the Majority Party

4)THAT, the Kenya Kwanza Coalition is entitled to appoint the Leader of the Majority Party while the Azimio La Umoja One Kenya Coalition Party is entitled to appoint the Leader of the Minority Party; Leadership of the Majority Party

5)THAT, with regard to the Majority Party—

(a)The Member for Kikuyu Constituency, the Hon. Kimani Ichung’wah is the Leader of the Majority Party;

(b)The Member for Kilifi North, the Hon. Owen Baya is the Deputy Leader of the Majority Party;(c)The Member for South Mugirango, the Hon. Silvanus Osoro is the Majority Party Whip; and

(d)The Member for Marsabit County, the Hon. Naomi Jillo Waqo is the Deputy Majority Whip.

Leadership of the Minority Party

6)THAT, with regard to the Minority Party—

(a)The Member for Ugunja, the Hon. Opiyo Wandayi is the Leader of the Minority Party;

(b)The Member for Kathiani, the Hon. Robert Mbui is the Deputy Leader of the Minority Party;

(c)The Member for Suna East, the Hon. Junet Mohamed is the Minority Party Whip; and

(d)Nominated Member, the Hon. Sabina Chege is the Deputy Minority Whip.

The letters from the Secretary General of Jubilee Party

7)THAT, our rules of procedure have placed a certain expectation on the manner of transmission of information relating to the leadership in the House. Only Members of this House can communicate with the Speaker on House leadership matters. In this regard, the letters from the Secretary General of Jubilee Party conveying the Party’s leadership to the Speaker fall short of the expectations of the House and will therefore not be considered any further.

Kenya: Farmers Party – Farmers Party Condemns Azimio Plan to Derail the Government (30.09.2022)