A strange action happened from an Agency that is a part of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). They have all of sudden suspended projects in Tanzania after both a so-called draconian law and the recent election on the Island of Zanzibar. Take a quick look!
“A US international development agency has suspended its partnership with Tanzania, citing flawed Zanzibar elections and the draconian Cybercrime Act. The move by the board of directors of Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) means that Tanzania will not be receiving an envisioned $472 million in funding for electricity projects” (…)”The US suspension-of-aid notification cites “arrests made during the elections” in Zanzibar as an indication of the Tanzania government having “engaged in a pattern of actions inconsistent with MCC’s eligibility criteria.” (…) “MCC’s model has a partner country’s commitment to democracy and free and fair elections at its core,” the directors’ statement said” (Kelley, 2016).
Why I will discuss this move and the motivation for it. Is because the USAID and MCC have not done anything after the recent election and all of the laws that have enhanced the powers of the Executive and possibility to move around the Parliament for the Government and certain ministries, therefore easily get funding and short-term loans from the Bank of Uganda without permission of the Parliament, Police laws that monitors the Opposition and controls them even more, also the well-known rigging of the General Election, Parliamentary Election and the Presidential Election in February and early March in 2016.
While the United Republic of Tanzania might have stepped on some toes and had issues during the Zanzibar elections, they have not been close to the systematical oppression the Police and Army have had in Uganda. And the USAID and their agencies have not acted upon it or reissue any of the aid initiatives or anything in the Republic of Uganda, but the United Republic of Tanzania get punished straight away for the similar actions. I wonder if the the Public Order Management Act of 2013 is sweeter and nicer; then the Cybercrime Act and that the Cybercrime act is the official Bad-Act of the Tanzanian Government in the opinion of the United States.
I also wonder if the Tanzanian Government had armies in the wars that the United States does not want to touch, not even with the filthy lying lips of Donald Trump. Because the Tanzanian could have oppressed their opposition, made draconian laws and laws who applies in ways that the ministries and the Executive does not need to take the decision through Parliament before acting. That is Uganda and they have no issues with the USAID and the MCC. Only UNRA have had issues with World Bank and the progression of the World Bank funded Infrastructure and road-building have been suspended because of embezzlement and bad management in the Uganda National Roads Authority; who due the diligence on the development projects. Still the Ugandan Government have had no trouble with the government funds and army exercises from the United States, even the American Fire-Helicopter training together with U.S. Army happened in a month time after the Election Day.
The Double-Standard is too obvious, what is okay for the Ugandan Government is not apparently okay for the Tanzanian Government. That is openly displayed by the United States this time as well.
So I feel there is a theory behind the actions against the Tanzanian government and their actions during the Zanzibar elections, while the Ugandan could walk skootch free with some disregard of the actions in country, but nothing that affects the relationship between Uganda and the Americans. While today the Tanzanian has lost their extra funding for the Projects through the MCC and the USAID operational company. So there is a political factor behind this and the main factor in why the USAID and MCC suspends, but not do the same in Uganda.
The Tanzanian Government does not have army operations or have the close military relationship that Ugandan Government has at the moment. The American are even training in Uganda and the Ugandan army fights wars for them and are likely in the Peacekeepers missions together with buying and getting military equipment from the U.S. even if the Ugandan once in a while buys Anti-Riot Equipment from China and Military equipment from the Russian Federation. Still, the Ugandan has a clearer mission for the American Foreign Affairs and because of that a close ally of Uganda. Something the Tanzanian is not.
Therefore it is easy for the American Government to suspend and punish the Tanzanian. That is why the Ugandan Government have not gotten punished for their lax activity with the former M23 rebels and the allegations of them to be on the payroll of the State House of Uganda, even then the American Government does not questions or punish that behavior. But a few arrests on Zanzibar and the Tanzanian Government get slapped. This while many of the opposition officials have lingered in jail without charges, gone missing and even been in house-arrest for over 40 days in Uganda, without any consequences. That is the double-standard and makes President Museveni Teflon, because he is a necessity for their role in the area. I am not sure why the Americans does this and support him with only remarks in the United Nations and letting go of the European Union comments after the Presidential Elections in the country.
But we have all rights to question the reasons from the Americans as they are supposed to be a moral stature and moral authority; something they cannot be seen in this instance. The Double Moral is staggering. Uganda gets a pass, while Tanzania get suspended its aid. That is the case and cannot be hidden under a rug or be not blasted; especially when we know it happens in such a short time span and under the same administrations in all countries and board-rooms. There are no reasons why Tanzania gets the harsh treatment while the Ugandan walks away with no scratches on their arms. Peace.
Kelley, Keven J. – ‘US donor agency suspends $472m aid to Tanzania over Zanzibar elections’ (29.03.2016) link: http://www.nation.co.ke/news/africa/US-donor-agency-suspends-aid-to-Tanzania/-/1066/3138264/-/1144o38/-/index.html
The tides are turning and the continuation of the matter on who gets the crude-oil pipeline through their countries from Hoima down the coast. The Ugandan delegates to Tanzania were treated as royalties as the delegation could bring tax-money and development for the Tanzanian government. While the Kenyan could take that away and they could see either their advantage or disadvantage towards the Port system of Tanga. That might be why CS Keter lost his passport and travel papers on Wednesday in Port of Tanga.
The only ones earning on this diplomatic matter is Ugandan, but the East African Community is creating a hostile environment between countries over a pipeline and the gaining the monies involved in the deal, the rates and construction of the pipeline.
What was said the day after the Passport and Travel Papers of CS Keter taken at Tanga Port:
“According to a source in the Presidency, Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohamed has tasked Kenya’s envoy to Tanzania Ali Chirau Mwakwere with getting to the bottom of the matter. “We want them to tell us what wrong they did as per the East African Protocol.” (…)“The two leaders agreed to meet after two weeks in Kampala to allow their technical officials to harmonise their presentations, focusing on: ensuring a least-cost option for a regional integrated pipeline, address constructability issues along all routes – existing and planned infrastructure, terrain and elevations. Assessing and confirming the current proven reserves which will have an impact on the size of the pipeline,” Keter and his Ugandan counterpart Irene Muloni jointly stated on March 21 following the State House meeting” (…)”It is in the process of assessing the, “viability of the Lamu, Mombasa and Tanga ports,” that Keter and the rest of his delegation encountered hostility”.
What is said today on the matter:
“State House Spokesman Manoah Esipisu told reporters in Nairobi that Tanzania was isolated deliberately because it had nothing to do with the issues on the agenda. “Monday meeting was bilateral. As you know we had also invited oil companies but they did not participate in the bilateral meeting,” he told journalists” (…)”Diplomatic sources said Kenya was planning to protest the apparent violation of the East African Community laws on free movement of people, even though Tanzania has argued it had no prior information the officials would be travelling to Tanga” (…)”As Mr Keter and his group were being barred from the Port, the Ugandan delegation led by Irene Muloni, the Energy Minister, were being shown a presentation on the advantages of routing the pipeline through Tanzania” (Mutambo, 2016).
More on the matter today:
“A senior State House official who did not want to be named because the matter was being handled at the Foreign Affairs ministry said the incident was “unfortunate” and that Kenya would protest to the Tanzanian government through its high commissioner in Dar es salaam. “I can confirm to you that the matter will be handled through our Foreign Affairs ministry. The incident was embarrassing,” the official said. He said the Tanzanian government was aware of the planned trip, which was part of an assessment of the three ports of Lamu, Mombasa and Tanga to check the suitability of the ports for Ugandan petroleum” (Kajilwa & Ng’etich, 2016),
It is hard to know what this can lead to, at least the Tanzanian diplomatic sources saying it was embarrassing to them, and to get knowledge of the Port Police actions in the Port of Tanga. When the Tanzanian Government person inside their State House says so, then their suddenly was not maliciously intent towards the Kenyan officials and diplomatic team on their soil. Though it will put a strain to the matter, as the actions speaks louder than words and to what extent certain people goes towards the advisories.
The Kenyan are right to ask for a sincere apology and reasoning for the hold-up, the passport and travel documents from the CS Keter and his team, while letting Ugandan Energy Minister Muloni walk around like proud-cock at the Port of Tanga.
This here is proof of the matter and how the governments are handling the matter and approaching each other. The Tanzanian Government should issue an sincere apology and the Kenyan should comply in a peaceful manner, as that is what they have asked for. Since this a big deal for both countries, as I have described again, and would be a long-term economic development project that would benefit more sectors than just the oil. Therefore we can see the growing rift for getting through their country and down to their port. I hope that Tanzanian government have sense and the same from the CS Keter as he was the victim, and have already gotten leverage, but that does not mean it gives a free-pass to the minister of Kenya. This will be something that will continue, into the final agreement between Uganda and the picked destination and the contracts between the Oil-Companies who will be drilling the oil in Lake Albert and the Albertine Region. Peace.
Burrows, Olive – ‘Kenya: Govt Protests to Tanzania Over Keter Passport Fiasco’ (24.03.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201603250043.html
Kajilwa, Graham & Ng’etich, Jacob – ‘Kenya protests to Tanzania over confiscation of Charles Keter’s passport’ (25.03.2016) link:http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000196026/kenya-protests-mistreatment-by-tanzania
Mutambo, Aggrey – ‘State explains why Tanzania was excluded from oil pipeline talks’ (25.03.2016) link: http://www.nation.co.ke/news/State-explains-why-Tanzania-was-excluded-from-oil-pipeline-talks/-/1056/3132806/-/52cqfg/-/index.html
This is like out of a spy-novel. A novel that clearly is full of twists and turns as agreements and officials move back-and-fourth. Here is the first statement on the matter that has moved further from talks between the Kenyan and Ugandan Officials. Here it is:
“Tanzania authorities confiscated the passports of top Kenyan officials, including Energy CS Charles Keter, and denied them access to the port of Tanga but allowed a Ugandan delegation to proceed with the tour unmolested. The trip was part of their mission to unlock a deadlock between Kenya and Uganda over whether a proposed oil pipeline to export Uganda’s oil would pass through Kenya or Tanzania” (The Kericho Renaissance Network, 2016).
As one wrote:
“The Kenyan team had travelled to Tanga together with a Ugandan delegation involved in the crude oil pipeline discussions. The Ugandans were received very well while the Kenyan team was mistreated by the Tanzanian authorities” (Pauline Njorge, 2016).
This here is certainly a reaction to the proposed deal that was supposed to already be set between the Ugandan and Tanzanian during the 2015. Here is all of sudden reactions from the Tanzanian over the sudden change of guards and that the Ugandan Government does not fully turn to them. As the Agreement of last October was to be done and soon resume building in between the nations.
This here is certainly a blow on diplomatic matters and the distrust between Kenyan and Tanzanian diplomats, also the way “foreign” nationals seen as trespassing and henceforth detained, even prematurely and without “charge” is an insult between the Tanzanian Government and Police towards the Kenyan counterparts. It would been an insult if the Kenyan National Police was to detain a Tanzanian minister or official crossing over to Mombasa or any other port to look at the different scenario. Instead of honoring the fellow brother from another country in peaceful times; as the Kenyan and Tanzanian government does not have grudges or ill-feeling towards each other!
If this is the start of diplomatic struggles between Tanzania and Kenya, that might be true as this is visible attack on movement of foreign diplomatic officials and high-government officials, something the Police of Tanga Port have had to know since they released them quickly.
But the economic implications of a crude-oil pipeline is big for any country, first the economic benefit of jobs as it was estimated in Tanzania to employ 100k during the year to build the pipeline, also the rates for transporting the oil to the sea will bring steady revenue, something Tanzania is not wanting to miss out, neither does Kenya who wants the same, and both Kenya and Tanzania wants to be the economic and the powerhouse of East Africa. The deal of the crude-oil pipeline can generate lots of income and be a gentle push for more steady revenue, as tourism and exports are not crystal clear and always giving steady cash to the countries, as the coffee and tea prices are going up-and-down.
The matters remain and is in the hand of the Ugandans, as they are trying to find the suitors who fit their price and timelines, so they can benefit the most and will use all the tools and diplomatic leverage to gain the best contract and facilitation and neither Tanzania or Kenya want to be the one left behind. Peace.
There been saying that there are similarities between the 1980s General Election and 2016 General Election when it comes to the Presidency and Parliament. Because of that I have checked and read some reports. Here is stories from the 1980 General Election, as the stories comes out and this here is not from articles from New Vision or Daily Monitor, this here is direct reports or educational-papers, even the international media and some of the people involved in the matter like Yusuf Lule and Paolo Muwanga. But there are lots of questions still, but the certainty of British involvement in the result and the outcome has surely come to mind. Here is some information and not just mere speculation to how the General Election went.
Background to the General Election 1980:
“Thus assured of support, Obote now moved in fact to destabilize the UNLF Government in Uganda. In this he found an ally in the Military Commission of the UNLF, whose Chairman Paulo Muwanga and Vice-Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, joined hands to stage a coup against the UNLF in May 1980. But Museveni was out maneuvered by the Obote-Muwanga clique. The latter rigged the December 1980 elections in their favor” (…)”Britain, in tum, manipulated the Commonwealth to send an “Observer Group” to witness the elections – a ploy that served to “legitimize” Obote’s victory, and thus secure the official suppon of all members of the United Nations and the OAU. Needless to add, Britain was the first country to recognize Obote’s fraudulent victory. Margaret Thatcher convinced the Americans to back the regime and to give the green light for IMF stand-by credits. The full regalia of a neo-colonial restructuring of Uganda was opened in front of all eyes to see. Obote was “the man of the hour”. Whilst Britain played a key role in legitimising Obote (through the mediation of the Commonwealth Secretariat), and later in providing him with assistance to train his army, the role other imperialists played must also be mentioned. The Germans, and in particular the Christian Democratic Party and its foundation the Konrad Adenaur Foundation, all linked with German monopolies, have had an historical interest in Uganda, and close ties with the mainly Catholic Party, the DP. They decided that in the interest of protecting broader Western interests in Uganda, Obote’s election “victory”, though fraudulent, must be recognized. The CDU played a significant role in convincing the DP to accept Obote on the grounds that since Obote had offered to “respect” a “multi-party system”, the DP still had a chance in the future” (Tandon, 1987).
From the 11th December 1980 Proclamation:
“The Chairman of the Military Commission, Mr. Paolo Muwanga, has issued a declaration regarding the confirmation of who shall be considered as having been elected a member of Parliament following the end of the 1980 General Elections” (…)”Any results declared otherwise than in compliance with the provision of the declaration shall not be valid or binding in any publication or such purported result by any means whatsoever” (…)”For the purpose of the 1980 elections to the National Assembly, section 47 of the National Assembly (Elections) Act shall be substituted by the following: “47A(a) when the result of the poll of a constituency has been ascertained, the returning officer shall make no public declaration of the finding but forthwith communicate it to the Chairman of the Military Commission with a confidential report on various aspects of the conduct of the election” (Muwanga, 1980).
The official Results:
Yusef Lule claims this:
“I accepted the cabinet on an interim basis. Once I got to Uganda. I shuffled my cabinet and brought in better people. In the 69 days, I tried to rectify the mistakes. For example, one of the roots of troubles in Uganda has been the recruitment of the army from only a few ethnic groups. The British had started this for their own reasons. But as soon as I was President in Uganda, I ordered the recruitment of soldiers from all elements of the population to make it a national army. Nyerere and Obote immediately saw their plan to sieze power after a year might be thwarted. From the moment on Nyerere withdrew from me the support of the Tanzanian troops that controlled the country” (…)”Nyerere insisted that Lule must resign even though the Consultative Council had no legislative powers. (Indeed, the Ugandan High Court ruled, in October 1980, that Lule’s removal had been unconstitutional)” (…)”Since then have come the Uganda elections of December 1980 and much fighting. Lule is highly critical of the Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) because they issued their much-publicized interim report stating the voting had been relatively free and open, before the results of the polls had been announced” (…)”After the Commonwealth statement, Muwanga, contrary to his supposedly neutral role, intervened in the electoral affairs by suspending the announcement of growing victory of anti-Obote forces, and declaring victory for Obote. Muwanga became Obote’s Vice President and Defence Minister” (…)”After the ballots had been counted in Gulu, the permanent secretary – a close friend – called up Mrs. Aliker in Nairobi to congratulate her on her husband’s victory by 40,000 votes against 3,000 for his opponent. The tide was running heavily toward the anti-Obote forces. Then Paulo Muwanga announced suspension of the results. There was immediate tension. When Radio Uganda came on air the next day, they first announcement was that in Gulu, Dr. Martin Aliker had been defeated by 40,000 to 3,000. The candidate falsely announced as the winner refused to believe the result” (Munger – Lule, 1983).
Another story of the 1980 elections:
“Meanwhile, in Uganda, controversy raged over the electoral arrangements, amid an increasingly febrile and violent atmosphere. While under the supervision of the Electoral Commission, the actual mechanics of the election were largely in the hands of the administration – in a continuation from late colonial practice, each district commissioner was the returning officer for all constituencies in his district, and was in effect in control of the hiring and supervision of electoral staff. Just over a month before the election, 14 of Uganda’s 33 district commissioners were dismissed and replaced by men appointed directly by the Military Commission; soon afterwards, Obote publicly warned civil servants to ‘stop frustrating the UPC election efforts’. One man who was a young UPM activist at the time recalled that in his constituency, the district commissioner set about ensuring that all polling staff were UPC supporters” (…)”well over 80% of the registered voters in most places, which meant that rather more than one quarter of the total population voted. This a remarkable number in a country where slightly more than half the population were under 18, while one constituency saw a 103% turnout. Such figures might seem to suggest wholesale ballot-stuffing, and it seems likely that there was some local malpractice involving multiple voting and/or stuffing. But if there was manipulation, it appears to have balanced out, because turnout levels were generally consistent across UPC and DP strongholds.In Buganda, where the UPC suffered more or less complete electoral annihilation, the turnout was as high as it was in the UPC heartlands in the north(the 103% came here). Tito Okello, the commander of the UNLA, ‘praised Ugandans for their peaceful attitude and love for political progress’ and called the election ‘a day of rebirth when Uganda will once more have its rightful place in Africa and the world community’” (…)”The Electoral Commission had, however, fallen silent; its secretary had gone into hiding (and fled the country two nights later) and the rest of its members temporarily vanished from the office. When it resumed the announcement of results, these showed a very substantial UPC victory. In the end, UPC secured 74 seats, against 51 for DP and 1 for UPM; though in terms of the overall vote, the DP secured more votes overall. The process of tallying at a constituency level had been largely unobserved, since the Observer Group had returned to Kampala on 11 December and – following an outbreak of shooting around their hotel that evening – were largely withdrawn on 12 December” (…)”In his memoirs, the senior British member of the Observer Group, Robert Wainwright, comforted himself that Obote would have won anyway, even had he not cheated in the nominations. Obote’s biographer, citing the Observer Group report, insisted that Obote had won the election simply because of its ‘superior organization’, and dismissed accusations of malpractice as unfounded” (Willis).
“Mr. Obote’s party gerrymandered voting districts, delayed opposition candidates past deadlines for qualifying and in the end shut down a public tally of votes to simply announce victory over national radio. In the last two weeks, the Obote administration also has closed five opposition newspapers” (…)”We are going back on a course we thought we had left, just as things were under Amin,” said Paul Ssemogerere, leader of the opposition Democratic Party. A Democratic Party member of Parliament, John Magezi, said in an interview this week that: ”I’m not sure I understand what’s happening myself. This isn’t even third world politics; this is fourth world.” (…)”The most serious threat to the Obote regime is thought to be a rebel force led by Yoweri Mseveni, who was a member of the six-member military commission that ruled Uganda until the election. Making War From the Bush” (…)”Mr. Mseveni was the only man on the board who did not support Mr. Obote. He formed a political party, but he was trounced in the election that he is convinced was stolen by Milton Obote. Now he is in the bush – with a force of five thousand, he claims – preparing for a major offensive unless the Obote administration steps down” (Jaynes, 1981).
“Without the investment budget, the economist said, Uganda’s chances of economic revival look slim. But frequent reports of violence, perpetrated particularly by Government troops, may make potential investors wary. And thus a vicious circle could be created with economic discontent fueling the problems that block economic revival. Many Ugandans still live in poverty. Dispute Over 1980 Election” (…)”Neither do the insurgents seem to offer an immediate alternative to the present Government. The guerrillas undoubtedly have considerable support among the Baganda people around Kampala, who form the nation’s largest single ethnic group. The Baganda have been opposed to President Obote since he banished their king during his first term of office, from independence in 1962 until his overthrow by Idi Amin in 1971. Mr. Obote returned to power in elections in December 1980, which the Baganda opposition charges were rigged, and which Mr. Obote says vehemently were free and fair” (…)”The President himself asserts that, were the guerrillas to achieve their aims and install a Baganda leader, then the rest of the country – which, he says, voted solidly for him in the 1980 election – would rise up in revolt” (Cowell, 1982).
Certain Acholi feelings about the 1980s:
“This was followed by several short lived junta administration (governments) till the 1980 general election that was generally disputed by the majority of Ugandan political parties that participated. They claimed that the election was “not free and fair”. This led to a re-organization once more into another liberation movement that struggled till 1986 when they finally succeeded in capturing political power by force of arms. In this struggle, some members of the then defeated army were either taken as prisoners of war or voluntarily joined liberation movement or settled back home while a section regrouped in the north in order to launch a counter offensive to gain political power. It is generally accepted that this was the starting point of the Northern Uganda conflict that has changed faces of struggle which adversely affected the people of the greater North” (ARLPI, 2007).
Here we see the British position to the matter and verifying the results and the way the rigging is open and blatant happening, even with witnesses and wife’s getting information about the victory by phone and the day after on the radio hearing and announced that the person didn’t get their seat in parliament after all.
The 1980s elections seem by many means rigged and the reports validate that sense. As some have question if that is true or something Uganda Patriotic Movement used to defend their rebellion towards the state, as the opposition does now; the FDC claims as the predecessor UPM did at one point. The worrying point about the whole election at that time is how the Commonwealth Observers is being used by British Officials, as the Dr. Milton Obote got the verifying force and the international credibility to stop the nuance of asking to accepted. While the Parliament and members was more selected than elected. Just as it seems as after 18th February as the Electoral Commission under Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu, put all the eggs in the basket of President Museveni and avoided lots of polling stations to benefit the ruling regime. The way the ruling regime of Uganda People’s Congress did their job and their Paolo Muwanga made the cake for Dr. Obote and his second term in office.
The way Obote told Civil Servants to serve UPC and not work against them, the same way Museveni today tells that everybody should stay behind NRM; they use other words, but initially mean the same. The same is also that Museveni says the election happen in a free and fair fashion as did Obote on the 1980s. They actually could be saying the same words or as similar as can be. They could be like brothers today and President Museveni did everything in his power in the beginning to demolish the legacy of Obote. So that he could be seen as the essential leader of the nation.
Today we see the ways that the army and police are used as tool of oppression as it was done during the Obote area as well. The determination of oppressing the opposition and making life hard for anybody who is not NRM is shown through the pre-election period and now after the polls as evidence today and the recent days where the Police have gone after the opposition with vigor and power. Jailed and detained FDC Mobilisers, Officials and others for affiliations or having the original declarations forms that the Electoral Commission have rigged, so to get rid of evidence.
So there is so many of the same traits that it is staggering… and the ways they are conducting the elections and polls; are nothing difference than from Obote, the man he fought for 5 years in a Bush-War to free the peasants, making himself to be like him. That is impressive as he was supposed to be an intellectual and a wise-guy who could make Uganda democratic, what that has happen is that President have made government of Uganda now acting the same ways as the ones he ousted. That is ironic and sad at the same time. Wished for the people Uganda another President who respect rule of law, the role of the executive and the true power of transparency and accountability, but that will not occur under President Museveni as he now will only seek his own gain and not care about the general state of Uganda; as his power and keeping that is main objective, everything else is secondary. Peace.
H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,
President-Elect of the Republic of Uganda,
Your Excellency and Dear Brother,
It gives me great pleasure, on behalf of the Government and people of the United Republic of Tanzania and indeed on my own behalf, to extend to Your Excellency our heartfelt congratulations on your re-election as the President of the Republic of Uganda. Your re-election at the helm of your country is a true reflection of the confidence that the people of Uganda have in you as well as a testimony of their trust in your exemplary leadership.
I also take this opportunity to congratulate your party, National Resistance Movement for its outstanding victory in the General Elections. As you are well aware, both my party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania have enjoyed brotherly relations with the Ugandan people throughout the years.
While congratulating you on your well deserved re-election, I wish to reaffirm my readiness and determination to continue working with you in further strengthening our relations for the benefit of our two countries and peoples.
Please accept, Your Excellency and Dear Brother, the assurances of my highest consideration.
Issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, East Africa, Regional and International Cooperation
February 24, 2016.