Ethiopia: OLF/OLA High Command Statement (27.03.2021)

Ethiopia: Global Scholars of Tigrai Scholars (GSTS) letter to Permanent Representatives of US to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield – The Need to Deploy a United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Investigation Commission in Tigray (26.03.2021)

Ethiopia: Seb-Hidri Civil Society of Tigrai – A letter to Your Excellency Ms Michelle Bachelet, United Nation Higher commissioner for Human Rights (25.03.2021)

Ethiopia: UNHCR reaches destroyed camps in northern Tigray (26.03.2021)

This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Boris Cheshirkov – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today’s press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, has gained access to the Shimelba and Hitsats refugee camps in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region for the first time since November 2020, amid ongoing security concerns.

During a joint mission to the area with the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA, we found both camps completely destroyed, and all the humanitarian facilities looted and vandalized.

In Hitsats, most of the shelters in an area known as zone A, as well as UNHCR’s offices and staff guest house, were found burnt to the ground. The mission confirmed what satellite imagery and accounts from refugees had indicated at the beginning of this year.

UNHCR is deeply concerned for the well-being of the Eritrean refugees who had been residing there, all of whom have fled the camps.

The joint mission was also able to visit Shiraro town; refugees are understood to be scattered in the area and in urgent need of safety and support. A subsequent mission will seek to identify the numbers living there and assess the possibility for UNHCR and Ethiopia’s Agency for Refugees and Returnee Affairs, ARRA, to deliver assistance and plan for voluntary relocation.

Of some 20,000 refugees that lived in the two northern camps of Hitsats and Shimelba prior the crisis, more than 7,000 have either made their own way or were assisted by Ethiopian authorities to reach the other two Eritrean refugee camps, Mai Aini and Adi Harush. In addition, we have so far been in contact with more than 2,000 refugees from Hitsats and Shimelba in Shire, Mekelle, Afar, and Addis Ababa.

In Mai Aini and Adi Harush camps, food and core relief supplies have been provided to the relocated refugees. They are currently living with relatives, in schools or other communal buildings in the camps which are already over-capacity, as well in some 500 newly-built emergency shelters. While another 100 shelters are under construction, they will not be sufficient. Urgent identification of alternative locations to accommodate more refugee arrivals is a priority, especially with the coming rainy season.

UNHCR’s individual reception, counselling and registration services have reopened in both camps. UNHCR and its partners are scaling up child protection and gender-based violence support services.

Local authorities have reported the presence of some 95,000 Ethiopians who are internally displaced within Shiraro’s administrative area. About 47,000 people were registered by authorities last month while the rest are estimated to have arrived since. To date, the vast majority of internally displaced people (IDPs) are living within the host community, and some 30,000 are living in five settlements. In Shimelba camp, the humanitarian team found over 2,000 IDPs and vulnerable host community members who had sought sanctuary in the camp.

All of the displaced people in Shiraro and Shimelba are in dire need of urgent life-saving assistance, including food, shelter, health care, water and sanitation. UNHCR reiterates the joint UN call for all parties to urgently enable the free and safe movement of affected people in search of safety and assistance, including across international and within national borders, regardless of their ethnic identification. We call for the right to seek asylum to be fully respected.

Ethiopia: Office of the Prime Minister – On Discussions with President Isaias Afwerki (26.03.2021)

Ethiopia: Oromo Political Prisoners Defence Team – Hamza Borana Pleads Not Guilty: Full Statement He Delivered in Court (22.03.2021)

Your Honours,
I, Hamza Borana, plead not guilty to the charges levelled against me. I am innocent of all the charges and I consider the case political. I am charged with:
(1) Inciting violence between nations and nationalities
(2) Inciting the people against the government
(3) Inciting the Oromo people against the Amhara and Orthodox Christians,
(4) Stating that the Neftegna will not govern us and that the Neftegna system has been killing the Oromo people
(5) That I have stated that people should not carry the federal flag during national holidays in Oromia and agitated for measures to be taken against those found carrying it
(6) That I have stated that Oromo nationalists are being killed and the Oromo people should arm itself and rise up.
Before I enter a plea on these charges, I would like to take a few minutes to tell the court about myself.
This is the first time in my life that I have been accused of a crime and stood before a court to plead to a criminal charge. Unless we work towards building a democratic order, I don’t believe this will be my last. Politically motivated legal proceedings against political foes will continue until we address the central political challenges and practices. If we fail to address our country’s original political sins and continue on this path of manipulation and oppression, innocent citizens will continue to be victims and the oppressor will continue to oppress.
I am here today before this court accused of committing a crime because I wanted to play my part in the struggle against this politics of manipulation and domination.
I was not surprised by the detention and the charges. Before joining this struggle, I knew quite well that there is always a risk of detention, suffering, and being killed like my forefathers. I was not surprised because I joined the struggle after preparing myself to pay the necessary sacrifice. Before becoming a politician, I was forced to flee my country and live-in exile for seven years because I fought for equality and justice. Within those seven years, I founded Radio Daandii Haqaa (RDH) and served as its director and journalist to amplify the voice of my people.
The whole nation and the programs we did and the guests we invited are a testament to the fact that I used the Radio to lead the people’s struggle by peaceful means only, while building bridges between communities, and focusing our energy on the dictatorial system. The dictatorial system was eventually overthrown by the bitter struggle of our people and the sacrifice of more than 5000 youth. When the government changed in April 2018, I was one of those who returned home. Having said that much about myself, I would like to address the accusations:
First, I was accused of inciting violence among nations and nationalities. Before I address the issue, let me provide a quick background about myself. I was born and raised in Borana, Southern Oromia. Borana shares a large border with the Southern Peoples region and I grew up and attended school among multi-ethnic groups. I was shaped by the Gadaa system and values of tolerance and accommodation is an integral part of our culture and way of life. After returning to Ethiopia, I traveled to Gambella for peaceful discussion between the nations and nationalities. We had fruitful discussions with representatives of both sides to establish peaceful relations between the people of Gambella and the Oromo people. I was also invited by both sides to contribute to the peace process between the Afar and Wollo Oromos, which I attended in Batte, Wollo. I also attended a peace conference convened by the leaders of the Oromia and Somali regions as part of the ongoing dialogue to resolve the conflict between the Oromo and Somali people and tried to fulfil my civic duties. Similarly, I attended the Oromia Conference in Ambo by the invitation of the President of the Oromia Regional State and supported the efforts to establish a solid foundation for relations between the Somali and Oromo nations. Finally, in the event of ethnic clashes in the universities, I was able to hold an emergency joint meeting with Amhara Region activists to discuss the steps to be taken to prevent the conflict from spreading to the public.
Second, I am accused of inciting violence between the Oromo, the Orthodox Christians and the government. I do not think it makes sense for religion to be the basis for social and political conflict because I view faith as primarily a private matter. I was born to an Orthodox Christian family. My parents and all my relatives were and still are followers of the Orthodox Christian faith. I learned the Amharic language I speak today at a church. For someone in my position to want to instigate violence against Orthodox Christians or Orthodox churches would mean encouraging violence against my mother, who is today attending this very trial travelling more than 600kms from Borana. She should not have been here to see her son if I were in any way capable of even imagining such a thing. The same goes for my father and my brothers.
Third, with regard to the accusation that I have incited people against the government, I would like to raise two points. As soon as I returned to my country, I was engaged in widespread efforts to encourage people to support agents of reform in government to the point that I was perceived by the public as a member of the ruling party. But as events on the ground shifted and Oromo nationalists began to be arrested and killed and killings become widespread and the transition process went off the rails, I approached leading members of the ruling party and offered my advice. When this failed, I then began to publicly criticise the government’s handling of the situation, and once this too failed, I was forced to join the opposition. There is no doubt that Oromo nationalists have been killed; many human rights reports confirm this, many farmers’ houses have been burnt down. Does anyone deny this? How can anyone who advocates for victims gets detained and made to stand trial while the murderers remain free? Because I am a peace-loving person, I had a 12-day discussion with Abba Gadaas and prominent elders in Borana, in an effort to bring peace to the forces that are sincerely in power and fighting in the name of peace. I was fulfilling my civic duty as a caring citizen.
Next, I would like to raise the issue of the flag: I am basically a citizen who believes in the rule of law, legality, the constitution & constitutionalism. I also believe that the rule of law should be upheld until it is changed or amended. We have a flag that is enshrined in our constitution. Green-yellow-red with a yellow star in the center of the blue circle indicating the equality of nationalities and religions. We also have a law that says where, when, and why we should use this flag. In recent times, we have seen the use of the old Ethiopian flag in different ways and often to incite conflict. As a peace-loving and law-abiding citizen, I have expressed the view that during public holidays only the federal flag should be used and that other symbols that reflect the interests of a single group or provoke conflict should not be allowed, which is well within my constitutional right to free expression. As you know, I am not a government official, I do not have an army to command. I argued that the problematic symbols and insignias should not be carried because remaining silent in the face of an illegal use of the old Ethiopian flag that symbolises ideas contrary to our present constitution would have been a dereliction of my duty. However, my respect for the flag is never in doubt. Lastly, the message I want to convey on this agenda is that I see artists posting the same banner in different ways on music videos and films. For me, this is the illegality that should be condemned. One ethnic group’s view doesn’t represent the rest of Ethiopia and their ideas shouldn’t be imposed on other ethnic groups.
Finally, I was accused of stating that it was the Neftegna who were executing the Oromo people and that the Neftegna will not rule over us. While agreeing with the points made by the second defendant, Bekele Gerba, I will add the following on what Neftegna means for me.
For me, the Neftegna violently displaced my father’s grandfather, Obbo Dhana (Dhaanaa) Roba Gunjo, and his family from the Tulama land and forced him to settle among Gujii Oromo. The Neftegna massacred my mother’s father family in the Dharra District of Salale (North Shoa) and they too similarly fled to Borana. My mother’s father great grandfather Gayo Kumsa, has been uprooted by the evil Neftegna system from the South West of Sheger and forced to flee to Borana. I am the offspring of these displaced families. Yes, this is the system that committed ethnic cleansing on the Oromo people. That is why I am fighting hard to keep this system from coming back. Is it those who support this system or those who opposed it who should be accused? We are forever grateful for the debt of Borana, Guji, Arsi, Bale and Itu-Hubbena (Hararge) Oromo, who reached out and embraced the Tulama Oromo during the displacement of Oromos at the time. I would like to use this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude and respect.
Honourable Court, those of us who returned to our country after the process of democratic transition commenced – former activists, journalists, politicians – many of them chose to turn a blind eye to clear evidence of a slide-back to authoritarianism because they were provided with resources such as land belonging to our farmers, power, and temporary state rents. I felt that the only way I can make a meaningful contribution to the ongoing struggle of my people is by joining a viable opposition party, and I joined the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). My comrades, my organisation and I were seen as an enemy because the ruling party know of the acceptance and support we have among our people and decided to lock us up because they knew they cannot win an election against us. A clear evidence of this is the current situation where the ruling party has jailed us all and removed our party from the election so that the ruling party will run for the election on its own. Therefore, Honorable court, I want to express with great respect, that I am innocent of all charges and I am here because I am falsely accused by the government, so that they can win the election and impose their views on us all.
It was Haacaaluu. They killed him and they prevented us from attending his funeral and properly mourn our loss. It was while I and my friends were on our way to the burial of our hero that we were arrested from the street and jailed. We have not committed any crime.
Thank you.
March 22, 2021
Hamza Borana
Finfinne, Oromia, Ethiopia

Ethiopia: Ethiopia: The EHRC and Amnesty says the same thing [on the Axum massacre]

This piece is written because the Ethiopian government and others went out quickly to dismiss the evidence and the reporting of the Amnesty International Report, which was published in end of February 2021. While now, the same state actors are addressing and not questioning the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC). This is very ironic and is the reason why I will show the similarities and differences.

Amnesty first reports:

Between 19 and 29 November 2020, Eritrean troops operating in the Ethiopian city of Axum, Tigray, committed a series of human rights and humanitarian law violations, including killing hundreds of civilians. Over an approximately 24-hour period on 28-29 November, Eritrean soldiers deliberately shot civilians on the street and carried out systematic house-to-house searches, extrajudicially executing men and boys. The massacre was carried out in retaliation for an earlier attack by a small number of local militiamen, joined by local residents armed with sticks and stones” (Amnesty, February 2021).

EHRC states:

Information collected during this preliminary investigation confirm that during the two days of November 28 and November 29, grave violations of human rights were committed and that in Aksum, over one hundred residents including visitors from other parts of the country who came to mark the annual Aksum Tsion celebration and internally displaced persons from other parts of Tigray, were killed by Eritrean soldiers” (EHRC, March 2021).

Just by these statements alone. We can see that Amnesty International wasn’t wrong or had the wrong witnesses. As the state own authority is saying the same thing. They are claiming the human rights violations by Eritrean soldiers in Axum during November 2020 last year. These two things are showing the ones speaking ill of Amnesty should reconsider stance. Especially, if they are accepting the Preliminary Report of EHRC.

About the November 28th November Amnesty wrote this:

From about 3 to 4 pm, lines of Eritrean trucks and tanks reportedly entered the city from the east. Their numbers bolstered by the new arrivals, Eritrean soldiers went on a rampage, shooting at civilian men and youths who were out on the streets attempting to flee in panic. The killing, which one witness said began around 4 pm, was carried out on a large scale and continued until the evening” (Amnesty, February 2021).

EHRC report says this:

On November 25, members of ENDF were seen to be leaving Aksum and on November 26, residents said they could not see any “soldiers moving around the city”. On November 27, however, “a large number of Eritrean soldiers began coming into Aksum”. “They took up posts in three different locations of the city: ‘Maye Kuho’; ‘Samuna Fabrika’ and ‘Tsele’a’. On November 28, 2020, we started hearing heavy gun fire all around the city.”” (EHRC, March 2021).

Here we see again that the reports are saying similar things. The stories are fitting together. So, the ones who dismissed the Amnesty report was insincere. As both the EHRC and Amnesty is saying the same thing went down.

We know the EHRC is working in favour of the state. The EHRC will downplay and also undermine the total damage done by the state authorities and its allies. However, the Amnesty has its interests too. Still, it is interesting how similar the stories are and how they can co-exist together.

When you read the two reports. The stories could be mended together and explain further what happened. Both reports are blaming Eritrean forces in Axum and they were using vile force on civilians. Therefore, they are the ones responsible for the massacre occurring there in November 2020.

The ones that went after Amnesty and called it “fake news”. Have to go out and held accountable. As the state authority EHRC is validating the same things. They are both claiming the same things and showing similar results. When that is happening. The Amnesty clearly didn’t make things up, but reported factual evidence on the ground. EHRC is doing the same, but are not as direct as Amnesty. As Amnesty is there to defend civilians and their rights. While the EHRC is there to do its duty and mandate in concern with orders of Addis Ababa. This is why the EHRC report isn’t as horrific and straightforward in comparison to Amnesty. However, that is because of their role and their mandate is vastly different.

We can clearly see that the massacre went down. That innocent lives was taken. The Eritrean forces violated the rules of war. The accounts mentioned in the reports is devastating and shows a sinister side. The war in Tigray is clearly more bloody than the authorities and the state wants out. They are clearly aiming at civilians and destroying society. That is the clear message in the reports and reflects the actions made by the ones in-charge of Law Enforcement Operation. They have to be held to account and answer for the injustice served in Tigray. Not only what happened on those days in Axum, but all across the State of Tigray. Peace.

Ethiopia: Oromo Legacy Leadership and Advocacy Association (OLLAA) – OLLAA Calls on PM Abiy to Investigate Wollo Massacres (24.03.2021)

Ethiopia: The Office of the United Nations High Commissiioner for Human Rights and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission to conduct a joint investigation with a view to a credible accountability process (25.03.2021)

Opinion: Abiy burned Asmara’s narrative in Tigray

Yesterday in the House of Federation or the Parliament in Addis Ababa, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali was addressing several of topics for the lawmakers. During this national address or speech. He spoke about the Tigray Region and others involvement, which he has not revealed before.

Clearly the Prime Minister have been pressured to say this or seen the need to speak about the involvement of Eritrean Defence Force (EDF) in the Operation Law Enforcement in Tigray. However, now there is an official explanation now for their entering there. Before, it has been dismissed and the authorities have claimed it not to be true. Though reports has stated otherwise.

Eritrea Letter:

The reason for the lack of evidence regarding the presence of Eritrean troops in Ethiopia is not for the lack of effort by media organisations like yours, but because of the simple fact that there are no Eritrean troops in the region” (Yared Tesfaye letter to Chief Executive of Channel4, Alex Mahon – Embassy of the State of Eritrea, United Kingdom – 22.03.2021).

As we saw two days ago, the Eritrean Authorities did like they normally did. They said there was no troops, no soldiers or any presence of Eritrean forces within Tigray or in Ethiopia in general. However, the fact that has been called “false” is now proven by the allies, the Ethiopian Prime Minister himself. He said it loud and clear yesterday.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali to the Parliament:

However, after the Eritrean army crossed the border and was operating in Ethiopia, any damage it did to our people was unacceptable” (…) “We don’t accept it because it is the Eritrean army, and we would not accept it if it were our soldiers. The military campaign was against our clearly targeted enemies, not against the people. We have discussed this four or five times with the Eritrean government” (…) “Eritrea told us it had national security issues and as a result had seized areas on the border” (…) “The Eritrean government has severely condemned alleged abuses and has said it will take measures against any of its soldiers accused of such” (Abiy, 23.03.2021).

If there ever was an ally. He would have at least played along or said the same. Now, Addis Ababa is giving another memo than Asmara.

President Isaias Afwerki should be alarmed by this. Now the whole downplaying and acting innocent cannot work anymore. That because the Ethiopian government are now throwing them under the bus. This after the Eritrean have fought the battles of the Ethiopians. Yes, the TPLF might be joint enemies. However, there is still much more at stake for Abiy than Afwerki.

Afwerki and Eritrea is already sanctioned and seen as a pariah-state. Abiy on the other hand was a Noble Peace Prize Winner and Reformer. He has so much more to loose and his already loosing it all. Because, he thought he could quickly win the battle of Tigray and be crowned supreme King. Nevertheless, the Ethiopian-Eritrean Operation has done more harm than good.

This is why yesterday really says a lot. When both parties have been willing to lie about this for months. What else are they willing to hide or not tell? When they are speaking with a double tongue for so long… what is the next revelation they will reveal?

Reports was saying this for so long, but until yesterday was it said by anyone in power. Abiy have now released the cat out of the bag. It is now official. The Prime Minister and President is co-operating and they should play with open cards. But… that we know will never happened. Because, they don’t want the world to know the truth. Peace.