“JOHANNESBURG, 1 April 2016 eNCA’s Karyn Maughan speaks to Sars Commissioner Tom Moyane, who says he is not part of a plot to unseat Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, nor is he a so-called Zuma lackey” (eNCA, 2016).
“JOHANNESBURG, 1 April 2016 eNCA’s Karyn Maughan speaks to Sars Commissioner Tom Moyane, who says he is not part of a plot to unseat Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, nor is he a so-called Zuma lackey” (eNCA, 2016).
“JOHANNESBURG, 01 April 2016 – Former ANC treasurer-general Mathews Phosa is calling for President Jacob Zuma to step down. In a speech delivered to business leaders in Limpopo on Thursday night, Phosa pleaded with the governing party to take decisive action following the Constitutional Court ruling on Nkandla” (eNCA, 2016)
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa, March 22, 2016 – Regarding the release of the ‘Statement of the African National Congress following the National Executive Committee meeting held 18-20 March’, the Gupta family said:
“The Gupta family welcomes the decision of the ANC to investigate the alleged capture of the state by any business entities.
We welcome this process which should ultimately allow the truth to be recognised and end this current trial by innuendo and slander. We will fully cooperate with the Office of the Secretary General during the information gathering process.
We reiterate our support for the country’s Constitution and the rule of law and believe state capture from any quarter should be condemned. We remain committed to the overall well-being of South Africa and all its citizens.”
It would be inappropriate for us to comment any further until publication of the findings.”
About Oakbay Investments and the Gupta family
Oakbay Investments (OakBayInvestments.co.za) has invested more than R10 billion in South Africa. Oakbay Investments is 100% transparent – all numbers have been verified by one of the world’s most respected accountancy firms.
The Gupta family has a 23-year history of strong business performance and turnaround skills. This strong performance has come almost entirely via successful activity in the private sector, with less than 1% of the Group’s revenue coming from government contracts.
Sector diversification has also enabled Oakbay companies to deliver consistent growth and job creation throughout times of both economic boom and bust.
For example, 47,000 jobs have been lost in South Africa’s mining sector between 2012 and 2015. In contrast, Oakbay’s mining companies have created 3500 of jobs in the sector.
Here I will go through the days and happenings between the Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front) and the Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance). This here will show the actual struggle between them as it where, day by day from the 3rd February to the 6th of March. There been a lot of actions. This is not something new as the two groups have fought against each other. They had signed a general peace agreement in Rome back in the day 4th October 1992. There been flaring clashes between the government forces under orders from Frelimo and the opposition Renamo. Even as there been steady cease-fires and battles between them, even in 2013 and the last one in October in 2014! As the last one left it peacefully enough to have campaign time during the late months of 2014. So hat President Filipe Nyuse could be sworn-in on 15th January 2015. So the flaring clashes and skirmishes between them started late 2015. But I have put the latest ones to prove that this seems more likely to systematically and that the parties involved in doing it to their own gain. As the people of Mozambique is the ones that loose on the instability and unsure environment. That cannot be seen as positive view on the latest expansion of the actions. What worries me is the Government of Mozambique claiming that it is ordinary migration that is the reason for the fleeing people from the country to Malawi, while the reports from Malawi proves the sinister and violent aggression they have seen and felt from both Frelimo and Renamo. Take a look!
On the 3rd February:
“President Filipe Nyusi declared on 3 February that the heroes who fell in the struggle to liberate the country from Portuguese colonial rule “do not signify only the past, but also the present, and they will signify the future – the future that we are all building” (…)”The future that Mozambicans are building, the President said, should reflect the efforts and sacrifices made by the country’s heroes during the liberation war. He stressed that the goal of the country’s heroes, was not merely to throw out the Portuguese colonialists, but to ensure independence in the economic as well as the political sphere” (…)“While the people still do not have drinking water, electricity, sufficient schools and hospitals, we still have not competed the mission for which our heroes fell”, he declared. “This is a moment for reflection, for commitment to the development of Mozambique” (AIM, 2016).
On the 5th February:
“Six Renamo gunmen shot a community leader, Cipriano Sineque, and his son in Bebedo, Nhamatanda, Sofala, on 5 February. The head of the Bebedo locality, Bernabe Ndapitaia, who accompanied the wounded men to the Beira hospital, said that Renamo is targeting traditional chiefs and community leaders, in an attempt to weaken these authorities. This was the fourth such incident in the area. “All the community leaders in that area no longer sleep at home, because they are afraid the Renamo men will come after them”, said Ndapitaia. “The Renamo men have drawn up a list of their victims”. “Fear has spread through the area”, he added” (Hanlon, 2016).
On the 9th February:
“The Mozambican police force has promised to block any attempt by opposition movement Renamo to install checkpoints on the country’s main highways, in what Renamo is billing as an effort to protect its members from kidnap and assassination attempts” (…)”Horacio Calavete, a Renamo official in Beira, the capital of central province Sofala, told reporters on Monday 8 February that Renamo would set up road blocks at “strategic points” on the north-south EN1 highway, and the east-west EN6 that runs between Beira and the Zimbabwean border in the province of Manica” (…)”The alleged incident is the latest in a series of claims and counter-claims from both Renamo and the Frelimo-led government that each side is attacking individuals on the other side” (Zitamar, 2016).
On the 10th February:
“Asked whether South Africa would play a role in the political crisis in Mozambique, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, reportedly said that there had been no official request for South Africa to get involved. If such a request were to be made, the cabinet would first consult with the Mozambican government, she told the African News Agency during a visit to Maputo on Wednesday 10 February. ‘Mozambique has an elected government,’ she is quoted as saying” (Louw-Vaudran, 2016).
On the 11th February:
“Five cars were fired upon on Mozambique’s main north-south highway north of the River Save today, a police spokeswoman said, blaming gunmen from opposition movement Renamo for the attacks which killed no one but left three people injured” (…)”The stretch of road where the attacks took place, between the River Save and the town of Muxungue, was the scene of repeated Renamo attacks on vehicles in 2013 and 2014, before a cease-fire was agreed in September 2014 to allow Renamo to take part in elections the following month” (Zitamar, 2016).
On the 12th February:
“The Mozambican police force has promised to block any attempt by opposition movement Renamo to install checkpoints on the country’s main highways, in what Renamo is billing as an effort to protect its members from kidnap and assassination attempts” (…)”Speaking in the capital Maputo today, police spokesman Inacio Dina told journalists any Renamo checkpoints would be illegal, and the police “will use the legitimate means it has in its mandate to restore order.”(ExxAfrica, 2016).
On the 13th February:
“Afonso Dhlakama, leader of Mozambique’s former rebel movement Renamo, says President Jacob Zuma is favourably disposed towards mediating in the conflict between Renamo and the Mozambican government” (…)”Dhlakama nonetheless insisted that Renamo had sent a letter to Zuma via the South African High Commission in Maputo and had received an encouraging response” (ANA, 2016).
On the 14th February:
“Renamo returned to war with attacks Thursday and Friday on the N1, the main north-south road, in Sofala province. Eight cars were shot at; six people were injured but there were no fatalities” (…)”Renamo secretary general Manuel Bissopo was seriously injured and his bodyguard killed in a drive-by shooting in Beira on Wednesday 20 January. Dhlakama’s convoy was shot at on 12 and 25 September last year” (Hanlon, 2016).
On the 15th February:
“Policy makers increased the rate by 100 basis points to 10.75 percent, the Maputo-based institution said in an e-mailed statement on Monday” (…)“The Bank of Mozambique’s Monetary Policy Committee assessed the recent developments in the international economic context, in which the slowdown of the economic activity of developed economies, emerging markets and the Southern African Development Community region stands out,” it said. “The deceleration of the Chinese economy and the persistent decline in commodity prices are the main risk factors in the international context, with probable impacts on global growth, in a context that’s still characterized by the persistent strengthening of the U.S. dollar.” (McDonald, 2016).
On the 16th February:
“Gunmen of the former rebel movement Renamo murdered an official of the ruling Frelimo Party in Nhamatanda district, in the central Mozambican province of Sofala on Monday morning, according to a report in Tuesday’s issue of the Maputo daily “Noticias”” (…)”The Nhamatanda district administrator, Boavida Manuel, told reporters that Silva was murdered at his home shortly after midnight by a group of six Renamo gunmen. His wife, 47 year old Dorca Benjamin, was seriously injured, and is currently under medical care in Beira Central Hospital” (AllAfrica, 2016).
On the 17th February:
“The state-owned Radio Mozambique reported that the clash happened when a Renamo armed group attacked a road block early Wednesday on a tertiary road in Gorongosa district, central Mozambican province of Sofala” (…)“In an exchange of fire, a policeman was killed and a Renamo fighter also died”, said Manuel Camachu, administrator of the area, adding that the fighting lasted for 30 minutes and the Renamo men fled to the bush. Gorongosa used to be Renamo’s stronghold during the ended civil war Renamo waged against the Frelimo-led government” (News Ghana, 2016).
On the 18th February:
“At the opening session of the third ordinary session of Parliament, the parliamentary leader of Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front) called for negotiations and her colleague from Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance) said that her party is prepared to talk, but questioned the good faith of the other party” (…)“As for the negotiations or dialogue for peace, Renamo is ready,” said Ivone Soares, while adding that agreements signed in the past have not been implemented and questioning guarantees that “future commitments will be honoured in the spirit and in the letter” (…)“The country is experiencing a climate of tension created by Renamo, endangering development,” said Talapa, who expressed regret over the “incendiary and totally irresponsible speeches” being delivered in parliament, and for incitements to “civil disobedience, divisiveness, tribalism and war as means of coming to power” (…)”The MDM (Democratic Movement of Mozambique), the third-largest parliamentary force, also addressed the political and military crisis, arguing that “Mozambicans do not deserve another war” nor more violations of human rights and an autocratic state” (…) “This endemic violence must stop and give way to constructive dialogue”, Lutero Simango, parliamentary leader of the MDM, said, adding that “peace is not a matter of a party or two,” but “a national imperative” that must be everyone’s agenda” (Lusa, 2016).
On the 19th February:
“MARGARIDA TALAPA, Head of the Parliamentary Group of the ruling FRELIMO Party says the dissidents have caused tensions in the SADC country” (…)”Ms TALAPA says such people also understand perfectly well dialogue is the best option for obtaining effective peace in MOZAMBIQUE; but the supposedly reasonable wing of RENAMO is made up of cowards” (…)”She has further called on RENAMO to comply with the agreement on a cessation of military hostilities, which it signed on FIVE SEPTEMBER 2014, and call on its operatives to hand over their weapons” (…)”She claims the ruling party manipulates the defence and security forces, and attacks RENAMO forces which are awaiting reintegration” (Saba, 2016).
On the 20th February:
“Authorities in Mozambique are disputing reports that over 6,000 refugees in Malawi are fleeing skirmishes in the northern part of the Mozambique between Frelimo and Renamo” (…)”BBC on Friday quoted the Mozambican President Filipe Nyusi as saying there was no war in the country warranting the fleeing of some people, described asylum seeker in Malawi as a normal migration” (…)”Refugees interview by the BBC said they fled Frelimo brutality. Some woman claimed they were raped by government soldiers as punishment for “shielding” Renamo rebels” (Khamula, 2016).
On the 21st February:
“More than 6,000 Mozambicans have fled to neighboring Malawi since mid-December to escape clashes between government forces and armed militants of the main opposition party Renamo, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency” (…)”The number of people fleeing Mozambique has been increasing because of the clashes between Renamo and government forces,” Ghelli said. “The asylum seekers told us this.” (Odziwa, 2016).
On the 22nd February:
“The man, Domingos Jose, is a major in the Renamo militia, who was demobilized in 1994, after the end of the war of destabilization. His arrest is further evidence that Renamo is attempting to recall men who were supposed to have returned to civilian life 22 years ago” (…)”According to a report in Monday’s issue of the Maputo daily “Noticias”, Jose was one of a group of five Renamo gunmen, armed with AK-47 assault rifles, who attacked the police post in an abortive attempt to seize the weapons it contained” (AllAfrica, 2016).
On the 23rd February:
“Gunmen of the Mozambican revel movement Renamo injured two policemen in an ambush on Saturday in the Mutamba region of Barue district, in the central province of Manica” (…)”The Manica provincial police commander, Armando Mude, confirmed that two policemen were slightly injured in the ambush which occurred at about 12.00” (…)”Mude said that after this incident calm returned to Mutamba. He dismissed the Renamo ambush as mere banditry, and insisted that security along the road is guaranteed” (AIM, 2016).
On the 26th February:
“President Filipe Nyusi today reiterated his willingness to dialogue “without preconditions” with the largest opposition party in Mozambique, Renamo, appealing “to all of Mozambique’s friends” not to encourage the use of weapons” (…)”We reiterate our openness to dialogue without preconditions,” said the head of State of Mozambique, speaking at a graduation ceremony at the Police Academy of Sciences (ACIPOL) in Maputo” (…)”Mozambique is experiencing a situation of political uncertainty for several months and the leader of Renamo threatens to seize power in six northern and central provinces of the country, where the opposition movement claims victory in the general elections of October 2014” (…)”The President Filipe Nyusi has reiterated ihis willingness to meet with the leader of Renamo, but Afonso Dhlakama believes that there is nothing to talk about, Frelimo having rejected in parliament the timely revision of the Constitution to give legal cover to the new administrative regions claimed by the opposition and says that dialogue will only resume after the seizure of power in the centre and north of the country” (Lusa, 2016).
On the 1st March:
“Afonso Dhlakama, leader of the Mozambican rebel movement Renamo, has declared that any dialogue with the government is dependent on Renamo first taking power in the six central and northern provinces which it claims (Manica, Sofala, Tete, Zambezia, Nampula and Niassa)” (…)”Dhlakama’s position is contained in a statement published in the Renamo information bulletin, which declares “Renamo is willing to hold a dialogue with Frelimo, but demands in the first place the governance of the six provinces where it won the elections. Hence any dialogue in the future should occur when Renamo is effectively governing in those provinces” (…)”As for mediators, the government has repeatedly said it sees no need for foreign mediators in a dispute between Mozambicans. At Renamo’s insistence, a group of Mozambican mediators took part in the dialogue between the government and Renamo that ran from April 2013 to August 2015, when Dhlakama unilaterally suspended it” (AIM, 2016).
Reports of actions on the 3rd March:
“Mozambique’s state media on Thursday reported that a group of armed men from the main opposition Renamo attacked four civilian vehicles on Thursday morning in the central Mozambican province of Sofala, resulting in a few injuries” (…)”Radio Mozambique spoke to the administrator of Muxungue, Domingos Fernando, who confirmed the attack on four vehicle” (…)”But he said the fourth vehicle, which was heading to the northern city of Nampula was attacked at 7 O’ Clock in the morning” (Coastweek, 2016).
“Parliamentary deputies from Mozambique’s ruling Frelimo Party on Thursday urged the Attorney-General’s Office to investigate crimes committed by the rebel movement Renamo, and suggested that Renamo could be outlawed as a political party” (…)”This is the only case in the world where there is a party which is in parliament and at the same time waging war in the bush”, said Frelimo spokesperson Edmundo-Galiza Matos Junior, speaking in the second day of a debate with the government on the politico-military tensions in the country”.(…)“It is time for the Attorney-General to analyse seriously the legality of Renamo in the light of the Constitution and the Penal Code, which were passed here with Renamo voting in favour”, he declared” (…)“Is Renamo a political party or a group of armed men who loot the goods of the people – in short armed bandits?”, asked Lucinda Malema, while Lutse Rumeia said “Renamo should have been banned a long time ago. It’s no more than a gang of terrorists and bandits” (…)“Emdio Xavier added a demand that the government should suspend all payments to Renamo. AS a parliamentary party, Renamo receives a monthly state subsidy in proportion to the number of seats it holds” (AllAfrica, 2016).
On 4th March:
“The Mozambican government has deployed about 2,000 soldiers to the opposition’s Gorongosa District stronghold, the media reported” (…)”The deployment, the Moçambique para todos newspaper said, was being seen as targeting the Gorongosa hill, believed to be the hideout of the main opposition Renamo leader, Mr Afonso Dhlakama” (…)”According to Mr Dhlakama, the Mozambican government had ignored calls for dialogue with the opposition, but President Filipe Nyusi insists he would settle for nothing short of direct talks with the opposition leader” (Viera, 2016).
On 5th March:
“Mozambique President Filipe Nyusi has sent a letter to Afonso Dhlakama, the leader of the country’s main opposition party and rebel militia, inviting him to urgent talks on how to restore peace to the country” (…) ”Renamo said in a statement on Friday that Dhlakama is available for talks with the Frelimo government, while condemning an alleged build-up of 4,500 troops from Mozambique’s military and police forces in preparation for a military “mega-offensive” in the central Mozambican provinces of Manica and Sofala. Daily newspaper CanalMoz said on Thursday the government has sent around 2,000 troops to Gorongosa, the district within Sofala where Dhlakama is currently based” (…)”According to a statement released late on Friday, 4 March by the President’s office, Nyusi has appointed a team of three including Jacinto Veloso, a veteran of the war of liberation and a former head of intelligence and state security, to prepare the meeting between Nyusi and Dhlakama” (Zitamar, 2016).
On the 6th March:
“Gunmen of the Mozambican rebel movement Renamo on Saturday morning opened fire on a bus in the central province of Manica, killing two people and injuring a further eight” (…)”The ambush took place in the Honde area, in Barue district, on the main road from the provincial capital, Chimoio, to Tete, and on to Malawi and Zambia” (…)”Addressing a press conference in Chimoio, the Manica provincial police commander, Armando Canheze, said that because the ambush took place near a position of the defence and security forces, police were able to reach the scene before the attackers had an opportunity to loot the bus” (AllAfrica, 2016).
|(From what I found)||Numbers|
This numbers are surely small and might be even bigger as some reports are vague about the amount of people injured at an attack from Renamo as the score is not set. Also the witness report from the people of Malawi does not specify the actual numbers that has been hit. The numbers I have contained is the numbers that are specific in the reports I have collected. So my numbers can only give an indication and not be the actual number of people hurt/injured or dead by the Renamo, army or the police in these skirmishes.
What is very obvious is that Renamo men work in one way and have two main tactics. Going in 6 man groups to houses of governmental leaders or Frelimo leaders to injure or kill them a as a tactically spreading fear, also ambushing main roads to make daily-life into a dangerous journey and show the weakness of the government forces.
What is also very clear is that Frelimo have not delivered everything promised earlier for certain reasons, as the army and police work against the Renamo, and who answered who on at this stage is hard to say. As the 1992 peace agreement promised either guerrillas or armies to become political actors, so both Frelimo and Renamo have arms and now how to use arms. Though at any point Frelimo always have the upper-hand as a government entity and the rule of power. As this also open the questions if they as a longstanding ruling party have used the government facilities, institutions, funds and armies to secure the role of government, yet again as they have been the main party since in independence in Mozambique. And because of this divide a newly formed party has surfaced called MDM (Democratic Movement of Mozambique) they can bring some form civility between Frelimo and Renamo as they have both new and old wounds.
The most astonishing thing for me is that the government and the President Nyusi together with fellow party fellows claiming that the people fleeing the skirmishes and battles between the government forces and the Renamo army is ordinary migration. When the amount of the people who flees at once it is not ordinary migration, as the 6,000 people deserves better and be taken serious by a President, not only by the authorities of Malawi, but also the Mozambique government as they have been responsible for this people and still are as they are initially their citizens and had homes in districts close to Malawi and areas that was under control of Renamo. Renamo is responsible as well, as they are part of parliament and lawful created party who supposed to generate peace after recent agreements, but this here seem like a long-serving power-struggle that seems to last a bit longer.
The once that is hurt is not the elite of Renamo and Frelimo, but the stakes of Mozambique’s citizens and their businesses. The altercations and implications of this can weaken the economy and not get the best deals as certain business and operations will shun the country as they will not be associated with the armies and violence. But it is never easy to say and predict, but the parties of Renamo and Frelimo; need to get a genuine peace-deal and a agreement that actually stick since they have gone back and forth; and doesn’t seem to stop unless their leaders dies. That is the President Nyusi and Afonso Dhlakama! I don’t wish anybody death, but seem that none of them will ever back-down and the President Nyusi will not give in, as the ruling party will stay there by any means, the same for Renamo’s leader Dhlakama. Even if Dhlakama want to have mediation with ANCs leader and South African President Zuma does not validate the ambushes and trying to attempt killings at government officials. To an outsider does sound like mixed messages. While progression from Nyusi is not strengthen him or his government; as the weaken routes and heavy deployment does on escalate the battles between the parties and their armed armies as they currently fight for supremacy and legitimacy. I feel sorry for the once that are in the middle the battles between the parties and the citizens who are targeted by the armies or used for political gain. Peace.
AIM – ‘Dhlakama puts conditions on dialogue’ (01.03.2016) link: http://www.thezimbabwean.co/2016/03/dhlakama-puts-conditions-on-dialogue/
AIM – ‘Renamo gunmen ambush police in Barue’ (23.02.2016) link: http://www.thezimbabwean.co/2016/02/renamo-gunmen-ambush-police-in-barue/
AIM – ‘President Nyusi lays wreath at Heroes’ Monument’ (04.02.2016) link: http://www.manicapost.com/president-nyusi-lays-wreath-at-heroes-monument/
AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Frelimo Deputies Suggest Outlawing Renamo’ (03.03.2016) link:
AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Renamo Major Captured’ (22.02.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201602230158.html
AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Renamo Murders Frelimo Official in Sofala’ (16.02.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201602170089.html
AllAfrica – ‘Mozambique: Renamo Gunmen Murder Two in Attack On Bus’ (06.03.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201603060317.html
Africa News Agency – ‘Renamo leader wants Zuma to mediate in Mozambique’ (13.02.2016) link: https://www.enca.com/africa/renamo-leader-wants-zuma-mediate
Coastweek – ‘Armed Renamo men said to attack vehicles in central Mozambique’ (05.03.2016) link: http://www.coastweek.com/3907-Armed-Renamo-men-reportedly-attack-vehicles-in-central-Mozambique.htm
ExxAfrica – ‘MOZAMBIQUE POLICE VOW TO BLOCK RENAMO CHECKPOINT PLAN’ (12.02.2016) link: http://www.exxafrica.com/mozambique-police-vow-to-block-renamo-checkpoint-plan/
Hanlon, Joseph – ‘Mozambique: Back to War – New Renamo Attacks On N1’ (14.02.2016) link: http://allafrica.com/stories/201602140334.html
Khamula, Owen – ‘Mozambique disown refugees in Malawi’ (20.02.2016) link: http://www.nyasatimes.com/2016/02/20/mozambique-disowns-refugees-in-malawi/
Louw-Vaudran – ‘Mozambique’s success story under threat’ (19.02.2016) link: https://www.issafrica.org/iss-today/mozambiques-success-story-under-threat
Lusa – ‘Mozambican PR reiterates readiness to dialogue “without preconditions” with Renamo’ (26.02.2016) link: http://clubofmozambique.com/news/mozambican-pr-reiterates-readiness-to-dialogue-without-preconditions-with-renamo/
Lusa – ‘Frelimo and Renamo blame each other for instability in Mozambique’ (18.02.2016) link: http://clubofmozambique.com/news/frelimo-and-renamo-blame-each-other-for-instability-in-mozambique/
McDonald – Daniel – ‘Mozambique Raises Interest Rates as Inflation Pressures Mount’ (15.02.2016) link: http://www.dailynewsx.com/news/business-news/mozambique-raises-interest-rates-as-inflation-pressures-mount-27281.html
News Ghana – ‘Two die in clashes in central Mozambique’ (17.02.2016) link: http://www.newsghana.com.gh/two-die-in-clashes-in-central-mozambique/
Odziwa, James – ‘HAS SENT AN INFLUX OF REFUGEES INTO MALAWI’ (21.02.2016) link: http://www.maravipost.com/life-and-style/badnews/10508-clashes-between-mozambican-government-forces-and-renamo-in-tete-has-sent-an-influx-of-refugees-into-malawi.html
Saba – ‘MP ACCUSES RENAMO LAWMAKERS OF CONDONING ARMED VIOLENCE’ (19.02.2016) link: http://www.sabaorg.com/mp-accuses-renamo-lawmakers-of-condoning-armed-violence/
Viera, Arnaldo – ‘Mozambican government deploys troops ‘to hunt’ for opposition leader’ (04.03.2016) link: http://www.africareview.com/News/Mozambican-government-deploys-troop-to-opposition-stronghold/-/979180/3103114/-/1261vys/-/index.html
Zitamar – ‘Renamo accused of attacking cars on Mozambique highway’ (11.02.2016) link: http://zitamar.com/renamo-accused-of-attacking-cars-on-mozambique-highway/
Zitamar – ‘ozambique police vow to block Renamo checkpoint plan’ (09.02.2016) link: http://zitamar.com/mozambique-police-vow-to-block-renamo-checkpoint-plan/
Zitamar – ‘Nyusi invites Dhlakama for Mozambique peace talks’ (05.03.2016) link: http://zitamar.com/nyusi-invites-dhlakama-mozambique-peace-talks/
Tonight’s announcement by President Zuma that he has fired Nhanhla Nene as Finance Minister is a reckless and dangerous move that further damages our country’s economy. Accompanied by no reasons for such a drastic move, one can only conclude that tonight’s action is yet another example of how President Zuma puts himself first and the country second.
It is common knowledge that Nhanhla Nene sought to reign in excessive government spending and was causing too much of a blockage for President Zuma in respect of the nuclear procurement deal and SAA. President Zuma has made one thing very clear tonight: if you stand in my way as Finance Minister and seek to introduce fiscal prudence, you will find yourself redeployed and cast aside. A Zuma ANC government has no regard for sensible finance policy that puts South Africa first.
Tonight’s firing of Nhanhla Nene has already had profoundly negative effects on the rand which has plummeted since news of the announcement broke. This is sure to make the plight of the unemployed in South Africa even more difficult.
The appointment of David van Rooyen as Finance Minister provides no assurance that our economy is in safe hands. The fact that President Zuma waited until after last Friday’s rating assessments to make this decision shows that he knew this was a bad decision.
By President Zuma’s own admission, Mr Nene “has done well […] during a difficult economic climate, so it makes absolutely no sense for him to be fired. President Zuma has again proven himself to be a President incapable of making the right decisions to set South Africa on a path to increased economic growth and job creation.
At this time, our country requires strong economic leadership. Tonight’s decision is the complete opposite.
As the DA, we will subject Minister van Rooyen to close oversight as he begins his tenure. And we will intensify our efforts to bring change to South Africa. Change that brings strong leadership and a government that puts South Africa and its people first.
Here has been told how they could make it in 2012. How to fix the accommodations and different structures and fees together with the historical views on how to fix the monies situations for the poor so they can be a part of the higher education in South Africa. Because if there will be bridging the gap and getting more people education there will be over time strengthening the manpower and levels of technical production. Also there views and patterns of society will generate more people an opportunity to be educated and gain more for getting the low-income parts of the citizens to rise into another social bracket and bring more of their own with them as people do when they get into a great and better situation. Let’s take a look at the government of South Africa’s lost key!
“The White Paper (1997) recognizes that South Africa’s stark income disparities were a barrier to higher education enrolment, and argues that the direct cost to students be proportionate to their ability to pay. This basic principle underlines the imperative that access by poor students must be subsidized by the state through a system of financial aid. Arguing against the idea of a general system of fee-free higher education, the White Paper instead proposes a state-funded student financial assistance system that has since became known as the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS)” (Report P: V).
“The White Paper immediately adds, however, that it is important that “the direct cost to students should be proportionate to their ability to pay” and that “financial need should not be an insuperable barrier to access and success in higher education”. Referring to the need for “a realistic fee structure”, it explores options for the provision of student financial assistance for poor students” (Report P: 5).
“Finally, the Green Paper for Post-School Education and Training (DHET 2012) outlines government’s intention gradually and carefully to expand enrolments and participation rates at universities, so as to cater for 1 500 000 students (at a participation rate of 23%) by 2030 (DHET 2012: x). Government aims at the same time to phase in free undergraduate university provision for the poor, “building on the progress already made in expanding financial aid through NSFAS” (DHET 2012: 5). The reference here to progress already made is to the conversion of NSFAS loans to full bursaries for those students who complete their final undergraduate year successfully. The DHET envisages that “this programme will steadily be introduced to cater for students in the pre-final years” (DHET 2012: 48)” (Report P: 9).
“University education, because of its intrinsic characteristics, and as compared to the basic and secondary spheres of education, is a costly social service. It directly benefits a fairly small segment of society at any one time, and indirectly benefits society which makes use of their knowledge and skills” (Report: vi).
“Historically, although the idea of ‘free’ access by the poor to higher education, and the role of the state in its provision, is relatively new to South African policymaking, it has a relatively long track record in many other countries. In the last century, especially since the 1920s, this basic idea – of providing access opportunities to the ‘children of the working class’ to traditionally elitist universities – has preoccupied policy-makers in many parts of the industrialized world” (Report P: 12).
“In 2005 the Department of Education reported that of the 120 000 students who enrolled in higher education in 2000, 36 000 (30%) dropped out in their first year of study. A further 24 000 (20%) dropped out during their second and third years. Of the remaining 60 000, 22% graduated within the specified three years duration for a generic Bachelors degree (Letseka and Maile 2008: 5)” (Report P: 33).
“The Ministerial Review argued that in order for the current system of student financial aid to realize its potential fully, it must overcome a number of challenges. The first of these challenges is the use of race as a proxy for socio-economic need, which, in terms of the current formula, results in unequal institutional allocations, with historically advantaged institutions with affluent black students receiving the same allocation as historically disadvantaged institutions with many poor black students” (Report: vii).
“South Africa does not have an official singular definition of the poor, with different government departments using different definitions. Statistics South Africa and the National Treasury have proposed a poverty line based on ‘the money income needed to purchase a nutritionally adequate food supply and other essential requirements’” (Report: ix).
“”[f]ree university education means that workers on low to average wages substantially subsidize the university education of the children of higher income families, whom as a result of their university education will, on average, receive much higher incomes. Therefore, ‘free’ university education involves a substantial transfer of money from low income to high income households” (Li 2011:467). On the other hand, the probability of going to university is higher for children from middle class families. The result, however, is contingent on the taxation and other policies in the country in question, as a graduate tax, for instance, could offset some of these effects” (Report P: 14).
“The Ministerial Review of NSFAS estimated that NSFAS would need at least double its budget to meet even current demand (DHET 2010: 16). If participation rates were to increase, significantly more funds would be required. Unfortunately, government funding of public universities has been on the decline over the past decade: according to the Financial and Fiscal Commission, drawing on HEMIS and DHET data, the share of government grants in the total income of the public university system fell from 49% in 2000 to 40% in 2010, with both tuition fees and private or third-stream university income increasing to compensate for this decline. Expressed in terms of the number of enrolled students, government funding per full-time equivalent student fell by 1.1% per year in real terms between 2000 and 2010, while over the same time period, tuition fees per full-time equivalent student increased by 2.5% per year in real terms (FFC 2012: 53-4)” (…)”NSFAS faces several major challenges. First, it receives insufficient funds from government to meet the growing demand for financial aid by poor students. Second, it has been badly governed and managed since its inception. Third, the very high dropout rate attests to the fact that NSFAS has not addressed the key issue of ensuring that access is accompanied by success (Report P: 27).
“Other than historical factors and the inefficiencies of the school system, the present higher education funding architecture is a key reason often identified as an obstacle to an expedited expansion of higher education access. The higher education funding regime is currently characterised by declining real per student funding, for which universities have sought to compensate by, inter alia, regularly increasing tuition fees. This in turn has put pressure on NSFAS which, unfortunately, has not been able to adequately support all qualified and deserving students (Wangenge-Ouma 2012)” (Report P: 29).
“Furthermore, it would be wrong to assume that education functions best as a ‘free market’. While universities do compete for the best students, they do so not on the basis of price but rather on political, social and educational criteria; this can never be a meaningful buyer-seller relationship. University places are limited and students are selected on merit, not buying power. Policies whereby funding follows individuals, and to this extent are focused on individual advancement, may need to be balanced against policies which build state provision for the long-term benefit of society” (Report P: 37).
“Creating a higher education system characterised not only by increased participation and reduced dropout but, above all, free undergraduate study for the poor, will not be cheap. By definition, the households of poor students will not be able to share in any of the costs associated with university study, and even the households of slightly less poor students will be able to contribute only a small portion. Simply to make it possible for the 2013 cohort of students, for example, to begin receiving free university education, will require that NSFAS be given the financial muscle to advance loans of about R14 billion in 2013 prices” (Report P: 48).
“Funding for free university education for the poor should be obtained, at least in part, from the funds of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) and the National Skills Fund (NSF)” (…)”Although in some instances these SETA funds are already being used for bursaries, short course skills programmes and internships, and notwithstanding the fact that various private sector companies and public service departments already support poor students in these ways, it is important to ensure that these funds and support, along with portions of corporate social responsibility funds, are organised and managed under a single, NSFAS umbrella, rather than being disbursed, as is often the case at present, in piecemeal and uncoordinated ways” (…)”For example, the private sector, and perhaps especially the large financial institutions, as well as international donors, may be willing to offer reasonable loans, if state guaranteed, to poor students who are in their final year and who have demonstrated their current dedication and future earning potential” (Report P: 50).
This report has the answers to how they can implement free-fee or proper pricing of the higher education in South Africa; certainly the issue of not implementing it or even releasing it, because yesterday I read through the final draft of it.
There were more things to high light from the report it had also the difference ways of giving the fees and how to repay the fees that are in the countries, but in the recommendations that didn’t look like a consideration of the department. The main issue is that they was offering a advice on building on the already set function of the National Skills Fund and Sector Education and Training Authorities.
The cost of dropouts already in 2012 has to be about the same today and since they have implemented anything towards the cost of being a student while the intuition fees are running higher. Therefore when you already have a costly functioning system, than it should be open for greater part of the citizens of the country, not just the upper echelons of society.
That is an issue in many countries. The Republic of South Africa is not alone in that matter. What they might be alone in, is that they have the keys to the door, but don’t want to open the door. To open that door takes action, a certain level of moments of the characters and institutions. Also the government needs for facilitating and budgets to sustain the free-fee programs; which might lead to somebody in central government actually opening the door to the other place. That can happen if somebody or a government body has the ability to implement the key into lock of the door. So long as the door in locked and even with the key in hand. It feels like a missed opportunity to give something to coming students so they can evolve and gain maturity through studies they usually wouldn’t have the economical capacity to get into the campus life or studies in general, because even if the candidate for studies has the ability as a person to study, but not the money, then the state of South Africa is losing over time qualified workers and educated personnel that they could have gotten.
So now it’s up to the ANC to live up to their heritage and tradition. If that still means something or the only means right now is to build mansions for the new elites instead of building a growing society of prosperity for more of the citizens. Bond the different levels of society from youth towards pension age. This here isn’t easy at all, to build something sustainable and use the funds and opportunities for the general public to gain. The main issue is that they had the KEY at hand to OPEN the DOOR if they wanted to since 2012! ANC could have put things and movement into place and in the right forums to adjust and implement structures to secure a better level of studies for the POOR, even if the Republic of South Africa doesn’t have an definition of POOR. So now we all can ask, because this was draft and never intended to release from the Department of Higher Education which is under Blade Nzimande the minister has had this position since 2009. So he must have known about this all along.
And what I wonder about now is there more departments in the Zuma ANC regime who has more lost keys to official issues or structural reforms that can build society stronger, or is just one lost KEY?
And if so, please ladies and gentleman tell me. Nothing is as good for a transparency and accountability as shedding the light on the matters that the governments and ministries, and government bodies that they don’t want to tell. Because that might shift the moves of the men and woman in power, also gives them a smack that they need so they can use the KEYS and not just relax in the government buildings instead of doing their civic duty! Peace.
Republic of South Africa – Department of Higher Education and Training: ‘REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP ON FEE FREE UNIVERSITY EDUCATION FOR THE POOR IN SOUTH AFRICA’ (Oktober 2012) – Final Draft.
Well, with the Hitachi deal in mind the recent comments and reports are scary. That the President Zuma stands and asks for pledges because that is good for business, that sounds like “buy-a-politician-program”. That is something that isn’t democratic or has the values that the ANC supposed to stand for. If looking at history and Mbeki with the famous arms-deals was bad enough. This will open the floodgates for more. Just read the comments for his speech yesterday!
Jacob Zuma said this yesterday:
““I always say to business people, if you support the ANC, you are investing very wisely. If you don’t invest in the ANC, your business is in danger. Tonight is [not only about the NGC] it is also to remind you that the ANC is a non-profit organization. t [the ANC] makes no profit. But it is very huge. It is the biggest organization in the country so just remember that this organization that you are associated with is a non-profit making organization which means that it is looking at you with a very interesting eye. Remember this organization because it has created an environment which is conducive for everything to be done. Let us work together, that is why more than ever before, you need to support the ruling party because it has very good policies and programmes. Remember that when you donate. We need you now more than any other time now. When the treasurer general knocks at your door open your door widely. If he says support the ANC, take out your cheque-book and tell him to write six figures]” (Khoza, 2015).
And if that wasn’t enough… you have the price for the people attending the speech yesterday!
While we’re talking about ANC and monies those need and wish for more support.
Another report told this:
“South Africa’s elite forked out anything between R100,000 to R1.5 million just for dinner with President Jacob Zuma on the eve of the National General Council” (New24Wire, 2015).
If you are as me sadden by this reports and quotes from a President of the great South African nation. Then you’re not alone, I am sure more people are appalled by it. They just don’t express it. ANC has a heritage and it’s been destroyed from within. The destruction and dismantling of the values and conduct of the ANC party is a strange vision to see from a far. Because they have the ability and opportunity to actually do the right thing, but power corrupts and finding the ques to it is easy and when you find the faucets of gold, it’s hard to stop it. Easier to continue to pour the gold into the coffers then to actually use that to the people and constituencies that the ANC represent. That is something that nobody likes from a far to see and also with sorrow. Peace.
News24Wire – ‘R1.5 million for dinner with Jacob Zuma’ (09.10.2015) link: http://businesstech.co.za/news/general/100754/r1-5-million-for-dinner-with-jacob-zuma/
Khoza, Amanda – ‘Investing in ANC a wise move – Zuma’ (09.10.2015) link: http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Investing-in-ANC-a-wise-move-Zuma-20151009