The saga goes on and its called the NRM Primaries

Postpone NRM

Yet another day and the NRM Primary are postponed again. That is not really news when it happens with so often. There have been issues in the areas that already have had local council elections. Now it’s more elections for the candidates for MPs and Presidential. Before the continuation there been reports of military police going to areas of the NRM Primaries before starting of casting the votes, even mini-buses being shipped in between the areas to secure that certain individuals are winning the elections. In Kasese the losers of the local elections deflected from NRM towards the Go-Forward Ticket, and mean they no longer stand by the Mzee, but instead for Amama Mbabazi.

Norbert Mao of the DP is saying this on social media: “Have you heard? I hear the NRM primaries postponed…again! There is something rotten in Sevoland”.

NRM PRimaries Pre Ticket

IGP Kale Kayihura even had to say this before the primaries:
Due to several violent incidents that have characterized the party primaries in the recently concluded elections, we felt it’s important to alert the country that the State is in control and will not allow any violence” (…)”Primaries must take place without violence; people must know that elections are not warfare” (Segawa, 2015).

The Chairman of NRM Electoral Commission Dr. Tanga Odoi said this:
“She is trying to destroy the party by trying to rig elections. We have credible evidence that she was trying to rig the eledctions” (…)”Nantaba was involved in a scam, she has to report to the NRM vice chairman, Hajji Moses Kigongo and apologize before I can act” (Kamugisha, 2015).

Dr. Tanga Odoi has been claiming that a candidate has been trying to rig the primaries election. This one is Aidah Nantaba. The claim is that she with a gang of folks went into Luzira and took ballot papers. Even with doing so, she still lost her mandate to Moses Karangwa in Kayunga district (Kamugisha, 2015).

The Secretary of the NRM Justine Lumumba said this recently:
“Those party members were rejected by voters in the party. They should not be talking about standing as independents now. They should be rallying behind candidates elected by voters in the party primaries. If they go ahead and stand as independents, the party constitution will be used to expel them” (…)”As a person responsible for supervising the NRM electoral commission, I have never received any complaints regarding the NRM primaries shortcomings. If I did, I would have resolved them. As far as I am concerned there are no complaints from the two party leaders for me to resolve” (Lukoma, 2015).

This weekends actions in Kashenyi in Ngoma Sub County:
“The minister of state for Justice also Deputy Attorney General Mr. Mwesigwa Rukutana and city businessman Bob Kabonero, the proprietor of Kampala Kasino were on Friday evening arrested and held hostage by voters over bribing electorates” (…)”This comes after the scuffle began when one of Mr. Justus Karuhanga’s Supporters Mr. Jamada Mawanda arrested by Mr. Rukutana at his rally, was tied up and beaten by his supporters, and put into a vehicle belonging to the minister on handcuffs” (…)”The Ntungamo district police commander Baker Kawonawo confirmed the scuffle at Kashenyi trading centre in Ngoma Sub County on the Uganda Rwanda border but dismissed the assault of Rukutana. Mr. Rukutana also denies being beaten up arguing that the scuffle only involved supporters (…)”Mr. Rukutana, Mr Herbert Nyongozi and Mr. Amon Kamugyene) at her home Irenga Ntungamo sub county on Saturday evening with the three candidates accusing Mr. Rukutana of using his position to threaten them out of the race. They also accused him of bribing votes and intimidating them” (MK News Link, 2015).

There have been reports of even more postponing of the primaries in Kiruhura District. It has been postponed after the main candidate suffered a fatal death in a car accident on the Masaka – Mbarara road on Saturday even. The sudden death of Michael Nyamuguri Kananura was the comping MP aspirant of Kiruhura. This postponement came as a request from major stakeholders in the area (Twesigye, 2015).

Mawogola NRM

Like earlies report is that their fires as Sembabule in the town of Mawogola today! That is where the police have been shootings into the crowds. To top it all of the police have actually has shot directly at people’s houses in the area. A lot of people have ended up being hurt by the shootings.

Sembabula NRM NBS

In Kinkiizi East earlier today, there has been exposed trying to elaborately vote rigging. Where Mr. Chris Baryomunsi had pre-ticked NRM ballot tickets in his car and this got found out by a crashing that set vehicle before reaching Kanugu.

At the Kasese Police Station there are impounded cars owned by MP Mbahimba over trying to bribe voters. Therefore the car is set in the compound of the police right now (Kahungu, 2015).

In Mbale there also been actions and the police has arrest 32 people, allegedly for planning to disrupt the primaries in Bungokho South. The suspects are now under detentions in the Mbale Central Police Station (Omagor, 2015).

In Jinja there have been reported coming more police and security agents ahead of the Primaries in town yesterday (Walukamba, 2015). At the same day Annet Musika commented this: “the NRM primaries in Jinja are likely not to be free and fair because of bribery” (Gulumire, 2015).

What you think? Seem like there will be issues. Especially with reports of rigging and trying to rig it! There are so many issues that it seems like Dr. Tanga Odoi has not total control of the movement on the ground. Tamale Mirundi must have a field day and will call him out again. How the candidates and the police even arrest people. Shows that there are deeper issues and with the reports from earlier NRM Primaries proves the quality and how it is mended to fix certain candidates instead of honoring the members with their will. That is not a good luck before the main General-Election coming 2016. Especially with evidence of pre-ticket ballots and violence from the Police at every turn. The NRM party is showing frictions and also that their struggles with the different wings of the party. Especially when one part loses or is rigged lose, they shifts to Amama Mbabazi or goes independent. Then the Electoral Commission of the Party will expel the individual who does so. That proves that there is some arrangements that is hurting the Party and that the NRM Electoral Commission is not honoring the members like we saw earlier this year. Peace.

Reference:
Gulumire, Andrew – ‘Jinja Woman Parliamentary Aspirant Quits NRM Primaries’ (25.10.2015) link: http://ugandaradionetwork.com/story/jinja-woman-parliamentary-aspirant-quits-nrm-primarie

Kamugisha, Samuel – ‘Tanga Odoi To Minister Nantaba: Apologise Within Four Hours Or Be Arrested’ (26.10.2015) link: http://www.hotspot.ug/2015/10/26/tanga-odoi-to-minister-nantaba-apologise-within-four-hours-or-be-arrested/

Kahungu, Thembo – ‘Police Impound MP Mbahimba’s Vehicle Over Voter Bribery’ (26.10.2015)
Link: http://ugandaradionetwork.com/story/mp-mbahimbas-vehicle-impounded-over-voter-bribery

Lukoma, David – ‘Minister Nantaba, Nankabira Face Expulsion From NRM’ (26.10.2015) link: http://news.ugo.co.ug/minister-nantaba-nankabira-face-expulsion-from-nrm/

MK News Link – ‘NRM Election Violence: Minister Rukutana, Bob Kabonero Assaulted by opponent’s supporters’ (25.10.2015) link: http://mknewslink.com/nrm-election-violence-minister-rukutana-bob-kabonero-assaulted-by-opponents-supporters/

Omagor, Javier Silas – ‘Mbale Police Arrest 32 Ahead of NRM Primaries’ (26.10.2015)
Link: http://ugandaradionetwork.com/story/mbale-police-arrest-32-ahead-of-nrm-primaries#ixzz3pg5tAbN2

Segawa, Nixon – ‘Kayihura Warns Against Violence in NRM Primaries’ (25.10.2015) link: http://chimpreports.com/kayihura-warns-against-violence-in-nrm-primaries/

Twesigye, Faluku – ‘Kiruhura NRM Primaries Postponed’ (25.10.2015) link: http://www.redpepper.co.ug/kiruhura-nrm-primaries-postponed/

Walukamba, Aldon G. – ‘Security Beefed up ahead of Jinja NRM Primary Elections’ (25.10.2015 Link: http://ugandaradionetwork.com/story/security-beefed-up-ahead-of-jinja-nrm-primary-elections

NRM – Special Announcement – Postponement of Party Primary Elections (26.10.2015)

NRM Press Release 261015 P2

Press Statement: Dear Ugandan voter and citizen you have the right to know what the Government in Power does with your hard earned Tax Money (22.10.2015)

Malcom Matsiko

Ugandans should be bold to ask tough questions. The committee in parliament on public accounts committe should come more often to account or expose the flaws in spending public money.

I would like President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the presidency department to account to the tax payers of this country the money he has spent in on foreign trips or travel since he become a head of state in 1986.

I recently approached protocal office at the Ugandan parliament with the intention to meet the president in person and put point blank the reasons I will never support him in this country. Among the issues our team wanted him to respond on was how much does he spend on frequent trips outside the country?

I was told I can’t meet him because the head of state is booked from now to next year May for NRM party activities and trips around the globe.

I was frustrated and am still with the burning issues we had prepared to deliberate on.

Atleast in the last 30 days , the president was in Khartoum Sudan, was in Kenya Nairobi, was in Rome Italy, He was in New York ,Algeria and I think other countries.

The president’s handlers should avail all the details on these trips sponsored by the Ugandan citizen and tax payers.

I guess the figures are exceedingly huge whereas civil servants and pensioners are not paid their little money, salaries/wages since July todate.

The children in Northern Uganda dieing because they can’t have a plate of food to eat in 24 hours if not at the border with Tanzania in Rakai district there are tens and hundreds reported dead because of lack of food and water. Many of these dieing are mostly refugees that were expelled by the government of Tanzania a few years ago and were allowed into Ugandan territory hurriedly without any prior consultations with primary stakeholders.

The prime minister’s office cut off supplying the refugee camp with food and water putting the lives of human beings in that camp at stake.

It was reported that men throw themselves in the nearby river to die instead of helplessly watching their loved ones starve to death.

The other day a couple of people called us saying we are not patritic because we referred to Mr. Yoweri Museveni the President of Uganda , his dim lieutenants and pals in government like Anite Evelyn, Kenneth Omona, Omondo Omondo, Namara , Kibuule , Hon.Ogwang and many others young or old government advisors as highly decorated opportunists Uganda has ever produced since time immomerial.

What justification can the whole band of “Tubonge Naawe” give to call for the commedians in luganda the”dikulas” of this country like Bebe Cool, Jose Chameleon , Juliana Kanyomozi and the entire crew of artistes that feasted with Mr. Museveni in Munyonyo luxury hotel last week wheras hundred of population starving in country supposed to be a basket of Africa???deaths of people within our borders due to lack of a mere plate of food and a mere glass of water to drink? Yet they gladly met to con Mr. Museveni under the auspice of NRM lady Anite Evelyn a minister in the current insensitive , elitest , lukewarm regime.

Uganda needs a third liberation, this time around by us Ugandans not foreigners like in the case of 1978/79 and 1981-1986 bush war that saw Rwandan commanders like Late Fred Rwigyema , Beingana, Bunyenyenzi, Katureebe , Kalegyeya and Gen. Kagame fighting and handing over power to rebel leader Yoweri Museveni. In 1979, unsung Tanzanian heroes liberated this country and handedover power to Ugandan renegades Yoweri Museveni inclusive.

So for one to really overstate that Yoweri Museveni is the father of this country, the liberator, the saviour and etc, like Anite Evelyn misleads the un informed Ugandans that is to be a pathetic and celebrated liar in modern times. The man was in sweden eating sauges when kampala fell and late Dr.Obote was overthrown by his very own solidiers , the Okellos and Milton ran to exile in to Zambia. The solidiers were later fooled by late Rwigyema led group and Salim Saleh to lose kampala to the NRA where Museveni outsmarted the NRM political wing and was sworn in as the junta leader of 1986. By now you can perfectly and orrectly understand why we said that Museveni is a highly decorated opportunist in Uganda.

We need the figures to see how much he spends on foreign presidential visits begging other countries to grant expensive loans to this nation since he become president and compare huge with the thorny challenges this country is bedevilled with .

Written by Presidential aspirant Dan (Malcom) Matsiko for the NFT (New Form for Thinking) and Independent Candidate in the coming Presidential Election and General Election in 2016 in Uganda.

Amuru Land Grab: What is ours, is OURS; What is their’s, is OURS; and Whatever is your’s, is still OURS

YKM Amuru Land Deal

There has been a lot of news and articles on this matter because of the sensitive issue of owning land. Land can secure families and secure the heritage of the local people in the area. The issue is how to deal with wish of growing society and also keeping traditions. Also settling people in after years of war with the LRA and settle especially the ones that are seen as Internal Displaced Persons (IDPs). Another issue is if the government tries to deal with big monies and doesn’t include local patrons or community. That disfranchises the people and also grows a bigger distrust from the community about the government institution. That also shows the true color of especially some of that is, also the matter in the Amuru Land grabbing. I will not look into the local squats between families and also IDPs and local farmers stealing land from each other. That is equally important. But don’t have the space to write and find a good way to put it into this one. NRM-Regime has from day one been laisses faire economics and not governmental business orientated even if the President of 29 years was into communist thinking in the 70s. Also into business that gains the government, but not actually the public and citizens always. Therefore we have the heavy prices and expenditure of roads. The deals and arrangements hasn’t been made in sincerity of the public, therefore has also the MPs from the area in now bot the 8th Parliament and the 9th Parliament has reacted to deals that been set in fruition. The Madhvani deal is the big one and the one with the most flesh and grants. Also the Apaa village dispute over the land becoming a hunting ground instead of being a village for the people who actually live there. Then I will show other deals that have been questioned. This was the gist!

Professor Ogenga Latigo spoke his mind:
“While referring to the process of land acquisition for the project, Professor Ogenga Latigo, the former Member of Parliament for Agago county and Leader of Opposition in the 8th Parliament indicated that ―Government mishandled the Amuru case, while others informants argued: ―”The idea is not bad but the approach of establishing the sugarcane factory [was wrong, and besides the project] is imposed on the people, the project should be started when the people have returned to their land. The priority should be to give chance to the locals to resettle before establishment of the sugarcane factory” (Serwajja, 2012).

Basic information from 2005:
“Gulu district in her endeavor to alleviate poverty and promote development is committed to mainstream environmental concerns in its implementation strategies. The district continues to rely on the natural resources as important sources of income. It is been noted that over 82% of the population depend on agriculture and this can call for immediate up-date on status of the natural resources in the district” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

Land Law information about in Uganda:
“Tenure arrangement:
Until 1995, customary tenants did not legally own land they occupied. The land belonged to the State, and the tenants were merely permitted to live on it (Tenants at Sufferance). According to its preamble, the Decree was intended to provide for the vesting of title to all land in Uganda IN TRUST for the people of Uganda. The Constitution of 1995 vested land in the citizens of Uganda as opposed to land vested in the State, as was the case with the Crown Land and consequently Public Land.
Therefore:
• Customary tenants on Public Land were empowered to own land occupied.
• Three quarters of land in Gulu falls under customary tenancy hence Communal Land Management.
• The Land Act 1998 favoured the Acholi customary land holding e g. communal cultivation, communal grazing, and settlements” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

Important land law:
“Section 92 of Uganda’s Land Act (1998, Cap. 227) states that “a person who…makes a false declaration in any manner relating to land” or “willfully and without the consent of the owner occupies land belonging to another person”… “commits an offence.” Notably, however, the Penal Code Act does not mention land-related crime or theft, robbery, or grabbing of immovable property” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 6, 2014).

Alternative dispute resolution (ADR), or ‘mediation’ as it is known, is not as technical, costly, or time-consuming as formal court processes, and aims to promote harmony among community members rather than naming a winner and a loser” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 18, 2014).

“Migration characteristics:
Virtually, there are no refugee settlements in the district. However, large number of people in rural areas has moved to the forty six Internally Displaced Persons’ Camps and urban areas (RUM). It is noted that the Population in camps have risen from 291,000 people in 2001 to 438,765 people in 2004 and those in the urban centres from 38,297 people in 1991 to 113,144 people in 2002. Due to the same insurgency, there is also movement of people from Gulu district to the neighboring districts of Nebbi, Adjumani, Apac, Lira, Masindi and other Districts, not mentioned here” (Langoya & Ochora Odoch, 2005).

“Three criteria are found to be reliable indicators of bad faith. These reveal themselves as the ADR process unfolds, and include:” (…)”RIGHTS: Land rights of each party. These are determined by family ties, marital status, and transactions (gifts and sales)” (…)”INTENT: Parties’ demonstrated willingness to (not) respect these land rights. Usually evidenced by the presence of any “warning signs” and/or similar actions, body language, and statements” (…)”POWER: Parties’ perceived ability/opportunity to deprive opponent of land rights. This is context-specific, and may be assessed through probing” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 7, 2014).

amuru-disctrict-shannon-tito

Some information on the Area Land Committee(ALC):
“A major point of breakdown apparently concerns the integrity of the Lands Administration itself. Although Area Land Committees are the “eyes and ears” of the District Land Board—thus vital to the process of land surveying and registration at the grassroots—these bodies remain under-facilitated, unsupervised, and unsurprisingly corrupt” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 75, 2014).

Witnesses from the ALC:
”There’s no supervision of ALCs. So they go and do the work the way they want… because they’re human, sometimes they’re stubborn. On the basis of relationship… they can favor somebody. There may be a boundary dispute that was really not resolved – but in their report they say the dispute was ‘decided” (…)”“…a nightmare. The Kakira Sugar Works Limited overdemands money! Your file can be lost if you don’t pay them. I have to be very bold with these people, and tell applicants what really goes on. The corruption is highly coordinated, you can’t penetrate it. They look at you as if you are stupid if you don’t hand them extra money. I think the reason why no official fee structure exists has to do with the people behind private survey firms. If survey rates become fixed, then they lose business.” (…)”If I want to do something, you have the knowledge, I have the money. Money is very evil. However principled I am in my work, there’s some degree to which I will bend. All government offices are strained. No department says they have enough facilitation to do their work… We need to agitate, put it to the government that resources be looked at. Facilitating the ALCs alone will not solve the problem. Instead of centralizing the court, where people cannot afford travel costs (80-100km away), can we facilitate departments to do their work?” (Northern Uganda Land Platform, P: 75, 2014).

One set of background for Acholi land grab:
“To a number of locals in Northern Uganda, the issue of Customary Land Titles/ Certificates continues to evolve, and the rush to pilot this project has raised a number of questions and concerns about state involvement in land-related issues” (…)”In 1995, the Constitution of Uganda gave the right to own land to Ugandan citizens and any Ugandan could settle anywhere following due procedure. Following the passage of the 1995 Constitution the customary land tenure system was uplifted to the level of freehold tenure” (…)”As such, a clear definition and understanding of public land becomes imperative to securing access to land rights. One such example is the act of Amuru District Land Board allocating 40,000 hectares of land to Madhvani Group of Companies for sugar cane plantations. This allocation was made in the understanding that the land was public land. To community members this was a clear mismanagement by the land boards and manipulation of customary land rights by state institutions” (Otim, Ina & Cody, 2012)

“Lending credence to the perception of threat was highly public pressure from central government (including the President personally) for the opening up of Acholi land to investors, large-scale commercial farming, and other forms of ‘development’. From early 2007 this pressure was focused on giving land – originally 40,000 hectares, later reduced to 20,000 – in western most Amuru District to the Madhvani-owned Kakira Sugar Works Limited for a sugar cane plantation” (United Nation, 2013).

Main issues in Acholiland on land:
“Many Acholis oppose the project not only because Acholi cultural land is not to be sold, but also because many of the owners of that land are still in camps and, because of displacement due to war and the consequences, have not yet been able to return to their ancestral birthplace” (Kligerman, P:28, 2009). A World Bank report in July 2008 recommended a moratorium on land titles to investors in Acholiland until residents had residents had returned home from camps and people had been “sensitized” to land issues (Atkinson, R, 2008). The report also recommended that the government demonstrate its commitment to protecting natural resource rights (Atkinson, R, 2008); this is remarkable support for the Acholi people, particularly considering that the World Bank is one of major promoters of land privatization globally” (Kligerman, P: 29, 2009).

Insecurity when it comes to Land in Acholiland:
First one:
“Previous and on-going attempts by private individuals to acquire private interests in land which is perceived to be owned communally. Acholi leaders believe that Government is engaged in designs to help well placed and politically influential people from other parts of the country to access and enclose land in Acholi land. Common Property Resources are particularly targeted by individuals as well as government agencies” (Rugadya, P: 3, 2009).

Second one:
“Investor interest in the region; Pursuit of land access by large-scale commercial interests, speculators and grabbers was also causing tension particularly in the Acholi sub-region. The concern is that commercial agricultural interests will be cavalier in their treatment/understanding of land rights and land use issues. A number of highly publicized multiple attempts to acquire land in the sub-region presumably for investment and potential government development programmes, while some of these proposals may have been legitimate investment programmes to help re-establish peace and spur economic development activities in the region, the absence of a clear national policy and institutional framework for pursuing these initiatives has fueled the suspicion that “government” or investors as trying to usurp their land” (Rugadya, P: 4, 2009).

On Land Policy:
“Hostility towards government land policy is acute. MP Reagan Okumu asserts that there is a kind of ‘scramble’ for Northern Uganda, accompanied by a deliberate effort to deny Northern Uganda any development by scaring away investors. He says that because people in Northern Uganda are poor, whenever one flashes money around, they will sell their land at even low prices” (Otim & Mugisha, P:9, 2014).

Continuation on land and allocation of it:
“In Uganda, land is the single greatest resource for which a large majority of the population derives its livelihoods – because of the importance attached to land in all communities, conflicting interests in are unavoidable” (…)”Okoth-Ogendo describes land as a political resource which defines power relations between and among individuals, families and communities under established systems of governance” (Mabikke, P:6, 2011).

Allocation Part II:
“These land allocations dominate in the western area of Amuru district. These concessions have spurred major discussions on land grabbing in Acholi land. Central to these concerns has been highly public pressure from central government for opening up of Acholi land for “development” since early 2007 to allocate” (…)”land in Amuru district to the Madhvani Group for a large-scale sugar cane plantation. Reports from aggrieved Acholi Parliamentary Group (APG) – a group of Acholi parliamentarians accuse the GoU for assisting investors to grab land in northern Uganda. According to APG, the Central Government’s support for alienating land for commercial sugar cane farming in the north has been accompanied by powerful individuals gaining, or attempting to gain, private title to land that overwhelmingly belongs to communal landholding groups” (Mabikke, P:19-20, 2011).

Amuru

On IDPs and Returnees:
“Some returnees allege that the government grabbed large tracts of their land while they were in the IDP camps and offered these tracts to private investors. For example, in March 2008, the Madhvani Group submitted an application to the Amura District Land Board for 20,000 ha of land near to the Nile River for a sugarcane plantation. The local government approved the application with an initial allocation of 10,000 ha for a period of 49 years. Some of this land is claimed by returnees. In November 2008, several parliamentarians from the Acholi sub-region filed an application in the High Court in Gulu and obtained an ex-parte (temporary) injunction against the Madhvani Group, Amuru District Land Board and other respondents for interfering or encroaching on the disputed land. In ensuing court hearings, the Amuru District Land Board was forbidden from issuing new leases on the disputed land until the hearing and determination of the main suit. As of June 2010, the suit is still pending in the High Court” (Veit, 2010).

The Land Matrix database indicates that four large scale land deals amounting to 76,512 hectares were concluded in Uganda. In 1992, the government of Uganda signed an agreement with the Libyan government to allocate three large chunks of land, i.e. Bukaleba Beef Ranch (4,000 hectares), Aswa Ranch (46,000 hectares) and Maruzi Ranch (16, 376 hectares (Okello, 2006). Meanwhile, Egyptian government planned to establish grain farms on land totalling to 840,000 hectares (Kugelman and Levenstein, 2009) and Agri-SA holds about 170,000 hectares of arable land in Uganda (Mabikke, 2011). Similarly, the Ugandan government tried to allocate 7,100 hectares of land to the Sugar Corporation of Uganda Limited (SCOUL) to produce more sugar although the civil society resisted the allocation through massive demonstrations and appealing to donors to block the proposal (NAPE and Friends of the Earth International, 2012)” (Serwajja, 2012).

First information on Sugar factory in Amuru district:
“Box 1. Madhvani Amuru sugar works proposal:
In 2006 news began to emerge of a planned sugar works to be built by the Madhvani Group on 40,000 hectares of land in Amuru district. The proposal envisaged a joint venture between the Amuru Sugar Works (owned by the Madhvani family) and the government, with a projected cost of US$80 million (Shs 162 billion) and included construction of a factory, a power generation plant, a water treatment plant and reservoir, workshops, stores, fuel stations and administration blocks, staff housing and amenities including hospital and educational facilities, etc.34 Amuru Sugar Works anticipated employing up to 7,200 people (25 foreign and the rest local) directly at the factory and some 5,000 on outgrowers’ farms, providing a livelihood to around 70,000 people in total. Five villages to accommodate 200 farmers each were to be built in the nucleus estate. In these villages, farmers would benefit from education and health services, while extension and credit services, agricultural equipment for land clearing, ploughing and furrowing, and a development fund would be used to support outgrowers. According to the proposal, 200km of road network would be built on both the nucleus estate and surrounding areas.5 Despite the proposed benefits of the project, a political storm over the proposal quickly grew, with the Acholi Parliamentary Group (APG), under the leadership of MP Hon Livingstone Okello-Okello, arguing that the investment should not proceed until all internally displaced persons (IDPs) had safely returned and that the required land of 40,000 hectares was too big to be given out for a single investor, since the population was growing fast and in the process of returning from camps.6 Madhvani Group representatives, accompanied by President Yoweri Museveni, visited the north at the end of 2007 in a bid to gain support for the project. Museveni asked the Acholi paramount chief, His Royal Highness Lawii Rwodi David Onen Acana II, to undertake a consultative process by setting up a committee to assess the land in question, research the sugar industry and gather community views. The proposal has subsequently been reduced to 20,000 hectares for the nucleus estate and 10,000 for outgrowers. In July 2008 newspapers reported that during a meeting organised by the APG, residents resolved unanimously not to give their land to any investors. Most recently, following dissatisfaction regarding the ruling of the Amuru Land Board in favour of the Madhvani Group, a group of residents from Amuru district, led by MP Hon Simon Oyet, secured a court order stopping any transactions on land in the district, with the deputy paramount chief of the Acholi, Rwot Otinga Otto, calling on clan leaders and cultural heads to resist giving land to Madhvani if they are not consulted, saying: ‘Just rise up against whoever gives away land without your consent’” (International Alert, 2009).

The background to deal:
“The first public indication of Madhvani’s interest in a sugar cane plantation in the ‘north’s central part’ of Uganda – that is, Acholi – came in a New Year’s Day New Vision Business article, ‘Madhvani to set up second sugar factory’ (1 January 2007) . By July, this interest had become specifically identified as a 40,000 hectare tract of land in Amuru District – see, for example, two New Vision articles from 30 July 2007, one from the Local North section, ‘Acholi MPs asked to support sugar factory’, the other an Opinion piece by Gulu District
Chairman, Norbert Mao, ‘Sugar is sweet but Acholi cannot afford a raw deal’. It is important to note that the land sought by Madhvani is situated in an area cleared of people by the colonial government almost a hundred years ago and made a game reserve. But evidence of various Acholi group’s historical claims to customary land in the area, and its continued use through most of the 20th century for hunting by groups with recognized customary rights is extensive. It is also worth noting that this is also a part of Amuru where preliminary research indicates possible oil reserves, and where Government has given out licenses for oil exploration – as confirmed in a letter dd. 4 September 2008 from Daudi Migereko, the Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, in response to a request for information on the matter by J.J. Okello-Okello, Chairman of the Acholi Parliamentary Group” (United Nation, 2013).

“The project entails acquisition of 40,000 hectares of land in perpetuity and at zero cost, implicitly the people of Lakang are meant to give away the land for development of the sugar industry. Half of the land, 20,000 hectares, will be used to establish a central business district (nucleus estate) of the factory that will entirely be under the management of the Madhvani Group and the remaining land will leased to the communities to grow sugarcane under the out-grower scheme. At the same time, the Madhvani Group will acquire a title deed to the land in question (40,000 hectares) in a quest to secure additional funding of about US$50 million from the African Development Bank” (Serwajja, 2012).

A review of the feasibility study report for proposed sugar project in Amuru district revealed that the area was preferred because of availability of permanent source of water which would provide water for irrigation and proposed factory. The proposed project is located about 6 kms is near the river Nile. Other suitable conditions for sugar cane growing identified included suitable topography with undulating plains, reliable rainfall of 1029 mm annually and fertile soils (sandy clay loam and loam) and availability of spear type of grass which is easy to clear (Madhivani Group March 2007). For the investors acquiring land from the UIA, they had to ensure that the land had no conflicts. For investors who acquired land from the UIA and DLBs, there are guidelines that prescribe all the processes for acquisition” (…)”In Amuru district, an investor had fenced off land cutting off adjustment villages from a health centre and a weekly market. Similarly, in the Kaweeri coffee plantation, the community complained about restrictions of movement through the plantation to access their villages. Since part of the process of land acquisition does not require understanding a gender analysis, its implications on women and men will not be understood and therefore such scales and effects will not inform planned actions“(Kanyesigye, P:13 & 15, 2014).

Amuruland

On the 11th December 2014 Attorney General Peter Nyombi wrote this in a letter:
“In a cabinet meeting presided over by H.E. the President, while briefing cabinet on the progress made so far by regarding the above project you informed cabinet that the survey of the project land would be done after the by-elections in Amuru District” (…)”Could you therefore have the land surveyed and the occupants of the same established and their property on the same recorded and valued so that the project can go ahead” (Nyombi, 2014).

Two other cases:
First case:
“According to the minister’s letter dated 7th January 2008, Major General Julius Oketa had applied to be issued with a certificate of title for approximately 10,000 hectares of land located in Amuru district for a sugar industry. The letter shows that there was no functional
Area Land Committees (ALC) in place which would inspect the land before issuing the title” (Mabikke, P: 20, 2011)

Second Case:
“A similar case of alleged land grabbing is cited in the petition presented to the Speaker of the Parliament, filed by Hon. Okello-Okello John Livingstone – chairman APG. Okello reported several attempts of land grabbing involving senior government officials in northern Uganda.
In 1992 the GoU signed a protocol with the Government of Libya giving away the following large chunks of land namely;
• Bukaleba Beef Ranch 4,000 hectares,
• Aswa Ranch 46,000 hectares
• Maruzi Ranch 16,376 hectares” (Mabikke, P:20, 2011).

A third case:
“The case of land in Apaa Village (Amuru District) illustrates the suspicions of local people concerning the acquisition of large tracts of land. In 2005, when people were still living in the camps, land was given to Bruce Martin from South Africa who was investing in game reserves for sports hunting. When resistance from the community intensified, it is claimed that the government changed tactics and asked the neighbouring district of Adjumani to contest ownership and claim that this land actually lies within Adjumani District. The Adjumani District authorities then passed a council resolution giving the land away to the ‘investor’. Some participants in this research argued that the boundaries between the two districts of Adjumani and Acholi are clear, and that some district politicians are manufacturing the boundary conflict. During an interview with the District Chairperson of Adjumani, he showed a map of the area in dispute claiming the area belongs to Adjumani District” (Otim & Mugisha, P: 8, 2014).

Fourth Case: 

Omoro County Suvey of Land

On the 9th of September of 2015 the police arrested the Amuru MP Hon Gilbert Olanya. Residents has reacted to buy of land and grabbing of Apaa village. The Villages and the MP was forced into the Police car even with the NTV camera crew in the place.

The TDA press release said this: “Three people are now confirmed dead by sources in Apa. Several people suffered grave injuries and are being treated at Amuru health centre. The Member of Parliament Gilbert Olanya was arrested and is believed to be detained in Masindi police station” (Minbane, 2015).

Afterthought:
I think I have said enough. If you’re not enlighten and gotten more clear information on the subject and the issue that these people are living through, then I am sure you should read more reports and dwell on the matter at hand. It is a sensitive matter that by my reckoning hasn’t been dealt in the best way. The arrangement and deals has been beneficiary for the government and state institutions, but not in favor of the demand in the districts. Also it has not put into an account what the local area needs or settlement of the IDPs after the long war in the war-torn area of the Northern Uganda. So many people are still in tents in the camps instead of building themselves into a stabile life. That is really growing prosperity and not just short and quick bucks with the sale of big areas located to foreign and not local merchants. Also fertile land is being sold to either facilitate a giant sugar-factory or as another big time deal to become hunting grounds instead of a place where the citizens can live and earn a livelihood. When this kind of actions happen from the government officials in Kampala and not directly with due diligence locally, then there will be frictions and anger towards the men who gave the businessmen the opportunity to occupy the lands. There are already as seen in many of the reports many smaller incidents between neighbors and family members to allocate lands in the Amuru and Adjumani district. Therefore this will be a sensitive issue that will not be over, especially not over until the next sunset. There will be many moons and even more hot air before a certainty is there. Especially when the Government overrules and sells the land without doing proper procedure and allocations, without checking the status of the area as it unfolds. They the government officials are just pocketing money quick and then send police to get rid of those who live there. At the same time having citizens in the camps as IDPs without a possibility to land and harvest, to find work to sustain them and live. That should have been the priority and not the businessmen from a far. Which is also the main reason why the locals reacts that strongly towards this land grabs and how they feel overrun and not listen to by the powers to be. In this case of the Government of Uganda and their LDC and certain ministries that have put the allocations into effect. An in this particular cases might put the quick monies before the additional and usually most important feature of any government institutions the people and the citizens before the contracts of selling the lands. Henceforth it’s understandable why people react and demonstrate when they feel wronged by the ones that supposed to serve you and secure security and care so you earn your livelihood. And that shouldn’t be too much to ask from the NRM-Regime, though it seems more likely that the big sums of monies matter more than the public reactions at this present time. Also that the continuation of disfranchising the northern districts of Uganda continues, especially with the Oil findings in Western/North Western Uganda – Bunyoro while Amuru and Adjumani will lose more to that area than even before. Peace.
Reference:
Kanyesigye, Juliet – ‘Hearing the other Voice: Investor perspectives on Protection of Women’s Land Rights in Large scale Land Acquisition in Uganda’, Submitted to the World Bank Conference 2014 on Land and Poverty 23-27th 2015, Washington D.C.

Kligerman, Nicole – ‘Alienation in Acholiland: War, Privatization and Land Displacement in Northern Uganda (2009)

Langoya & Ochora Odoch, Walter – Gulu District Local Government – ‘District State of Enviroment Report (2005) – Gulu, Uganda

Mabikke, Samuel B – ‘Escalating Land Grabbing In Post-conflict Regions of
Northern Uganda: A Need for Strengthening Good Land Governance in Acholi Region’ (08-11.04.2011) – Paper presented at the International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, University of Sussex

Minbane – ‘Press Release: TDA condems the violent and forceful eviction in Apa Uganda’ (08.09.2015) link: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2015/09/08/press-release-a-condemns-the-violent-and-forceful-eviction-in-apa-uganda-08-09-2015/

Northern Uganda Land Platform – ‘Power & Vulnerability in land Dispute Resolution – Evaluating Responses to Domestic Land Grabbing in Northern Uganda’ (Lira, May, 2014)

Nyombi, Peter – ADM/7/168/01 – ‘Re: Land for the Sugar Project in Amuru District’ to Hon. Daudi Migereko, Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Kampala

International Alert – ‘Contributing to a Peace Economy in Northern Uganda:
A Guide for Investors’ (06.2009)

Rugadya, Margaret A. – ‘UNVEILING GENDER, LAND AND PROPERTY RIGHTS IN
POST-CONFLICT NORTHERN UGANDA’ (November, 2008)

Serwajja, Eric – ‘The Quest for Development Through Dispossession: Examining Amuru Sugar Works in Lakang-Amuru District of Northern Uganda’ (17-19.10 2012) – Land Deal Politics Initiative (LDPI)

Otim, Denis Barnabas, Ina, Jahn & Cody, Emily – Refugee Law Project MUK – ‘Conflict Watch: “Land and Investment” – Balancing Local and Investor Interest’ (August 2012)

Otim, David & Mugisha, Police Charles – Saferworld: ‘Beyond the reach of the hoe: The struggle for land and minerals in Northern Uganda’ (April 2014)

United Nation – ‘LAND CONFLICT MONITORING and MAPPING TOOL for the Acholi Sub-region – Final Report March 2013’

Veit, Peter – ‘Focus on LAND in Africa – Breif: CONFLICT, DISPLACEMENT, AND LAND RIGHTS IN UGANDA: Uganda’ (December, 2010)

EALS/UG/10/15 – Re: Call on Your Excellency to Reign in State Sanctioned Police Brutality that is stiffling the enjoyment of Democratic Rights and Freedoms in Uganda (22.10.2015)

EALS Museveni Letter P1EALS Museveni Letter P2

Press Release: USAID Partnership cuts Maternal Mortality in half in target facilities (19.10.2015)

mother-support

MEXICO CITY – The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and its partners released a new report today showing an almost 50 percent reduction in maternal deaths in target facilities in Uganda and Zambia. Equally as unprecedented as the reductions in mortality, these results were achieved in just two and a half years.

The Saving Mothers, Giving Life Mid-Initiative report, released at the Global Maternal Newborn Health Conference in Mexico City, demonstrates the impact of a public-private partnership led by the U.S. government that includes the Ugandan and Zambian governments, Merck for Mothers, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, Every Mother Counts, and Project C.U.R.E.

The results of the report include dramatic progress in just the first half of the initiative:

Maternal mortality fell by 53 percent in target facilities in Zambia and by 45 percent in Uganda.
Zambia saw an 81 percent increase in the number of women receiving treatment to prevent the spread of HIV and AIDS to their infants.The number of women giving birth in a facility rose by 30 percent in Uganda and by 43 percent in Zambia. A 29% and 37% decline in perinatal mortality and stillbirths in Zambia, respectively.
Saving Mothers, Giving Life makes high-quality, safe childbirth services available and accessible to women and their newborns by focusing on labor, delivery and the first 48 hours of postpartum when most maternal deaths and half of newborn deaths occur. The initiative addresses the critical delays that cause maternal deaths: delays in seeking services, reaching services, and receiving quality services. Saving Mothers, Giving Life applies a district wide approach by linking communities to all facilities in target districts.

Due to the unprecedented success of this partnership, Saving Mothers, Giving Lives is expanding to 16 new districts in Zambia and Uganda and one state in Nigeria. The model can help achieve the global vision of ending preventable child and maternal deaths.

UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner – Alleged execessive use of Force and Degrading treatment by Uganda Police Force (20.10.2015)

OCHR Uganda

Good-Deeds list of 2015: A Global report of the East African Countries

Dadaab Refugee Camp

This here is to prove what I have found in this report. There would be more meat to the bone if it wasn’t just from one source. But is still worth looking at and from the perspective of the donors, also who the recipients are and the size of the monies. I will take the perspective and look at directly how this affect the East African Countries. Some of the numbers aren’t surprising to those who have followed it. More the amount and changes that has been. Essentially that so many of the countries have been in the top 20 of countries receiving Humanitarian Assistance. That should be a worrying sign of the leadership. The good news for the matter in this case is that Tanzania is nearly out of it all; Burundi stopped being in the top 20 after 2008, also that Uganda went out of the list since 2010. But take a look and see if you catch some wisdom!

Humanitarian assistance is this:
“Humanitarian action is designed to save lives, alleviate suffering and maintain
and protect human dignity during and in the aftermath of emergencies”
(…)
“4 Principles:
• “humanity – saving human lives and alleviating suffering wherever it is found
• impartiality – acting solely on the basis of need, without discrimination between or within affected populations
• neutrality – acting without favouring any side in an armed conflict
or other dispute
• independence – ensuring autonomy of humanitarian objectives from political, economic, military or other objectives” (GHA, P: 20).

UN-Coordinated Appeals:
“The UN-coordinated appeals represent the largest collective request for international humanitarian assistance” (…)”The UN-coordinated appeals are based on the needs assessed and responses planned by a group of UN agencies and NGOs in specific countries” (GHA, P: 22).

Where are the money coming from:
“The group of 20 largest government donors of international humanitarian assistance in 2014 was largely the same as in previous years, and the US continued to provide the largest sums. However, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates joined the ten largest and 20 largest donors respectively. Driven by the conflicts in the region, total contributions from Middle Eastern donors increased by 120% from 2013” (GHA, P: 29).

Government donors:
“Government donors gave a record amount of international humanitarian assistance in 2013, but in 2014 they gave even more – reaching a new high of US$18.7 billion. This was up by nearly a quarter (24%) from the US$15.1 billion given in 2013 and was the largest rise in volume in the past 15 years” (GHA, P: 30).

Largest recipients of international humanitarian assistance, 2013:
“Five of the ten largest recipients were in sub-Saharan Africa – Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – and these received a combined total of US$2.8 billion, 13% of international humanitarian response” (GHA. P: 52).

Country by County facts for the East African Countries:
This is the countries on the listed as the ones getting the most Humanitarian Assistance from 2004 – 2013. In that period the South Sudan country got 2% which is combined $2Bn. Uganda got also 2% which is combined $1,6Bn. Ethiopia got 6% which is combined $5,9Bn. Somalia got also 4% which is combined $4,7Bn. Democratic Republic of Congo got also 4% which is combined $4,6bn. Kenya got also 3% which is combined $3Bn (GHA, P: 53).

From the Top Country recipients from 2004 – 2013:

Country/Year 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Burundi 10 – $176M 14 – $182M 14 – $162M 18 – $177M
Democratic Republic of Congo 9 – $331M 6 – $472M 3 – $451M 6 – $573M 6 – $623M 7 – $501M 12 – $449M 8 – $472M 10 – $449M
Ethiopia 4 – $481M 5 – $709M 9 -$383M 7 – $334M 2 – $924M 3 – $747M 4 – $685M 5 – $693M 6 – $488M 8 – $457M
Kenya 19 – $100M 11 – $273M 14 – $208M 11 – $327M 9 – $426M 8 – $305M 8 – $538M 11 – $407M 14 – $314M
Tanzania
South Sudan 10 – $495M 1 – $875M 4 – $664M
Somalia 11 – $174M 11 – $213M 10 – $349M 8 – $299M 5 – $646M 7 – $611M 10 – $256M 2 – $1,073M 4 – $589M 7 – $458M
Uganda 9 – $183M 13 – $197M 12 – $249M 12 – $248M 13 – $257M 16 – $167M

(Source: Development Initiatives based on OECD, DAC, UN, OCHA FTS, UN CERF, IMF, WED and UN SCEB data).
– The first number is the actual place on the table because this is the ones that was a part of the 1-20.
– The amount of money is US Dollars in Millions.

Some information about the different Countries:
Democratic Republic of Congo:
6, 8 Million people affected including refugees (GHA, P: 12).
4, 7 Million people targeted in UN-Coordinated Appeals. (GHA, P: 13).
The percentage of the UN Appeals that was met in 2014 was totally 46% /GHA, P: 23).

The Country got in total $449M, which was the top ninth country in the world, of the pledges it got 71% and underfunded 29% this was in the year of 2013 (GHA, P: 51).

The things they have mentioned the forgotten crisis the Humanitarian assistance there has no more than 3 Incidents on the FCA index since 2004. This incidents are caused by the troubles of LRA (GHA, P: 64).

Ethiopia:
The Country got in total $449M, which was the top ten country in the world. This was in the year of 2012-2013 (GHA, P: 51).

Kenya:
“Periodic incidences of inter-communal violence combined with climatic shocks and food and livelihood insecurity have left many people vulnerable and in need of assistance in Kenya over recent years. In 2013 approximately 1.7 million people were estimated to be in need of humanitarian assistance, compared with over 4.4 million people in 2012” (GHA, P: 55).

The country received directly support from Saudi Arabia $ 43M in 2014, which is 6 % of the total allocations from the Arabic country (GHA, P: 35).

The things they have mentioned the forgotten crisis the Humanitarian assistance after result of the refugee crisis from Somalia, there has more than 1 Incident on the FCA index since 2004 (GHA, P: 64).

Tanzania:
The things they have mentioned the forgotten crisis the Humanitarian assistance there has no more than 1 Incident on the FCA index since 2004 (GHA, P: 64).

South Sudan:
“Insecurity and displacement has left millions of people in South Sudan vulnerable and in need of assistance. Approximately 4.4 million people were estimated to be in need of humanitarian assistance in 2013. This compares to the estimated 4.6 million people requiring assistance in the country in 2012″ (GHA, P: 55).

7, 8 Million people affected including refugees.
64% of the people in the country affected (GHA, P: 12).
4, 5 Million people targeted in UN-Coordinated Appeals.
40% of population targeted in UN-Coordinated Appeals (GHA, P: 13).
South Sudan Refugee Response Plans (RRP) UN-Coordinated Appeals in 2014 was 54 % met. The main South Sudan Appeal in 2014 was 90% met (GHA, P: 23).

The Country got in total $644M, which was the top third country in the world, of the pledges it got 72% and underfunded 28% this was in the year of 2013 (GHA, P: 50).

Somalia:
“Somalia has suffered over two decades of conflict, displacement, poor basic service provision and severe food insecurity. In 2013 around 3.2 million people were estimated to be in need of humanitarian assistance. This compares to 2012 when, at the beginning of the year, an estimated 3.8 million people were in need of humanitarian response” (GHA, P: 55).

19 % of population targeted in UN-Coordinated Appeals (GHA, P: 13).
The country received directly support from Saudi Arabia $ 1M in 2013, which is 0, 4% of the total allocations from the Arabic country (GHA, P: 35).

The Country got in total $458M, which was the top eight country in the world, of the pledges it got 51% and underfunded 49% this was in the year of 2012-2013 (GHA, P: 51).

The things they have mentioned the forgotten crisis the Humanitarian assistance there has no more than 2 Incidents on the FCA index since 2004 (GHA, P: 64).

Uganda:
The things they have mentioned the forgotten crisis the Humanitarian assistance after result of the war against the LRA, there has more than 3 Incidents on the FCA index since 2004 (GHA, P: 64).

The numbers here are set for certain amount of time and most for the biggest receivers and donors. So what other has gotten is not in the report. But knowing the areas and situation there been more money donated then I have seen here. This money and contexts are set for one set of people and their struggles.

The numbers will be different for 2015 because of the new progressions that has been in the countries. The results and share difference is not only with the more Internal Displaced People (IDPs), but also with refugees from their neighboring countries. This with the continuation of fighting internally in the South Sudan has led into people fleeing to Kenya and Uganda. We will hope that the new peace agreement will lead again to more stability in South Sudan. As there has been people fleeing from LRA in DRC as they still have ability to come down there from C.A.R. The Burundian sham election and third term for Pierre Nkurunziza will make more humanitarian assistance in Tanzania and Uganda. This will lead to more pledges in the next year, even if there might be cuts of direct Governmental donor funds directly to Burundi as reactions to the situation which is now in place. So because of this I am sure the numbers and statistics will be different.

Still, it’s still healthy to see what it was in this report. And what it really says about the countries. That you usually wouldn’t read in the paper. That’s why I picked this numbers and quotes in, so you get something inspiring and seeing how things are changing. All amounts of monies are in US Dollars. Just so you know! Peace.

Reference:
Global Humanitarian Assistance Report 2015

11th Northern Corridor Integration Projects Summit – Joint Communique (17.10.2015)

11th NCIP P111th NCIP P211th NCIP P311th NCIP P411th NCIP P5

The quagmire of the FDC continues today as the Police want to show some flex again

Dr Kizza Besige From Police Station to Police Station 151015

There are times when the political party is in a calm and good state. That is not the FDC party of the Uganda. This is not because of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) choice they, but because of the government of Uganda and the Police is enforced to go after the party it seems.

Yesterday started with the Flag-Bearer and Chairman of the FDC Dr. Kizza Besigye being again under house arrest and all roads leading towards his house in Kasangati on the outside of Kampala.

Dr Kizza Besige From Police Station to Police Station 151015 Kiira Road

Today after a night of House Arrest he got taken in by the Police and had some hours of detained in the Nagalama Police Station. After a few hours he was taken away from that Police station by yet some other Police enforcers. He was sent to Kiira Road Police Station.

While earlier this morning FDC Spokesman Hon. Ibrahim Nganda Ssemujju was also set in House Arrest, stopped his car while driving out and not being able to leave from his premises. This led to the Police stopping his kids from entering school and travelling there. They had also to stay in the home. As they took him out of his car they threw him to the ground as hard as that his suit got destroyed.

Later in the day the Police picked Hon. Ibrahim Nganda Ssemujju and taken into custody and arrest by the Police. And he ended at the same Kiira Road Police Station around the same time of Dr. Kizza Besigye.

Earlier in Jinja today where the planned events and rallies was supposed to be for the Party of the FDC. The Police didn’t appreciate the concern and demonstrations against the Police for arresting their leader. So the Police in Jinja actually started to shoot at the demonstrators. According to Comrade Augustine Ojobile there was ten injured in the skirmishes from the Police. Even a Journalist got shot at the Kakindu Stadium which is showing how much the Police care.

Hon. Ssemujju at Nakawa 151015

So when Nganda Ssemujju entered and came to Kiira Road Police Station and later ended up in the Nakawa Court. Dr. Kizza Besigye got moved again when they both been in the same Police Station. The People’s President was up into yet another Police vehicle and sent back to the Nagalama Police Station.   

Dr Kizza Besige From Police Station to Police Station 151015 Nagalama PS

If you thought the Forum for Democratic Change had enough issues in the last 24 hours. Your wrong, Sir! The new offices of the party in the Kirekka were ransacked by the Police.

So the FDC is totally under attack and stopped for doing their work and purpose of being a political party. Their leaders are being put into Preventative Arrest. There are rumored that they are charged with the breaking the POMA or Public Order Management Act. The honorable Anti-Besigye Act!

This proves that the FDC is not for the moment an legal entity that is not allowed to mobilize in the Eastern or Western district. With the Uganda Police destroying last weekend’s rally in Rukungiri, the car convoy that was going there was stopped with metal trenches on the road. That also led to trucking the car of Dr. Kizza Besigye to Lyantonde. There we’re also many leaders of the FDC actually where in Police custody in the prison there, and also in Rukungiri. So that before the planned rallies in the Eastern Uganda. The FDC is already under siege, not only the home of the Flag-Bearer, but the organization and is really feared by the Police of Uganda. Like their Al-Shabab on steroids! Gen. Kale Kayihura needs a brain-check a cold ice drink and a brain-freeze, because right now his actions is wild as a screaming hyena and causing chaos instead of actually policing in the land. Congratulation for official looking like a baffon! Wokoloso is what you are Mr. Dear Sir Kale Kayihura!

Dr. Kizza Besigye House Arrest 141015 to 151015

FDC Ladies and Gentleman! Stay strong the Police fear you and your presence before the General and Presidential Election this coming 2016. The Ugandan Government and Police is on you as headless chickens using any excuse in the world to deliver pain instead of generating peace because of your ability to being a genuine political party with certain ethics and codes that the ruling party NRM lacks for the moment; As been seen by the NRM Primaries for Local Council elections and finding their candidates for the Election, which has been marred with fraud and rigging. When there are cracks in the inner party flow of the President and Mzee. While the FDC party can’t hold a rally without having a dozen of police trashing it and jailing delegates who are even elected into the Parliament. Something is wrong in that picture right?

 

Updated:

FDC NTV

Peace.