Ethiopia: State of Emergency update with a newly issued Internet shutdown!

The State of Emergency that was issued last year October 2016 is still in effect in Ethiopia. Today isn’t the first day of this. This effort from the state has lasted for 7 months and 22 days. Total days by count is 234 days. So the State has really hold control for long.

The stat has used the Agazi squad, which is a part of the army in the regions of Amhara and Oromia provinces. Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the Ruling regime of the Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn have put harsh rules and regulations during the ‘State of Emergency’. It is not like the EPRDF are honorable, they are detaining opposition for treason and harsh charges in kangaroo courts. They are monitoring all opposition and have put thousands into jail during the recent months. Even killed in the provinces mentioned. As they are trying to silence the oppressed in Amhara and Oromia.

Sources in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa told Quartz the internet was reinstutted on Wednesday morning after more than a 12-hour shutdown. Others, however, said that the connection was still being interrupted, and was going on and off. “No connection at all. Everything was blocked,” Biniam Alemayehu said. Alemayehu told Quartz that his 4G phone connection didn’t start working until 9.30 am” (Quartz, 01.06.2017).

Therefore, the total Internet Ban released today isn’t shocking, it is the continuation of violations of human right’s, liberty and freedom of expression. There are only allowed to say and do as the Central Government orders. The rest is silenced or blocked. Just like radio-channel and TV-Stations has been either blocked or censored by the government. Not like the government in Ethiopia now are caring about expression or even other views to their rule. Therefore, are bloggers, human-rights activists and others are behind bars.

Just like the sentence on 24th May:

Today, 4th bench of Federal High Court, has passed “guilty” verdict against journalist Getachew Shiferaw, editor in chief of Negere Ethiopia, according to criminal code article 257/A and 257/D. He was primarily charged with article 7/1 of ATP but downgraded to criminal code, which is “inciting violence”. While reading the verdict, the judges underlined that Getachew, in his private Facebook conversation, said «‘Abebeism’ [to intervene while authorities are publicly speaking] is a good strategy. Every authority who oppresses citizens must know that their honor can be undermined similarly.» This, said the judges, is endorsing what journalist Abebe Gellaw – who was convicted in absentia of violating the infamous ‘ATP’ – has done against the late PM Meles. Even though Getachew has not done ‘this endorsement’ in public nor has tried to do it himself, the judges believed he might do the same “if he gets the chance” and said this might interrupt officials to do their regular jobs.”

In Amhara State an armed opposition group named Patriotic Ginbot 7 are gaining traction in Southern Gondar areas, where the armed rebel group is reacting to the massacres from the state. In Oromia there are still horror stories of the oppressive state. The ones believing that the Ethiopian state are stopping the Internet connectivity because of Exams are naive. They are so naive that they would celebrate the State of Emergency, as the states of Ethiopia where having peaceful demonstrations, but the EPRDF or TPLF couldn’t handle the people’s uprising.

Like the Story of Denebo Wario:

It was exactly a year toady that obbo Dekeba Wario, my father was abducted by heavily armed soldiers of the terrorist regime in the Horn of Africa. My mother, my siblings, and extended family members and friends wouldn’t know for a few weeks where he was kept. Little sister of mine who was worried and painfully missing her dad took it to her facebook account to breath her feelings of frustration saying ” I love you, dad”. This caused the regime’s soldiers (more than 40 armed men and women in uniform) to raid my parents’ home in Shashemene district of the South Central Oromia. My sister (under 18 years of age) and my mother who had already been in pain of not knowing dad’s whereabouts ended up receiving the notoriously known brutal and inhumane treatments from the solicitors who had arrived with the usual motive of terrorising the entire town- to teach every one in the village a lesson. By God’s grace, both my sister and mum have survived but with severe mental and physical injuries, experiences reflective of millions of Oromo parents and children. Weeks later dad was found to have been kept at the MAIKELAWI jail, facility used by the terrorist regime to torture people allegedly linked with opposition parties, civil societies, and human rights. The soldiers charged dad with involvement in the Oromo Liberation Front, an opposition political organisation that every Oromo, according to Meles Zenawi( leader of the Ethiopia’s terrorist regime deceased few years ago) identifies with. He was brought to the “Federal Supreme Court” whose judge ruled out (unusually) that dad should be released on bail, a kangaroo court’s decision unsurprisingly ignored by the soldiers. Ever since, dad has been languishing in jail alongside, of course, with hundreds of thousands of other Oromo men and women of similar background. In spite of all these, my mother, siblings, and all family members have remained resilient, by the grace of God. My father who has spent most of his life going into and out of prison because of his believe in democracy, human rights as well as the rule of law, and escaped death with narrow gaps on several occasions is miraculously still alive. He may even stay alive long enough to see prevalence of freedom over repression in Oromia, the nation he dearly loves. Thanks to our Waaqa, the almighty God” (Denebo Wario, 31.05.2017).

This is enough for now, as the story itself is dire. The situation in Ethiopia isn’t what it should be, instead it is oppression of the citizens. The State of Emergency has now lasted for over 7 months and more people are detained. The critics are getting arrested, harassed or killed. The State doesn’t care about the citizens, therefore they can easily use the army and the police to oppress. They tries to control it, but are instead creating more violent demonstrations and more violent groups working against the government. As they have to react to the oppressive behavior. Therefore, the strengthening of the Patriotic Ginabot 7 in Amhara. This wouldn’t be there if they listed to the demonstrations from Oromia and Amhara in 2016 that was peaceful, but the state silenced with merciless force. Peace.

South Sudan: Resolution Arising from Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) Mediation Meeting Held at State House Entebbe (26.05.2017)

[The Arms supplier to SPLA] President Museveni are involved in developing a work-plan for peace in South Sudan!

Entebbe State House 26. May 2017

There are something very wrong when an arms supplier of two decades like President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, are involved in the mediation and peace negotiation in South Sudan. Even if President Salva Kiir Mayardit are wanting him. They have had a longstanding relationship, which is the proof of the arms trade and helping each with armies when needed be. Therefore the impartiality with having Museveni isn’t there. Museveni will secure Kiir and his fraction as that pays him in the long-run and not necessary the best for South Sudan. Just take a look!

On the 26th May at the State House:

Chaired a meeting of three different South Sudanese factions, seeking to reunite the South Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. The meeting at State House, Entebbe was attended by representatives of the SPLM in government, SPLM in opposition and former detainees. This followed a request by His Excellency Salva Kiir that I help in the mediation process. The meeting agreed to establish a working committee that will develop a workplan on implementation of the Arusha Accord, end the war and plan for peace. The meeting tasked as me as mediator, and new chair of the East African Community to determine time and venue for the next meeting, which I will do” (Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, 26.05.2017).

The relationship between Museveni and the conflict in South Sudan, can go back in to old libraries like the report from the Independent paper in the United Kingdom:

The Nigerian-owned Boeing cargo plane was forced to land at Larnaca on Tuesday during a flight from from Tel Aviv to Entebbe in Uganda. According to the Cypriot civil aviation authorities, it was carrying weapons to Uganda. A senior Ugandan official said yesterday it was the first his government knew of the consignment, and there is speculation that the weapons may be destined for the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, struggling for survival in southern Sudan” (…) “The Sudanese government seems to regard Uganda as a supplier of the SPLA. Reliable sources in the area say Khartoum has been supplying dissidents elements in Uganda who have mounted random attacks near Sudanese refugee camps in northern Uganda” (Dowden, 1994). So Museveni has supplied the SPLA weapons for over 20 years and the recent reports show similar activity with Ukraine plane and pilot, instead of being a Nigerian one like the old report. Therefore, with the history of supplying weapons and ammunition to the SPLA. There isn’t like Museveni has chosen side in the conflict. The National Dialogue, which isn’t allowing Dr. Riek Machar and therefore excluding the real SPLM-IO, as well as the newly forged rebel-groups. Which is either dissidents of the SPLM-IO or the SPLM/A in the recent year.

So with the sanctions of who is taking part of the National Dialogue, it will not be sincere, since all of the parties are not involved. The rebels and their leaders are not in communication with the government. Therefore, President Kiir has an ally in the negotiation instead of mediator without any inside agreements. That means that President Museveni will be on the side of Kiir and not on a genuine peace-talks.

Like the interview of SMC in mid-May:

Q. What about IGAD efforts now in South Sudan?

A. For the South Sudan crisis the IGAD was also supported by the international community. In fact the agreement is ‘IGAD-plus agreement’. The IGAD on the one hand and on the other hand, the members of the international community including the TROIKA and a number of other countries were involved in bringing the government of South Sudan and the SPLA together in agreement. So on the ground there is an extensive understanding and cooperation between the IGAD and the international community” (SMC, 2017).

So even if it is a ceasefire now, the attacks and skirmishes still happens in different states. The situation is still dire and my faith in the National Dialogue isn’t there. As the IGAD-Plus Agreement haven’t been respected, by neither party. As the turmoil and crisis is in the matter of the current leadership. Both from the rebels and also from the central government.

With all this in mind, what will be President Museveni motives to make a work-plan for the mediation and implementation of the Arusha Accord. Will it be to generate a real peace or for the help of his friend in troubling time. With the knowledge of the connection between Ugandan Army and the SPLA, Museveni is more important to keep Kiir as an ally, than generate a real peace. The National Dialogue is flawed and it doesn’t help that you have a partial motivated leader like Museveni helping out. It is not to give the mediation any credibility. Since the weapon-brother and the ammunition supplier of the SPLA would not be sincere in wishing peace. He has made sure that President Kiir could battle his enemies and had enough bullets to silence them.

I never had faith in Museveni to deal with this, might the rest of the world do, but then they are naive and not thinking of the implications of selling guns and than discussing peace afterwards. It doesn’t seem to be real and fit. Like a beer producers are promoting careful drinking is insincere as they are in the business of trading the brew and not safety. Peace.

Reference:

Dowden, Richard – ‘Israeli weapons ‘bound for rebels’ in southern Sudan: Arms may be destined for SPLA fight against Khartoum’ (19.03.2017) link: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/israeli-weapons-bound-for-rebels-in-southern-sudan-arms-may-be-destined-for-spla-fight-against-1430077.html

The Sudanese Media Center (SMC) – ‘Interview: IGAD Special Envoy in Khartoum Lissane Yohannes’ (15.05.2017) link: http://smc.sd/en/interview-igad-special-envoy-khartoum-lissane-yohannes/

Ethiopia: Food insecurity intensifies despite late Gu and Belg season rainfall (24.05.2017)

Key Messages

  • Despite enhanced rainfall at the end of April into early May over many areas of Ethiopia, food security outcomes are still expected to deteriorate, particularly in southern and southeastern pastoral areas due to the late start, erratic, and below-average Gu/Genna rains. In portions of Somali Region, the accelerated loss of livestock has significantly expanded food consumption gaps, and Emergency (IPC Phase 4) outcomes are likely in the absence of sustained assistance during June to September. In lowland areas of SNNPR along the Rift Valley and in East and West Hararghe, southern Tigray, and portions of northern Amhara, projected outcomes are expected to move from Stressed (IPC Phase 2) to Crisis (IPC Phase 3), beginning in June, due to low household purchasing power and a lack of confirmed humanitarian assistance.
  • Late Gu/Genna season rainfall has partially rejuvenated water points for both livestock and human consumption across some woredas of Somali Region, and improved water availability has been reported in Borena and Guji zones of Oromia and South Omo in southern SNNPR. However, the rainfall has not continued into mid-May, and the short-term forecast indicates only moderate rainfall as the season concludes. The current marginal improvements in pasture and water are likely to be depleted by early June, which will mean rangeland resources will rapidly decline, and subsequently livestock body conditions and productivity, until the Deyr/Hageya season in October.
  • Over most Belg-producing areas of the country, extended dry spells through much of April suppressed the growth of Belg crops as well as Meher long-cycle crops. As a result, even if the Belg rains continue through the end of May, lower yields are likely for maize crops in particular, especially in lowland areas of SNNPR along the Rift Valley. Due to late planting, the green and dry Belg maize harvest in SNNPR is likely to be delayed by more than two months. Poor households are already experiencing constrained food access as they are highly market dependent during the peak of the lean season. Staple food prices, especially for maize, remain atypically higher.
  • The 2017 HRD initially estimated that 5.6 million people needed humanitarian assistance through June 2017, but the National Disaster Risk Management Commission (NDRMC) has revised higher the number to 7.81 million. In addition, the NDRMC has projected that in Belg-dependent areas, additional PSNP beneficiaries past the traditional six-month period of transfers will need extended support. The NDRMC, JEOP, and WFP completed the first two distribution rounds, and the third round is underway. However, there are logistical constraints that might impede timely distributions.

Ethiopia: Translated Criminal Charges during the State of Emergency!

Communiqué of the Consultative Meeting of IGAD Member States on the Current Drought Situation in the Region (31.03.2017)

Ethiopian State of Emergency continues!

As of 29. March 2017 the continued State of Emergency from 2016 continues, as the oppression and military enterprise into Amhara and Oromia continues. The speed of this proves the neglect and little care for the civilians, as the military, Agazi squad and other battalions has been stationed in the provinces that clearly are tired of the rulers and their regime in Addis Ababa.

As stated in Parliament in Addis on the 29th March:

“Ethiopia’s House of Peoples’ Representatives voted to extend the State of Emergency by four months on Wednesday (March 29), passing a bill entitled “State of Emergency Proclamation for the Maintenance of Public Peace and Security Renewal” (…) “This extends the proclamation decreed in October last year. The Minister of Defense and Secretary of the Command Post responsible for enforcing the State of Emergency, Siraj Fegessa, told Parliament that the Command Post, chaired by Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, wanted to see the emergency decree extended to reinforce “the peace and stability which has been gained since Parliament declared the State of the Emergency” (…) “The State of Emergency has been amended twice since October, with the lifting of the curfews imposed on areas close to industrial sites and major development projects. More recently, it has also ended the arrest of suspects without court warrants, and lifted travel restrictions for diplomats” (…) “The vote this week follows the Prime Minister’s statement to Parliament two weeks ago that “the majority of people surveyed by the government wanted to see the emergency law extended.” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ethiopia, 31.03.2017).

So even if this is a softer ban and less limiting of the public will and public opinion, still the clear picture is that the dissidents of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), will certainly get into arrests, detained or even taken away. The amount of citizens arrested during the period has amounted to 20,000 by some estimation. That is the size of decent town put into camps to silence their disobedient selves.

Good that somebody reacts to the measure:

“The Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAHDE) is considering to mount a legal challenge against the legality of the state of emergency and its extension before the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights and other relevant international human rights forums” (…) “We believe that the emergency did not meet the requirements of Ethiopian law and applicable international legal standards. Even if one assumes that there were reasonable grounds to believe that exceptional measures were necessary to respond to the ‘threat’ represented by the protests, the continued enforcement and extension of emergency measures is totally unjustified and disproportionate to the exigencies of the circumstances” (CAHDE, 31.03.2017).

So even Human rights observers and NGOs are reacting to the measure made by the Central Government to silence the provinces and regions who are in turmoil, where the army has used force and the police has rounded up locals. Where the cellphone coverage, internet that has been for long time disconnected by the regime and the other needed infrastructure has dwindled away. This is happening while the citizens are scrambling to survive in the efforts of the government to destroy their livelihoods and will to stand-up against them. If the government we’re democratic than they would accept that Amhara and Oromia we’re addressing the misgivings and the maladministration of the regions, while trying to negotiate and even give way to civilians. Instead, they are sending weapons, soldiers and turning of the electricity, and phone-lines. Such noble creatures in the EPRDF.

However, we do know now that the EPRDF now fears demonstrations and dissidents so much that would kill their own, create lack of food and use the extended drought to see who will be loyal subjects, as the oppression and extended security operation inside the regions has not stopped and doesn’t seem to have an idea of when to stop. The reality is that the false flag of wishful peace, when they themselves pick up the guns or the bracelets to detain or kill fellow citizens. That is the end game of the Ethiopian tragedy, where to many lives are lost for wanting a government that cares about more than their own pockets. As seen repeatedly, that they do not care and surely the citizens wants someone govern with accountability and transparency in Amhara and Oromia. That is surely not happening now! Peace.

IGAD: Nairobi Declaration on Durable Solutions for Somali Refugees and Reintegration of Returnees in Somalia (25.03.2017)

 

Statement of IGAD Council of Ministers’ Consultation on the Current Situation in the Region (17.03.2017)

World Bank Group President Calls for Urgent Action on Hunger Crisis (08.03.2017)

WASHINGTON, March 8, 2017—World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim today issued the following statement on the devastating levels of food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and Yemen:

“Famine is a stain on our collective conscience. Millions of lives are at risk and more will die if we do not act quickly and decisively.

We at the World Bank Group stand in solidarity with the people now threatened by famine. We are mobilizing an immediate response for Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and Yemen. Our first priority is to work with partners to make sure that families have access to food and water. We are working toward a financial package of more than $1.6 billion to build social protection systems, strengthen community resilience, and maintain service delivery to the most vulnerable. This includes existing operations of over $870 million that will help communities threatened by famine. I am also working with our Board of Directors to secure the approval of new operations amounting to $770 million, funded substantially through IDA’s Crisis Response Window.

The World Bank Group will help respond to the immediate needs of the current famine, but we must recognize that famine will have lasting impacts on people’s health, ability to learn, and earn a living. So we will also continue to work with communities to reclaim their livelihoods and build resilience to future shocks.

We are coordinating closely with the UN and other partners in all areas of our response. We know that resolution to this acute crisis will not be possible without all humanitarian and development actors working together. We call on the international community to respond robustly and quickly to the UN global appeal for resources for the famine.

To prevent crises in the future, we must invest in addressing the root causes and drivers of fragility today and help countries build institutional and societal resilience.”

Background

A famine means that a significant part of the population has no access to basic food, suffers from severe malnutrition, and death from hunger reaches unprecedented levels. Children under five are disproportionately affected. A famine can affect the well-being of a whole generation. Famine was officially declared on February 20 in South Sudan, impacting approximately 100,000 people, and there is a credible risk of other famines in Yemen, Northeast Nigeria, and other countries. Ongoing conflicts and civil insecurity are further intensifying the food insecurity of millions of people across the region, and there is already widespread displacement and other cross-border spillovers. For instance, food insecurity in Somalia and famine in South Sudan are accelerating the flow of refugees into Ethiopia and Uganda. The UN estimates that about 20 million people in Nigeria, South Sudan, Somalia and Yemen are on the “tipping point” of famine. Drought conditions also extend to Uganda and parts of Tanzania. The last famine was declared in 2011 in Somalia during which 260,000 people died.