REDD+ Kasigau Corridor Project: Lacking results and with questionable affiliations!

There are a December 2016 report written by Jutta Kill and published in parts by the European Union. The name of the Report are: “The Kasigau Corridor REDD+ Project in Kenya: A crash dive for Althelia Climate Fund”. This report tells a worrying story of how a project is a possible revenue source, instead of being there for climate change use or even local development. This sort of project and funding should be used for sort of projected land titles that saves the forests or create land that the owners can earn on instead of destroying the land. Something most of the REDD+ funds and projects is about, making sure the forest and the agricultural lands are kept and saved by the use of funding from donors and project builders.

One of the first hard-hitting quotes from the report are: “In addition, several reports document how land use restrictions imposed by the Kasigau Corridor REDD+ project hit pastoralists and ethnic Taita and Duruma communities particularly hard while these groups receive very few if any of the benefits the REDD+ project provides to local communities” (Jutta Kill, P: 4, 2016).

So if there are donors who seems to be positive to projects and development projects that isn’t being there for the locals, than why are they offering the monies and using the time to facilitate the project in Kenya?

“The Taita Hills REDD+ Project in Kenya has been marketed by Althelia, the project developer Wildlife Works Carbon, institutional funders like the EIB and media supporting market-based environmentalism as the Fund’s signature investment. Wildlife Works Carbon has been operating the Kasigau Corridor REDD+ project in south-eastern Kenya since 2005” (Jutta Kill, P: 6, 2016). So with this in mind the Althelia has offered certain amount of money on the table, as this was the signature investment, even as it have no benefit for the local communities. The Althelia had done this: “For four of the projects, the Fund’s annual reports indicate that the investment is made in the form of loans whereas for the REDD+ project in Kenya, the 2015 audited financial report mentions an investment through an ‘Emission Reductions Purchase Agreement’ (ERPA). Four of the five projects are also covered by a US$133.8m loan guarantee that USAID has extended to the Althelia Climate Fund in 2014. As of 31 December 2015, investors had disbursed €18,36m of the €101m committed” (Jutta Kill, P: 5, 2016). So the development project are funded through loans that are guaranteed by the USAID, but extended into the Althelia Climate Fund, so the two are co-operating in the direct funding of the REDD+ Kenya. So they are rubber-stamping and giving faith to the projects.

“The ‘Stand for Trees’ Initiative, a brainchild of Wildlife Works and supported by USAID, has become an important source of revenue – some say, a lifeline – for many private sector REDD+ projects” (Jutta Kill, P: 17, 2016). So that the Wildlife Works that works inside this REDD+ project, that are using the funds from USAID and EIB, are complicating it more as the other revelations that should worry the ones who cares about the environment and accountability of ones running it: “The Kasigau Corridor REDD+ project’s financial lifeline came from the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector arm of the World Bank, and BHP Billiton, the mining company with a record of severe environmental damage and forced displacement of communities that stretches back decades and continues to this day” (Jutta Kill, P: 18. 2016). So why would a mining company cares about an environmental project in Kenya, unless they we’re earning funds and getting profits on the project?

You can really understand the issues of the IFC and BHP Biliton involvement, when the local communities gets no benefit or contributing to the projects.

So when you have the Althelia Climate Fund, which is funded with loans from the World Bank private corporation branch IFC and the USAID loans, together in corporation of BHP Bilition, as the REDD+ Project in Kenya is in works with both Wildlife Works, as the ‘Save the Tree’ brainchild. As this was the Althelia signature project. That there are problematic forces in play when the EIB are supporting the REDD+ projects as well, either directly through loans like USAID or like IFC. Therefore, the many actors are surely paying and donating favorable loans so the owners of the fund and the ones living of it makes this the lifeline for the Wildlife Works, even as this one doesn’t have the impact on local communities.

Just as one key observation:

“One of the most striking observations was how locally, people referred to Wildlife Works as “the company”. The reasons for this seemed twofold. For one part of “the community”, Wildlife Works is “the company” that instructs guards to confiscate cattle and goats; that prevents the poorest community members in the area from collecting even dry branches for firewood when “the company” itself runs a charcoal production business on the REDD+ project area; that puts up water tanks on residents’ land without even asking permission, let alone paying for the use of the land; that claims to dedicate initially 1/3 of carbon revenue sales to local community projects, but does so in a way that means benefits from these “community” projects are captured by local elites. For example, ranch shareholders who receive 1/3 of the revenue from the carbon credit sales might also sit on the “community development committees” that decide how the 50% of the profit from carbon credit sales” (Jutta Kill, P: 21, 2016).

Another insulting observation:

“A carbon offset provider offering carbon credits from the Kasigau Corridor REDD+ project writes on its website that “committees determine what projects to undertake, prioritizing them by need and feasibility. ‘So many people have problems with water, so water projects—water tanks, water pipelines—always come first,’ said Pascal Kizaka, a local chief and committee board member” (…) “Exploring the location of one of the “water pipelines” advertised as an activity of the Wildlife Works Carbon REDD+ project revealed that far from what was suggested by the large placard outside the building (a One Vision Center), it seemed that the Wildlife Works contribution to the “water pipelines” project had been just the guttering along the side of the building’s roof and piping to connect the gutters with a water tank constructed by others. People also commented about bore holes put in by “the company” that had never provided any water” (Jutta Kill, P: 23, 2016).

So the Company, the Wildlife Works are supposed to provide water and pipelines. Still, there aren’t any who has been provided with the water, even as the REDD+ Committee Board Member Pascal Kizaka claims, as the locals and community says otherwise. This together with the lacking proof of the help with carbon credit sales and the control of land. This whole development project seems sketchy and a lifeline for Wildlife Works instead of being there for the local Kenyan Communities. Therefore, the use of IFC and Althelia Climate Fund, seems like way of misusing Carbon Tax and Carbon trading, instead of developing the Kasigau project for the Taita and Duruma communities. That deserves better and also deserves that when people and organizations comes in that they does not earn on their misfortune, but actually comes with projects serving them. If not this is just a way of fraudulent development industry, that no republic deserves. Peace.

Dismantling the Ten-Point Program 2015 Edition – Uganda

This is my 2.0. It’s a 2015 Edition. I wrote a piece that I use a long time on and the books I had read to fit into prove how the Government of Uganda and the NRM-Regime had failed their marquee program. Their famous Ten-Point Program. I wrote a piece that I posted in 2014 with what we can call little older and scattered information. This here right now will be based on what has happen in 2015 and the situation right now economical and development that has happen in the recent year. The other one had far-far and old date material and reports. This here is fresh (for now) in two years’ time this here will also be old, but since this election season, I had to make regenerating this. Point by Point look that the situation and shortly discuss them. I know for the die-hard NRM and Musevenist. This is just pure hog-wash even if you can see the painting on the wall; you will still deflect the issues that are there. NRM-Regime has had the opportunity to make these changes and give Uganda and its citizens what it ought to have. What the opposition and civil society asks for and question the leadership; and regime about. Instead there are other reactions to this. But instead of me just writing small-talk let you read the findings.

Point 1: Restoration of Democracy:

The sole candidacy of YKM in the NRM proves that there are not democratic institutions YET; and the NRM Primaries have made Uganda famous for Pre-Ticket Ballot-Papers and stuffed ballot-boxes. Also with the sole candidates of Evelyn Anite and Sam Kutesa didn’t have competitors in their respectable voting districts these NRM primaries. So if you want to restore Democracy and you still lives by the possibilities of having election which is rigged and have single candidates, then it’s not really an election, but a sad exercise of necessity and not to get the once who supposed to represent the members of the NRM-Party. When the ruling party can’t act democratic and have free and fair elections, how can they make that happen in 2016? They still haven’t achieved this point. Proving this point that they haven’t achieved it is with the constantly detaining of opposition leaders and keeping them in house arrest, or even preventative arrests. Also using the POMA law to disorganize the Opposition parties and their campaigning while the UPF is steady on to destroy their work in the districts and fields. Throwing activists in jail without trial and letting them pay heavy bonds. This is not a look or proves that the system is still based on the NRM-Regime and their elite, even inner-party members has been jailed for supporting Amama Mbabazi instead of supporting Yoweri Museveni.

This point is not yet valid.

Point 2: Restoration of Security of all Persons in Uganda and their property

Reports today because a man supports wrong part of the NRM:
“Davis Akampurira lost his premolar tooth last night when he was beaten intensely after being kidnapped by “state operatives”. The reason given was that the buffoons had gathered intelligence of him being funded by Amama Mbabazi to fight the state and son of Minister Bright Rwamirama….Mwinempaka. We who sent Davis has told him to come independent” (Reported by Meta Moses, 02.11.2015).

The Fautima Zaina incident shows that the security of the people is not withhold in the country when the police manhandle her like they did. Also the Way the police carries themselves with tear-gas and shootings during the Western rallies of the FDC in October. And this has been thread that has kept going the entire calendar of 2015 and sure will happen until the election in February of 2016. So the security personnel and police is not securing peace for the people, but making fuzz and generating violence because the Opposition parties try to do their program in the country.

We have the all of sudden Police detaining Norman Thumuhimbise of the Jobless Brotherhood when he was taken by the police in the night in Kampala by the Flying Squad, without any court order or official paperwork just suddenly taken in August and after a few days he returned after family requests for his release.

Another example is also Vincent Kaggwa was taken by the Police in July this year and was released a few days later from an undisclosed location. He is one of the supporters of the Amama Mbabazi ticket at the time he was wearing a T-shirt with his name and face. Apparently the NRM Youth Leader had done enough to be detained and taken away with no court order for no reason at the time and released a few days later.

When it comes to the property it has been issues with that this year. The government has not withheld the level of trust between land and persons. One of this is the Palm Oil Plantation on the Island of Kalangala Land used for that purpose and to for the local farmers. The others main issues is the Amuru land grab in Apaa Village where the land is taken for hunting grounds and sold without the local agreement from central government. Also the Sugar Factory built by Kakira Sugar Works which is owned by the Madhvani Group who got allocation of 40, 000 hectares of land in the Western part of Amuru District.

This proves that in 2015 the security of all Ugandans is not yet there, especially if you’re not a part of the NRM-Regime or the NRM elite. Then you are free for all for the UPF and other organizations to take advantage of. Even NRM’s own can be taken and become felons because of their allegiance to somebody else than Museveni.

The land grabs proves that the property isn’t withhold to the people of the area, the bigness of the Kalangala and Amuru is massive, also with the government sale of land without consultation or consideration of the public and citizens, but seems that the only thing matters is the cash coming from corporations and investors from afar.

Another point that is also not valid.

Point 3: Consolidation of national unity and elimination of all sectarianism

Some historical background from the 1960:
“Britain’s goal in Uganda has been to establish a fully democratic parliamentary system which would fit the country for internal self-government in a short time. British Colonial Secretary Ian Macleod opened a new Legislative Council on Sept. 18, but the “parliament” was boycotted by Mutesa II, 34-year-old, Cambridge-educated Kabaka (king) of Buganda. Buganda has its own Lukiko (legislative council), which voted on Sept. 24 in favor of secession from Uganda. However, the Kabaka’s court has not yet approved the vote. Because the Kabaka’s government is by far the strongest political force in Uganda, it is in position to block development of a strong central government” (…)”A statement by Buganda authorities last Feb. 12 asserted that they had “always advocated a federal form of government for Uganda.” They distrusted the trend toward a “unitary form of government” which might endanger Buganda’s “traditional institutions.” The Kabaka, who is a god-king to 1.7 million of Uganda’s 5.8 million people, has been fighting a delaying action against changes which threaten to undermine his ancient feudal powers, Milton Obote, leader of the Uganda People’s Congress, most powerful of Uganda nationalist movements, has labeled the Kabaka’s court “reactionary.” (…)”Britain’s insistence that Uganda have a strong unitary government has given the Ankolo, Bunyoro and Toro tribes, as well as the Kabaka, an issue on which they are united—tribalism. Strong tribal allegiance and the resulting preference for federalism are not confined to Buganda. Tribal chiefs fear that the nationalist parties, such as Obote’s, will undermine their chiefdoms. But the smaller tribes are suspicious of the Kabaka and refuse to accept his leadership in any form” (Blumenfeld, 1960).

“The office of the Supreme Mufti has disassociated itself from what it has described as unprincipled call for unity by the leaders at Old Kampala. This is after the leadership of the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council organized a national unity prayer session slated for Friday at the Old Kampala mosque. However, the spokesperson of the Kibuli sect Sheikh Hassan Kirya has told journalists at a news conference held at Kibuli mosque that the spiritual status and integrity of the people behind this move is suspect especially with regard to their conduct towards fellow Muslims. Sheikh Kirya is instead asking that the council addresses the root cause of disunity” (Ageno, 2015).

Museveni said this to the Muslim community this year:
“Currently, Uganda’s life expectancy is 58 but the Sheikh has died at 83. Even at that age, he was still very strong, especially mentally. His death is a big blow to the Muslim community and his efforts to unite the Muslim community in Uganda” (…)”We have arrested many people who have been killing Muslim sheikhs and those who are still on the run shall be arrested” (…)”What divided us (Muslims) was lack of transparency in the custodianship of our property. But all we need is unity among Muslims” (Kafeero & Bwire, 2015).

Museveni said this year:
“Am glad that NRM is able to maintain peace supported by you people. The population of Uganda has gone up. I urge you to support and maintain this peace” (Statehouse, 2015).

““We used these venues to enlighten the people. Uganda had had the challenge of not knowing what to do within the political leadership,” adding that those ideological meetings took place in Bulambe and Kangave in Luwero district and at Bukatira in Nakaseke district.
Mr. Museveni who was accompanied by his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, noted that during the 1950s and 1960s, people were misled along sectarian considerations based mainly on religion and tribes. He was, however, pleased to remind the gathering that the country has now managed to foster stronger national unity because of the viable Government of the country. He used the occasion to introduce the Chairmen of the various organs that were in leadership during the struggle in the Luweero area. He also paid special tribute to Rev. Fr. Ssesanga who took the President’s mother from the area to Nairobi and ensured her security during the liberation war. Mr. Museveni paid tribute to his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, for looking after their children when he was actively engaged in the struggle. In the same vein, he thanked Mrs. Gertrude Njuba and Mrs. Olive Zizinga who took care of his meals at the critical time during the struggle” (Mediacentre, 2015).

And his NRM Party:
“Promotion of national unity and guarding against the resurgence of all forms of sectarianism. Implementing programs geared towards the socio-economic transformation of society, such as providing a healthy environment for industrialization and job creating through public and private investments. This is in line with the strategy of building an independent, integrated and self-sustaining national economy. However, the strategy is largely private sector led” (NRM, 2015).

The NRM has done more for the National Unity and has made an effort for the kingdoms to reconcile, even if there been issues like recent years like between the Baganda Kingdom and the Ankoli. Or the Bunyoro with their land and Tororo after the fall of Gadaffi which supposable gave less power to kingdom after this, then you have the fiefdom of Busoga which haven’t gotten much credit from the National Unity work. So the NRM has done something good here I got to confess, though I am sure that the Northerners feels left out after the institutions are stronger in Bunyoro, Baganda and Tororo, and not in Acholiland, Karamoja and so on. There are things to work on to continue to make a clear national Unity.

This one is a close achievement though the killings of Muslim clerics and the miss of certain areas of the country; half not passed and half verified point.

Point 4: Defense and Consolidation on National Independence

“The contractual fundamentals enshrined in the Ten-point Programme and promise of a fundamental change that was already exhibited in the discipline of the triumphant rag-tag NRA guerrilla fighters instilled an unprecedented sense of relief and confidence. Ugandans envisioned the end to state-orchestrated wanton murders; the end of the culture of political violence, torture, arbitrary arrests, the repressive modus operandi, and above all, the opportunity to freely elect and peacefully change their leadership. It was considered a dawn of a new era. The exceptions were the people of Northern Uganda region, where the defeated armies regrouped and waged an extended war led by Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony. Internationally, Museveni’s conversion to neo-liberalism earned him Western acclaim of a ‘unique visionary, charismatic leader’ and primus inter pares of the ‘new breed’ of African leaders (Oloka-Onyango 2004; Kjaer 2004)” (Asiimwe, 2014).

“The eventual opening of political space was a protracted process whose landmark was the November 2004 Constitutional Court ruling against some sections of the Political Parties and Organisations Act (PPOA). The Court pinpointed the unconstitutional infringement of some PPOA sections on fundamental civil and political rights, for instance, freedom of association and assembly. With the opening, new political parties emerged. The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), a merger of the Parliamentary anti-third term group (PAFO) and Dr Kiiza Besigye’s Reform Agenda that contested the 2001 presidential elections, was the most prominent of the new parties. Traditional parties like DP and UPC considered FDC as a credible and trusted party, and forged a common working relationship with it under the G6 framework. Establishment of grassroots networks and infrastructure was not smooth for parties like the FDC. The NRM had an elaborate village to District level Local Council system that combined administrative functions with championing grassroots Movement interests. This was overseen by political appointees like Chief Administration Officials (CAO), security operatives and Movement cadres. Additionally, the police served the establishment, and para-military units like the Kalangala Action Plan were reminiscent of the old-time UPC’s National Security Agency (NASA). This elaborate apparatus aimed at weakening competing political parties through a combination of indirect and direct strategies like co-option, harassment, sabotage, repression or even elimination. Claims of sabotage were made, for instance, in Gulu, Hoima, Masindi and Kisoro (The New Vision 9 August 2005; The New Vision 27 June 2005; The New Vision 18 July 2005)” (Asiimwe, 2014).

The lands are peaceful but the oppression is making it less of peace as seen how they goes against the Opposition leaders and their parties. So there are issues that does destruct the picture of what the NRM-Regime really has done, because their hinges to power now destroy what they have built while trying to underscore their competitors in the political landscape.

This point is half made and half not.

Point 5: Laying a basis for building: an independent, integrated, self-sustaining national economy.
Economic levels:

From FY2006/2007 it was Domestic Debt and Outstanding(DoD) was US$1.47 billion. And in FY 2013/2014 had risen to US$4.3 billion (MTDS, P: 13, 2015).

Government expenditure is on an average to be 20.9% of the GDP for the FY 2014/2015. In the 2015/2016 it is 21.7% of the GDP. The main expenditure for the budget is the infrastructure projects like the upgrading of Entebbe International Airport, Hydro Power projects and Albertine Regional Airport. The total cost for the projects is US$7.0 Billion. There is set to be 5% target for the inflation rate and the exchange rate is set for 12.1% in FY 2015/2016 and average for 2.4% the rest of the years for the medium term (MTDS P: 17-18).

That the total debt-to-GDP from the current level of 28.6% by the end of June 2014, if the end of the time it might end up with 50% level by 2020. This is because of substantial projected increases the fiscal deficit. With the worst strategy the interest rate can go from 1.4% in June 2014 to become 4% in 2020 (MTDS, P: 24, 2015).

Point 5 is not valid. The scary numbers are the reason why!

Point 6: Restoration and improvement of social services and rehabilitation of the war-ravaged areas

(Republic of Uganda May 2015).
They have started and even officially started to loan money for the restoration together with the major national programmes like National Development Program II and Vision 2040.

So this point is not valid!

Point 7: Elimination of all forms of corruption in public life

Here are a few cases from the recent year that proves that elimination is far from the surface and eliminated with corruption in the public life. There is so many cases but here is a few!

Mukono-Katosi Road Scandal:
“A significant amount of evidence supports the view that the incidence of grand corruption in Uganda has increased over recent years. Recent cases involving the embezzlement of public funds suggest the effectiveness of state institutions in monitoring government programs is limited. Recent examples of cases of grand corruption include the fraudulent procurement of a contractor for the Mukono-Katosi road and subsequent advancement of UGX 24 billion to nonexistent contractor to kick-start the road construction in 2014; of UGX 205 billion through the national identity card system scam in 2011; and of UGX 58 billion lost in the OPM in 2012, among others” (Inspectorate of Government P: 33, 2014).

MTN-Uganda:
“The Anti-Corruption Court yesterday convicted six MTN staff after they were found guilty of illegally gaining access to the mobile money system and wired cash amounting to more than Shs3 billion to various money agent lines that they shared thereafter” (PCTech Magazine, 2015).

UWA:
“In November 2014, five officials of the Uganda Wildlife Authority were suspended after almost 1.5 tons of ivory worth more than $1 million vanished from a government store room. In response, the minister for tourism suspended the Uganda Wildlife Authority’s executive director, Andrew Seguya. But he returned to office just a few months later” (Athumani, 2015).

UNRA:
“A Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) official was last Friday quizzed over billions of shillings on his personal account, yet his official salary was only Shs5m a month” (Kasozi, 2015).

Recent in Kampala:
“The last time men posing as immigration officials showed up at Wei Kun’s shoe store in the Ugandan capital of Kampala, the Chinese trader forked out $1,000 in bribes to prevent his business from being shuttered” (…)”Perspective traders must provide evidence of $100,000 in planned investment, language skills and obtain the necessary trade licenses _ or pay off the right people” (Canadian Press, 2015)

This point is far of chart that I have to say it super-un-valid!

Point 8: Settling the peasants that have been rendered landless by erroneous “development” projects or outright theft of their land through corruption.

Check again the Point number 2 since the answer is there on the land grabs and the issues it has, especially with the situation in Amuru and Adjumani districts with the allocation of land for Sugar Works Factory and hunting grounds in Apaa Village. Also with the land grab for the development project or building the Palm Oil plantations on Kalangala Island. The issue in Northern Uganda ends also up with those staying in the camps that Internally Displaced Persons are not getting a piece of land to settle down and get a livelihood after the long trial with droughts and wars in the area.

This one is too damn easy, not valid before the IDPs get a piece of land and not business men getting giant plots for their business and pleasure. As the Government of Uganda has to fix the issues of giving their citizens their land and plots; and also finding the place for development, but there is also the issue of listening to the Local Councils, Chief’s and MPs to find a significant way of doing it, instead of shuffling over them.

Not Valid!

Point 9: Encouraging co-operation with other African countries and defending the human and democratic rights of our long-suffering African brothers

In the recent year the UPDF the Ugandan army has been in the South Sudan, Central African Republic and Somalia. In the Central African Republic they are still hunting for the LRA on mandate from the UN and the same with the Army troops in Somalia in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

The one in South Sudan:
“John Ken-Lukyamuzi, who is the leader of the opposition Conservative Party in the national parliament, further said the deployment of the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in South Sudan was a violation of international law” (…)”The lawmaker further said there was no evidence indicating the official invitation of UPDF by South Sudan president Salva Kiir, saying president Museveni failed to provide the invitation letter to parliament when inquired to produce it. However, Uganda government on many occasions alleged that its troops were invited by president Salva Kiir (Sudan Tribue, 2015).

Medics abroad:
“Uganda plans to send more than 240 of its health workers to the Caribbean despite criticism and the threat of an aid cut” (…)”Officials have said the scheme is merely part of Uganda’s bilateral cooperation with Trinidad and Tobago, from which Uganda has also benefited – with aid such as oil and gas industry training and financial support for its police” (Al Jazeera, 2015).

Ugandan-Saudi Agreement:
“HUMAN rights activists from various civil society organisations have refuted the recently signed labour agreement between Uganda and Saudi Arabia to employ graduates as domestic workers, arguing that it is modern day slavery” (…)”“The government does not seem to be bothered about where these people are going to work, but rather to let go of them,” Ndifuna said” (Muhindo, 2015).
The military does certainly something positive abroad if they follow the international mandates from African Union and United Nations, but the ones they went in to without a mandate that was in South Sudan. In the midst of the year with the turmoil and demonstrations towards the third term in Burundi became part of the mediation team between CNDD-FDD and the opposition. The opposition felt that the NRM-Regime and their men had a loyalty to their friends in the government and not discuss in the matter towards a gentle agreement between the parts.

So parts of this point they actually do well, with the armies for the mandates, but the none mandates and how they have agreements to send people to other countries to earn quick money and not secure themselves. So it doesn’t seem they do it for generating Human Rights or Democratic values, more to gain money for the government.

Half Point is cleared and half point is not.

Point 10: Following an economic strategy of a mixed economy – I.E. Use of state and private sector as well as cooperatives in the development process

“Given the scale of investments required under NDPII, there is need to have close cooperation between the public and private sectors in form of public-private sector partnerships (PPP)” (…) “Government has already embarked on promoting and encouraging PPP in various forms for the smooth implementation of NDPII. Legislation towards formulating laws for PPPs is also in advanced stages. The forms that PPPs usually take include joint ventures between the Government and private sector entity/ies where both may contribute financial resources, Build, Operate and Transfer (BOT), Build, Own, Operate and Transfer (BOOT), Build, Own and Operate (BOO) and Concessions” (P: 153).

““The Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) is the implementing agency for the planned KAMPALA JINJA TOLL EXPRESSWAY. It will link the capital with the important industrial area of Jinja. Past plans have been for four to six lanes for the 77-kilometre road. Cost estimates have also varied from USD 700 million to USD 1 billion. There are reports that the ministry of transport will be floating a USD 1 billion Public-Private-Partnership (PPP) tender and that the International Finance Corporation (IFC) will be the lead financial adviser. Construction could commence in 2015 with commissioning in 2020. COMESA has declared it to be a priority Project that is an important component of the Mombasa-Kampala – Kigali northern corridor” (APA, 2014).

“Uganda Registration services Bureau (URSB) has today entered into an MoU with National Social Security Fund (NSSF) to enable information/data sharing on companies registered with URSB and bio-data for NSSF members” (…)”The Partnership with NSSF isn’t the first for URSB, because earlier partnerships have already bore fruits. Together with KCCA and URA, URSB is running a TREP project, which has seen the organization register many business names in Kampala, and has now devised plans to roll out to the countryside beyond Kampala” (…)”Other Partnerships with UIA and Posta Uganda have seen URSB centers housed within the two institutions, a move that has eventually reduced congestion at the URSB head office and also saved peoples’ time and costs on transport to reach the URSB head office for registration services” (Minbane, 2015).

They have achieved this one, but at a price of exhilarating the prices for public building by having the Public-Private Partnerships which leads to higher levels, MoUs and contracts from constructions companies and the Government of Uganda.

This here is a valid point.

Afterthought:

Point 1: Not Valid.
Point 2: Not Valid.
Point 3: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 4: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 5: Not Valid.
Point 6: Not Valid.
Point 7: Not Valid.
Point 8: Not Valid.
Point 9: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 10: Valid Point.

Totally 2, 5 Points out of 10 in 29 years is not impressed! There is always easy to write visions, talk about wish to develop the organizations and country. NRM-Regime has had the time to build and rebuild the country. The NRM-Regime have had opportunities to deal with this program and achieve it, instead they have lost focus and turned into a crony elite who self-serves instead of serving the citizens. That is supposed to vital to any government to give services and reforms to build society to a better place. NRM-Regime has gone away from their core-principals. Therefore you can easily see that they haven’t tried hard to fulfil their Ten-Point Program. Peace!

PS: If this isn’t enough for you?

Read my old one:

Dismantling the Ten Point Program – (05.05.2014)

Reference:
Ageno, Catherine – ‘Supreme Mufti Kayongo rejects “Unity” Prayers’ (27.01.2015) link: http://kfm.co.ug/news/supreme-mufti-kayongo-rejects-unity-prayers.html

Africa Project Access (APA) – ‘Africa Project Newsletter: Issue 234’ (Nov. 2014) link: https://www.wko.at/Content.Node/service/aussenwirtschaft/NEWSLETTER-234-November-2014.pdf

Al Jazeera – ‘Uganda to send medics abroad despite aid-cut threat’ (16.03.2015) link: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/03/uganda-send-medics-aid-cut-threat-150316125448282.html

Asiimwe, Godfrey B –‘Of Fundamental Change and No Change: Pitfalls of Constitutionalism and Political Transformation in Uganda, 1995-2005 – Article in the Africa Development, Vol. XXXIX, No. 2, 2014, pp. 21 – 46 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2014 (ISSN 0850-3907)

Athumani, Halima – ‘Corruption worsens an already devastating illegal wildlife trade in Uganda’ (10.07.2015) link: http://www.pri.org/stories/2015-07-10/corruption-worsens-already-devastating-illegal-wildlife-trade-uganda

Blumenfeld, F. (1960). Tribalism and nationalism in Africa. Editorial research reports 1960 (Vol. II). Washington, DC: CQ Press. Retrieved from http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/cqresrre1960110200

Canadian Press – ‘Despite bribery and corruption Chinese retailers grow in Uganda’ (23.06.2015) link: http://www.stockhouse.com/news/newswire/2015/06/23/despite-bribery-and-corruption-chinese-retailers-grow-uganda#M7hQi3pkd1JUhqeC.99

Kafeero, Stephen & Bwire, John – ‘Museveni calls for Muslim unity’ (18.04.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Museveni–calls–Muslim–unity/-/688334/2689182/-/y2hs43/-/index.html

Kasozi, Ephrahaim – ‘UNRA official quizzed over Shs1b on personal account’ (02.11.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/UNRA-official-quizzed-over-Shs1b-on-personal-account/-/688334/2938914/-/xrpcno/-/index.html

Mediacentre – ‘President Commends Fighters’ Role During the 5-year Liberation Struggle’ (08.02.2015) link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/press-release/president-commends-fighters%E2%80%99-role-during-5-year-liberation-struggle#sthash.HaQo8OZK.dpuf

Minbane – ‘Press Release on signing of a MOU between the URSB and NSSF (28.08.2015) link: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2015/08/29/press-release-on-signing-of-a-mou-between-the-ursb-and-nssf-28-08-2015/

Muhindo, Clare – ‘Human rights activists contest Uganda-Saudi labour pact’ (14.07.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/670932-human-rights-activists-contest-uganda-saudi-labour-pact.html

NRM – ‘NRM Mission is to transform Uganda into a Modern Prosperous society’ (02.10.2015) link: https://www.nrm.ug/media/nrm-mission-transform-uganda-modern-prosperous-society

Inspectorate of Government (IG) & Economic Policy Research Center (EPRC): Tracking Corruption Trends in Uganda – Using data tracking mechanism – Annual Fourth Report 2014.

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KJE (Kampala-Jinja expressway): As expensive as it could be or more

Kampala-Jinja Expressway KJE) the PPP road project that cost the double in 2 Years time:

Today UNRA put out a tender for the KJE or Kampala – Jinja Expressway. That will be a Public-Private Partnership, which means that the government project will be financially funding through the investors that will get back on their investment through the tolling of the commuters and traffic on the road after building the project/road. UNRA has the official follow-up of the KJE and will oversee that the company or companies that they keeps up with the set standards. Though it worrying to see how the numbers has gone up for the project from $ 0,5USD Billion in 2013 to Ministry of Transport set the contract for $ 1USD Billion on the same project. Here is the main quotes from different sources and I myself wonder if this in the re-up for a similar “Project 1034: Mukono-Katosi Road Scandal” with Corruption and also bad practices with financial issues since they did not follow “due diligence” on the contracts on that. But let’s hope, here is what that is out there now.

IMF reports in 2013 saying that the cost of the project would be $ 0,5USD Billions, that funding aren’t made with government money, but through PPP funding. This is all a part of the main issues which is this: “An additional investment of $200 million on the needed connectivity (e.g. roads, bridges) for the start of oil production in 2018 is also anticipated” (…)”Roads. The program mainly includes construction of roads linking Kampala with Jinja and with Mpigi, expected to start in FY2013/14 and be completed in five years at a cost of about $500 million each”  (IMF, 2013).

“According to the Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) spokesperson Dan Alinange, the government has hired the World Bank’s International Finance (IFC) as advisor to help in the tender process” (…)”The six-lane, 77km Kampala-Jinja road will be the first PPP road project in Uganda and the second toll road in the country after the $470m Kampala-Entebbe road that is currently under construction” (…)”Alinange added: “We want to reduce congestion on this corridor for Uganda. We are aware there is enormous appetite for this sort of project and that’s what gave us confidence to structure Jinja-Kampala as a PPP” (RTT, 2014).

“The project involves the development of a six-lane 77-km road project. The project aims to improve road infrastructure in Uganda, improve road safety and facilitate trade and tourism. The project will be developed on a design, build, finance and operation (DBFO) basis. The total project investment is estimated at around US$1 billion” (Martin, 2014).

“One of the roads is the Kampala-Jinja expressway estimated at about $800m (about sh2.13 trillion). The new road will help decongest the old Kampala-Jinja road that forms part of the Trans-African highway” (…)”Construction of the 80km state-of-the-art road is expected to commence in 2015. About sh200b has been earmarked for compensation of the affected people” (…)Eng. David Luyimbazi said: “The investor will recover the money through charging a toll fee from road users over a 20- 25-year concessional period.” (Ogwang).

Background from the WB:

“In 2011, PPIAF provided follow-up support to identify and prioritize potential PPP projects. Ten priority projects were identified, including the Kampala-Jinja road, which is now under implementation with the International Finance Corporation (IFC) appointed as the transaction advisor” (…)”In May 2014, IFC’s Advisory Services in PPPs signed an advisory agreement with the GOU, through the UNRA, to develop a 77 km greenfield expressway between Kampala and Jinja” (World Bank, 2015).

More from PPIAF:

“One of the priority projects – Kampala-Jinja – road is now under implementation with IFC appointed as the transaction advisor. PPIAF recently approved a grant in partnership with Trademark EA (TMEA) and IFC to support two main tasks: the development of a tolling policy and an investment appraisal guidance tool, and strengthening the Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA’s) capacity to implement PPP projects” (…)“In May 2014, IFC’s Advisory Services in PPPs signed an advisory agreement with the GOU, through the UNRA, to develop a 77 km greenfi eld expressway between Kampala and Jinja with a possible extension to include the 17 km Kampala Southern Bypass. Together with the existing Kampala Northern Bypass the expressway would form a ring road around Kampala City. The project, with an estimated capital cost of $1 billion, will seek a concessionaire to design, build, fi nance, and operate the road as a tolled facility” (PPIAF, 2014).

KJE:

“The project involves the construction of a green field dual carriageway expressway between Kampala and Jinja. The road extends from the boundary of the jurisdiction of the Kampala Capital City Authority (approximately 3 km from the city centre) to Jinja town tying in with the proposed New Nile Bridge. Consequently the nominal length of the project road is about 77km. The existing road, which will remain as a free alternative is a class 1 asphalt paved road in a fairly good condition” (UNRA, 2014).

“The Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) is the implementing agency for the planned KAMPALA JINJA TOLL EXPRESSWAY. It will link the capital with the important industrial area of Jinja. Past plans have been for four to six lanes for the 77-kilometre road. Cost estimates have also varied from USD 700 million to USD 1 billion. There are reports that the ministry of transport will be floating a USD 1 billion Public-Private-Partnership (PPP) tender and that the International Finance Corporation (IFC) will be the lead financial adviser. Construction could commence in 2015 with commissioning in 2020. COMESA has declared it to be a priority Project that is an important component of the Mombasa-Kampala – Kigali northern corridor” (APA, 2014).

“Progress on Capacity improvement projects around Kampala:

Kampala – Jinja Express Highway (Funded under PPP), 77km, Detailed Engineering design completed Construction will be financed under PPP. Transactions Advisor (International Finance Cooperation) is assisting in structuring the project into a bankable PPP Project. Tendering for financing and implementation is expected in May 2015″ (UNRA, 2015).

Here is the tender dropped from UNRA today:

Also this:

Reference:

Africa Project Access (APA) – ‘Africa Project Newsletter: Issue 234’ (Nov. 2014) link: https://www.wko.at/Content.Node/service/aussenwirtschaft/NEWSLETTER-234-November-2014.pdf

Martin, Miguel – ‘MegaProject 334: Uganda to tender Kampala – Jinja Expressway next year’ (17.10.2014) link: http://infrapppworld.com/2014/10/megaproject-334-uganda-to-tender-kampala-jinja-expressway-next-year.html

IMF – ‘IMF Country Report No. 13/375: UGANDA FIRST REVIEW UNDER THE POLICY SUPPORT INSTRUMENT’ (Des. 2013) link: https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2013/cr13375.pdf

RoadTrafficTechnology – ‘Uganda plans to float $1bn PPP tender for Kampala-Jinja road in 2015’ (17.10.2014) link: http://www.roadtraffic-technology.com/news/newsuganda-plans-to-float-1bn-ppp-tender-for-kampala-jinja-road-in-2015-4409054

Ogwang, Joel – ‘Govt joins World Bank to build $1.5b road projects’ link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/mobile/Detail.aspx?NewsID=641587&CatID=3

PPIAF – ‘PPIAF Supports Uganda’s Roads PPP Program’ (July 2014) link: http://www.ppiaf.org/sites/ppiaf.org/files/publication/Impact-Story-Uganda-Roads.pdf

UNRA – ‘Investor Teaser June 2014: Design, Build, Finance & Operate: Kampala Jinja Expressway (77km) & Kampala Southern Bypass (17km)’ (June, 2014) link: http://www.inspiratia.com/Content/Files/View.ashx?FileID=cb5ec032-d0e6-4218-a24e-c248fd2c6d19

UNRA – ‘ROAD INFRASTRUCTURE KEY TO DEVELOPMENT’ (2015) link: http://www.eagle.co.ug/ads/UNRA2015.pdf

World Bank – ‘Partnering to Support Uganda’s Roads PPP Program’ (25.09.2015) link: http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2014/09/25/partnering-to-support-ugandas-roads-ppp-program