
The Electoral Commission letter to Mbabazi Lawyers on inspections of DR Forms (10.03.2016)



Uganda Diaspora P10 March 5, 2016
As we focus attention on the coup de tat in Kampala and illegal detention and violation of the rights of President-Elect, Dr. Kiiza Besigye, we are mindful of the well-being of all Ugandans. News making rounds that some gun men raided a Police Post in Kapchorwa and stole guns, killing 2 cops in the process, should be treated with the grain of salt that it comes with. After the regime’s bogus orchestration of youth attack of the American Embassy in Kampala, lets be very vigilant because they are capable of doing anything, including attacking their own Police posts and killing their own Policemen.
These desperate vote thieves are viciously looking for means to justify their primitive use of force to subdue the population. Earlier, we heard that a grenade was left at the home of the sister to Eng. Kiggundu’s. I would like to remind you that any acts of violence and atrocities are a sole trademark of IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura and the Military, thus far. These snippets of news of armed men and grenades, are merely usual diversionary tactics intended to draw away attention from the Military Coup in Kampala and violation of Dr. Besigye’s rights.
The regime has done everything possible to find an excuse to kill Ugandans and to provoke violence. But Ugandans have decided to be silent and composed as they grieve the forceful usurpation of their collective wills. It is the silence that is making the trigger-happy NRM Police and the Special Force Brigade very nervous – such that they have killed Ugandans in Soroti already. We members of the Uganda Diaspora P10 have recommended that this regime is very incompetent in handling peaceful means to resolve political issues.
The most strategic approach for us, in our noble pursuit of the Peoples’ mandate from the grip of the armed coup leaders, is by civil defiance – purely peaceful means. Ugandans have suffered a lot of aimless or rather useless wars in the name of democracy. We all agree that the events of 2016 have dwarfed whatever vote rigging that took place in 1980 and it warrants similar or even more adverse response from conscious Ugandans. However, we believe that enough is enough. Mr. Museveni must hand over power peacefully to the elected leader – President – Elect Dr. Kiiza Besigye. We are in full support of our leader and we shall stand by him in the name of democracy and good governance. Peace be thy name.

Here is what is the difference between «Resistance» and «Defiance», just as the Uganda Police and the Electoral Commission doesn’t discuss the value of the words and says FDC has to stop with their campaign of Defiance, while not stressing the “revolutionary” and bush-war political party National Resistance Movement is okay, as they are was resisting the Obote dictatorship in the 1980… and has resist his force ever since.
I will publish this for the matter of pointing out how the words mean and what kind of political play that is played out. As the Police has said they will continue to squat outside of Dr. Kizza Besigye until he gives up the ideal of defiance. Well, let see the different value of them. And since they both are words taken from the queens language let me take the official source and respected dictionary of the Oxford Dictionary.

Here is Resistance:
“The refusal to accept or comply with something: they displayed a narrow-minded resistance to change” (Oxford).
“Origin: Late Middle English: from French résistance, from late Latin resistentia, from the verb resistere ‘hold back’” (Oxford).

Here is Defiance:
“Open resistance; bold disobedience: an act of defiance the demonstration was held in defiance of official warnings” (Oxford).
“Origin: Middle English (denoting the renunciation of an allegiance or friendship): from Old French, from defier ‘defy’” (Oxford).
Resistance by understanding by the Oxford definition is refusal or to comply with something. “Hold back” from the authorities as the French did with their resistance and went behind the back of German invasion of France in the Second World War. While Defiance is OPEN resistance, not only holding back, but BOLD disobedience, that is the message Dr. Kizza Besigye sends. That is not that far from each other. When you see that defiance is to defy somebody and their rules, while resistance is to refusal to accept or comply with something. That both actually is meaning that the President is sending! That he is “resisting to comply” with something as he done since the 1980s, the resisting to become like predecessors, though apparently after this election, he became like them.
Defiance campaign of Dr. Kizza Besigye is on the same scale as Resistance. There is meager difference, the other difference that being a Resistance Movement has a meaning as well. One is open and bold while the other not following orders. So I don’t see why the Movement, the Electoral Commission and the Police should have troubles. If the continue to do so, then the NRM should fix their name. While I speak about their name, let us see what the Oxford definition is!

What Oxford dictionary says about an Resistance Movement:
“(also resistance movement)A secret organization resisting authority, especially in an occupied country: he went underground and joined the resistance’” (Oxford).
The irony about the name of NRM is National Resistance Movement. A Movement that is underground and a secret organization that is resisting authority; especially in a occupied country. I am sure the Ugandan people feel a little occupied as the soldiers and police wander down the streets and the mambas are visible in broad daylight. The NRM is not an underground organization and such, but it is ironic that they have that name and has “Resistance” in the middle, as they are “holding back” something. As the NRM gives officials warnings and Kizza Besigye and the FDC are defying the messages and open decrees that the government have given him and his party officials.
The irony is now open and in the wind. As the Police and Army should not have a reason by the definition of the words to against “Defiance” as the ruling party is a Resistance Movement and even speaking of pride of their “Resistance”. That there is viable and honest approach to the matter and that nobody has taken it and demolish the non-sense is for me weird. So if the authorities are serious and respectable. They would stop this at once, actually yesterday! While we all know, but they don’t their own words. We can see that the NRM cannot see the value of their own middle name “Resistance”, therefore their problem with “Defiance” can be seen as pointless. .But the campaign of Defiance should not be in the issue in the land of the RESISTANCE Movement! Peace.


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cvdtQDhj-SA
“Uganda’s opposition leaders Kizza Besigye and Amama Mbabazi are expected to announce their decision on whether they will file their respective petitions at the Uganda Supreme Court challenging President Museveni’s win in the country’s 18th February poll” (…)”Besigye who has been held by Ugandan police nine times is still under house arrest at his home in Kasangati” (…)”The Ugandan opposition leader has protested his arrest saying a 2011 Kasangani Magistrate Court order still stands” (NTV Uganda, 01.03.2016).
“Former presidential candidate Abed Bwanika has criticised the manner in which the electoral commission handled the electoral process. Bwanika said the commission has failed to give an account of how the tallying was done and what caused the irregularities registered on the presidential polling day. While addressing journalists in Kampala, Bwanika said he would headed to Kasangati to visit former FDC Presidential candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye who is under heavy police guard and movements restricted” (NTV Uganda, 29.02.2016).


This here is something that has surfaced after Gen. Benon Buta Biraaro entered the premise and compound of Dr. Kizza Besigye on the 26th of February 2016. This is just days after the announcement of victory of President Museveni on the 20th February from the Electoral Commission.
So that the days of arrests and detaining of Dr. Kizza Besigye together with the oppression of the opposition party and his loyal officials and agents has been violated and arrested for following up on a flawed and a fraud of an election. The violence and police utilization as a tool to oppress the men who has declaration results forms from the districts agents as the candidates are getting to validate the counting of the ballots from the district before being announced and getting the right verdict of the will of their constituency. This here says it all when the police follows the men and trying to get the FDC officials and agents jailed and at gun-point or to rewrite the forms to fix the malfunction from the registered outcome that was announced from the Electoral Commission; it is in this context there have been talked about the opportunity to have talks to make President Museveni still in power, while giving Dr. Kizza Besigye to become his Vice President (V.P.) in a new government.

Let me be clear: this comes as the presidential candidate of the Farmers Party Gen. Biraaro have been at Kasangati home of Besigye; there been reports of meetings between Inter-Religious Council of Uganda and the Commonwealth Observer Group leader and former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo, as he is supposed to mediate between President Museveni and Dr. Kizza Besigye; he is supposed to be able to talk them both into a deal that with power-sharing and keeping the peace between the persons in question.

This here happen between Morgan Tsvangirai of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and President Robert Mugabe of Zanu-PF this happen after 200 dead and violent election during 2008 after a fraudulent election that opposition leader Tsvangirai was expected to have won as his popularity had risen in the public, while the economy had gone bonkers. Thabo Mbeki the President of South Africa mediated in this crisis of leadership and got the deal between the parties, where Tsvangirai accepted becoming the deputy in a coalition government that one that still President Mugabe controlled.

In the South Sudan there been issues in the leadership between the fractions of the Sudan People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/SPLA) as they even have an outfit that is SPLM in Opposition (SPLM-O). This is as the power-struggle between President Salva Kiir and Vice-President Riek Machar; they had even used arms against each other. So when they signed a peace-agreement that was settled during the winter of 2015, has stopped the months on months with violence and destruction in the country. President Kiir has become of this also made his former enemy and now Vice President Machar. He was re-appointed after on the 12th of February 2016.

This here shows examples of it of power-sharing deals between the ruling-party and the opposition. That is the dream of some people now as the tension is running high while the Police is harassing and detaining the FDC party officials and agents. While house-arresting Dr. Kizza Besigye since the Election Day; so that he cannot file in the petition to counter the declared results of the election results. Something that President Museveni and his security outfits works to stop by any means these days and also destroy the evidence of the actual rigging of the 18th February 2016.
The way the Police have deteriorating the opposition after the elections. So they could not gather their evidence and they continue to arrest candidates agents; as they try to deliver evidence and Declaration Results Forms to the Central Organization to secure the evidence and gather the basics to the petition. If you think this kind of actions talks of somebody who want to share power. Then your blind man trying to lead another blind man; that will lead the government with somebody else, seems more like a man who wants to own the executive position. Especially also his own words for the opposition and blame of stifling development on MPs, Opposition MPs and LCV of Opposition is usually the reason for the wrong kind of development. The last straw was when he wrote in the article on the 27th February that the opposition is an “endangered species”. That says what kind of methods he will use together with the “knock-out” victory he proclaim in the article is just wild-talk from a President.

If President really wanted to have dialogue and actually honor Dr. Kizza Besigye and his FDC; than he hadn’t constantly stopped his movement and opportunities to make a petition or meet fellow officials to make a best casework possible. This here is viable and exercise of violent behavior that does not give credible and legitimacy for President Museveni. Except for his loyal cadres and payed mouth-pieces; the ones that has accepted his salaries for being there for the NRM and the Government under the Museveni umbrella, it is not like that will change with Dr. Kizza Besigye as V.P. The only result of such a match is to give credit to the fraudulent elections and kiss and make-up. But not do a substantial groundwork and honor the voters that were not taken care of during the Election Day and the tally that followed.
I do not believe that this is a good idea. For the simple argument: Legitimacy of a NRM-Regime and the NRM led Government. I stay clear on that point as the results has been deliberately cooked while mouthpiece of NRM Andrew Mwenda blames on twitter that opposition is lying; Mr. Mwenda there to many perfect scores and polling stations that doesn’t make sense; especially that 100% for Museveni in 133 stations, every single registered person, living and dead, every ballot and not a single invalid ballot. For some strange reason Mr. Mwenda every single ballot in those polling stations went to President Musveni! That is an amazing achievement when NGOs and CSOs who followed the elections claimed that the voter educations was lacking and missing during the pre-election period. So there are certain and even more questionable acts of fraud as the Declarations Results Forms that has altered so they can be compared to the released result from the Electoral Commission. And the voter intimidation and the way the army and police acted accordingly even facilitated rigging in certain areas, questions also the faith in the ballots and the tally result from this presidential election exercise. And with all of that mind; the FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye should not legitimize a government who got power in that way, and by house-arresting their presidential candidate days in and days out without a warrant or reason.
The only one earning on this President Museveni and his NRM, by trading away a ceremonial position of the Vice President; silencing the opposition and their claims while still having the Executive power. The same way President Mugabe through thorough negotiations gave the V.P. to Morgan Tsvangirai, but got little legitimacy and even credit for sorting out peace between political parties. That gave him also time to give more power and access to it to the Executive. That is the same way would happen with President Museveni and instead of Mbeki negotiating the agreement; It would be Obansanjo. He is not the kind who serve power away and if a person get to much of following. And that follwing not beeing directed to him or he feels that person has to much control in the NRM; then he clips your wings. Just as he has done in the past with Gilbert Bukenya and Amama Mbabazi; they are the essential former loyalist to NRM and Museveni, but is now outplayed by their former master.

In the same way President Museveni would have done with Dr. Kizza Besigye. At this point former Nigerian President Obasanjo should just take a ticket home to Lagos instead of trying to mediate between the NRM and the FDC. As this here is a stalemate and deserve to be one until justice and rule of law is followed; not only orders from President Museveni. That is the tale of the day and the way the Police and Army uses to oppress the opposition.
As he has said he wants to destroy the opposition and make them go away as they are burden to his rule. And when a President has that kind of wish and does not respect the ballots or electoral reform that does not fit him. Why should the opposition give him the honor of legitimizing his stay in power?

Dr. Kizza Besigye, Amama Mbabazi, Olara Otunnu, Norbert Mao and all the other opposition leaders should shun the President and not honor him. Instead they should stay away from or not negotiate with him, until justice prevails and the truth of the matter get to the surface as the blatant disregard for the election from the regime is obvious and carefully orchestrated and taken care of to secure President Museveni, not the will of the people, just as Dr. Milton Obote did what he could to secure his will in 1980 election.
Kigwa Leero! Peace.
What do you think and does it sound similar, doesn’t it? Back to the Future President Museveni Style! Peace.

There been saying that there are similarities between the 1980s General Election and 2016 General Election when it comes to the Presidency and Parliament. Because of that I have checked and read some reports. Here is stories from the 1980 General Election, as the stories comes out and this here is not from articles from New Vision or Daily Monitor, this here is direct reports or educational-papers, even the international media and some of the people involved in the matter like Yusuf Lule and Paolo Muwanga. But there are lots of questions still, but the certainty of British involvement in the result and the outcome has surely come to mind. Here is some information and not just mere speculation to how the General Election went.
Background to the General Election 1980:
“Thus assured of support, Obote now moved in fact to destabilize the UNLF Government in Uganda. In this he found an ally in the Military Commission of the UNLF, whose Chairman Paulo Muwanga and Vice-Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, joined hands to stage a coup against the UNLF in May 1980. But Museveni was out maneuvered by the Obote-Muwanga clique. The latter rigged the December 1980 elections in their favor” (…)”Britain, in tum, manipulated the Commonwealth to send an “Observer Group” to witness the elections – a ploy that served to “legitimize” Obote’s victory, and thus secure the official suppon of all members of the United Nations and the OAU. Needless to add, Britain was the first country to recognize Obote’s fraudulent victory. Margaret Thatcher convinced the Americans to back the regime and to give the green light for IMF stand-by credits. The full regalia of a neo-colonial restructuring of Uganda was opened in front of all eyes to see. Obote was “the man of the hour”. Whilst Britain played a key role in legitimising Obote (through the mediation of the Commonwealth Secretariat), and later in providing him with assistance to train his army, the role other imperialists played must also be mentioned. The Germans, and in particular the Christian Democratic Party and its foundation the Konrad Adenaur Foundation, all linked with German monopolies, have had an historical interest in Uganda, and close ties with the mainly Catholic Party, the DP. They decided that in the interest of protecting broader Western interests in Uganda, Obote’s election “victory”, though fraudulent, must be recognized. The CDU played a significant role in convincing the DP to accept Obote on the grounds that since Obote had offered to “respect” a “multi-party system”, the DP still had a chance in the future” (Tandon, 1987).

From the 11th December 1980 Proclamation:
“The Chairman of the Military Commission, Mr. Paolo Muwanga, has issued a declaration regarding the confirmation of who shall be considered as having been elected a member of Parliament following the end of the 1980 General Elections” (…)”Any results declared otherwise than in compliance with the provision of the declaration shall not be valid or binding in any publication or such purported result by any means whatsoever” (…)”For the purpose of the 1980 elections to the National Assembly, section 47 of the National Assembly (Elections) Act shall be substituted by the following: “47A(a) when the result of the poll of a constituency has been ascertained, the returning officer shall make no public declaration of the finding but forthwith communicate it to the Chairman of the Military Commission with a confidential report on various aspects of the conduct of the election” (Muwanga, 1980).
The official Results:

Yusef Lule claims this:
“I accepted the cabinet on an interim basis. Once I got to Uganda. I shuffled my cabinet and brought in better people. In the 69 days, I tried to rectify the mistakes. For example, one of the roots of troubles in Uganda has been the recruitment of the army from only a few ethnic groups. The British had started this for their own reasons. But as soon as I was President in Uganda, I ordered the recruitment of soldiers from all elements of the population to make it a national army. Nyerere and Obote immediately saw their plan to sieze power after a year might be thwarted. From the moment on Nyerere withdrew from me the support of the Tanzanian troops that controlled the country” (…)”Nyerere insisted that Lule must resign even though the Consultative Council had no legislative powers. (Indeed, the Ugandan High Court ruled, in October 1980, that Lule’s removal had been unconstitutional)” (…)”Since then have come the Uganda elections of December 1980 and much fighting. Lule is highly critical of the Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) because they issued their much-publicized interim report stating the voting had been relatively free and open, before the results of the polls had been announced” (…)”After the Commonwealth statement, Muwanga, contrary to his supposedly neutral role, intervened in the electoral affairs by suspending the announcement of growing victory of anti-Obote forces, and declaring victory for Obote. Muwanga became Obote’s Vice President and Defence Minister” (…)”After the ballots had been counted in Gulu, the permanent secretary – a close friend – called up Mrs. Aliker in Nairobi to congratulate her on her husband’s victory by 40,000 votes against 3,000 for his opponent. The tide was running heavily toward the anti-Obote forces. Then Paulo Muwanga announced suspension of the results. There was immediate tension. When Radio Uganda came on air the next day, they first announcement was that in Gulu, Dr. Martin Aliker had been defeated by 40,000 to 3,000. The candidate falsely announced as the winner refused to believe the result” (Munger – Lule, 1983).

Another story of the 1980 elections:
“Meanwhile, in Uganda, controversy raged over the electoral arrangements, amid an increasingly febrile and violent atmosphere. While under the supervision of the Electoral Commission, the actual mechanics of the election were largely in the hands of the administration – in a continuation from late colonial practice, each district commissioner was the returning officer for all constituencies in his district, and was in effect in control of the hiring and supervision of electoral staff. Just over a month before the election, 14 of Uganda’s 33 district commissioners were dismissed and replaced by men appointed directly by the Military Commission; soon afterwards, Obote publicly warned civil servants to ‘stop frustrating the UPC election efforts’. One man who was a young UPM activist at the time recalled that in his constituency, the district commissioner set about ensuring that all polling staff were UPC supporters” (…)”well over 80% of the registered voters in most places, which meant that rather more than one quarter of the total population voted. This a remarkable number in a country where slightly more than half the population were under 18, while one constituency saw a 103% turnout. Such figures might seem to suggest wholesale ballot-stuffing, and it seems likely that there was some local malpractice involving multiple voting and/or stuffing. But if there was manipulation, it appears to have balanced out, because turnout levels were generally consistent across UPC and DP strongholds.In Buganda, where the UPC suffered more or less complete electoral annihilation, the turnout was as high as it was in the UPC heartlands in the north(the 103% came here). Tito Okello, the commander of the UNLA, ‘praised Ugandans for their peaceful attitude and love for political progress’ and called the election ‘a day of rebirth when Uganda will once more have its rightful place in Africa and the world community’” (…)”The Electoral Commission had, however, fallen silent; its secretary had gone into hiding (and fled the country two nights later) and the rest of its members temporarily vanished from the office. When it resumed the announcement of results, these showed a very substantial UPC victory. In the end, UPC secured 74 seats, against 51 for DP and 1 for UPM; though in terms of the overall vote, the DP secured more votes overall. The process of tallying at a constituency level had been largely unobserved, since the Observer Group had returned to Kampala on 11 December and – following an outbreak of shooting around their hotel that evening – were largely withdrawn on 12 December” (…)”In his memoirs, the senior British member of the Observer Group, Robert Wainwright, comforted himself that Obote would have won anyway, even had he not cheated in the nominations. Obote’s biographer, citing the Observer Group report, insisted that Obote had won the election simply because of its ‘superior organization’, and dismissed accusations of malpractice as unfounded” (Willis).
In 1981:
“Mr. Obote’s party gerrymandered voting districts, delayed opposition candidates past deadlines for qualifying and in the end shut down a public tally of votes to simply announce victory over national radio. In the last two weeks, the Obote administration also has closed five opposition newspapers” (…)”We are going back on a course we thought we had left, just as things were under Amin,” said Paul Ssemogerere, leader of the opposition Democratic Party. A Democratic Party member of Parliament, John Magezi, said in an interview this week that: ”I’m not sure I understand what’s happening myself. This isn’t even third world politics; this is fourth world.” (…)”The most serious threat to the Obote regime is thought to be a rebel force led by Yoweri Mseveni, who was a member of the six-member military commission that ruled Uganda until the election. Making War From the Bush” (…)”Mr. Mseveni was the only man on the board who did not support Mr. Obote. He formed a political party, but he was trounced in the election that he is convinced was stolen by Milton Obote. Now he is in the bush – with a force of five thousand, he claims – preparing for a major offensive unless the Obote administration steps down” (Jaynes, 1981).

In 1982:
“Without the investment budget, the economist said, Uganda’s chances of economic revival look slim. But frequent reports of violence, perpetrated particularly by Government troops, may make potential investors wary. And thus a vicious circle could be created with economic discontent fueling the problems that block economic revival. Many Ugandans still live in poverty. Dispute Over 1980 Election” (…)”Neither do the insurgents seem to offer an immediate alternative to the present Government. The guerrillas undoubtedly have considerable support among the Baganda people around Kampala, who form the nation’s largest single ethnic group. The Baganda have been opposed to President Obote since he banished their king during his first term of office, from independence in 1962 until his overthrow by Idi Amin in 1971. Mr. Obote returned to power in elections in December 1980, which the Baganda opposition charges were rigged, and which Mr. Obote says vehemently were free and fair” (…)”The President himself asserts that, were the guerrillas to achieve their aims and install a Baganda leader, then the rest of the country – which, he says, voted solidly for him in the 1980 election – would rise up in revolt” (Cowell, 1982).
Certain Acholi feelings about the 1980s:
“This was followed by several short lived junta administration (governments) till the 1980 general election that was generally disputed by the majority of Ugandan political parties that participated. They claimed that the election was “not free and fair”. This led to a re-organization once more into another liberation movement that struggled till 1986 when they finally succeeded in capturing political power by force of arms. In this struggle, some members of the then defeated army were either taken as prisoners of war or voluntarily joined liberation movement or settled back home while a section regrouped in the north in order to launch a counter offensive to gain political power. It is generally accepted that this was the starting point of the Northern Uganda conflict that has changed faces of struggle which adversely affected the people of the greater North” (ARLPI, 2007).

Here we see the British position to the matter and verifying the results and the way the rigging is open and blatant happening, even with witnesses and wife’s getting information about the victory by phone and the day after on the radio hearing and announced that the person didn’t get their seat in parliament after all.
The 1980s elections seem by many means rigged and the reports validate that sense. As some have question if that is true or something Uganda Patriotic Movement used to defend their rebellion towards the state, as the opposition does now; the FDC claims as the predecessor UPM did at one point. The worrying point about the whole election at that time is how the Commonwealth Observers is being used by British Officials, as the Dr. Milton Obote got the verifying force and the international credibility to stop the nuance of asking to accepted. While the Parliament and members was more selected than elected. Just as it seems as after 18th February as the Electoral Commission under Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu, put all the eggs in the basket of President Museveni and avoided lots of polling stations to benefit the ruling regime. The way the ruling regime of Uganda People’s Congress did their job and their Paolo Muwanga made the cake for Dr. Obote and his second term in office.
The way Obote told Civil Servants to serve UPC and not work against them, the same way Museveni today tells that everybody should stay behind NRM; they use other words, but initially mean the same. The same is also that Museveni says the election happen in a free and fair fashion as did Obote on the 1980s. They actually could be saying the same words or as similar as can be. They could be like brothers today and President Museveni did everything in his power in the beginning to demolish the legacy of Obote. So that he could be seen as the essential leader of the nation.
Today we see the ways that the army and police are used as tool of oppression as it was done during the Obote area as well. The determination of oppressing the opposition and making life hard for anybody who is not NRM is shown through the pre-election period and now after the polls as evidence today and the recent days where the Police have gone after the opposition with vigor and power. Jailed and detained FDC Mobilisers, Officials and others for affiliations or having the original declarations forms that the Electoral Commission have rigged, so to get rid of evidence.
So there is so many of the same traits that it is staggering… and the ways they are conducting the elections and polls; are nothing difference than from Obote, the man he fought for 5 years in a Bush-War to free the peasants, making himself to be like him. That is impressive as he was supposed to be an intellectual and a wise-guy who could make Uganda democratic, what that has happen is that President have made government of Uganda now acting the same ways as the ones he ousted. That is ironic and sad at the same time. Wished for the people Uganda another President who respect rule of law, the role of the executive and the true power of transparency and accountability, but that will not occur under President Museveni as he now will only seek his own gain and not care about the general state of Uganda; as his power and keeping that is main objective, everything else is secondary. Peace.