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Archive for the tag “East African Legislative Assembly”

NRM EALA Primary Election at the State House Day 2: Has-beens are the Flag-Bearers this time around!

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Banyenzaki after quitting race: “The whole system is a fraud and stage managed. I can’t submit myself to such kind of election” (NBS TV Uganda, 08.02.2017).

The National Resistance Movement had to postpone the activity for another day at the Parliament, as the NRM could not with amended rules and with problematic ballot papers as it ended in suspended election yesterday, which even got the NRM MPs mad at NRM Electoral Commission chairman Dr. Tanga Odoi. Surely, they didn’t want a second day of embarrassment at the State House of Entebbe. The famous Okello house that President Museveni himself lingers in.

The people who dropped out yesterday, went back into the fold, while some dropped out today instead, therefore the EC surely had enough work on before the ballots could be signed and delivered to be counted today as well.

The one winning was Paul Musamali was a beaten NRM MP who lost his place in Parliament before the 10th Parliament. Rose Akol, the Bukedea MP lost also her place in the Parliament before this term. Former State Minister for Agriculture Mary Mugyenyi also we’re elected. Resident District Commissioner of Lira, George Odongo was elected today. Dennis Namara is a former Chairperson NRM Youth League. The Rakai District and MP for Kakuuto County Mathias Kasamba was the last elected person from the NRM.

We can see that Democratic Party Hon. Florence Nakiwala Kiyingi and Vice-Chairman Fred Mukasa Mbidde, who was supposed to run on NRM Ticket in the EALA nominations and candidates to the Parliament. Therefore the DP Party are not getting representation through the ruling party and their ticket. Hon. Kiyingi must feel awkward as her run for candidacy didn’t go through.

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What this looks like is like there we’re talks at the State House after the General Election in 2016, as there must surely some of these former MPs and State Minister’s has made deals, as they didn’t run on Independent ticket for a Parliamentary Flag-Bearer in the county and district. This happen in the December 2015 when, surely behind closed doors in the State House and together with President Museveni to make sure they didn’t go independent or even trying to run against the NRM new MPs. With this in mind, we can question if this happen today with all the history in the room and the ones elected for the EALA candidacy in the NRM. There is only one who is a current MP and that is Mathias Kasamba, the rest is has-beens who get a good job in Tanzania.

That is enough NRM for today! Peace.

NRM EALA Primary Election at the State House, ends in fist-fights as the Movement cannot elect their own for EALA suspended until tomorrow!

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“President Museveni on EALA elections: “This is a serious matter. It is about electing people who know what is involved in integration” (NBS TV Uganda, 07.02.2017)

Yesterday, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), the main opposition had been able within the FDC NEC to pick their EALA candidates for the new EALA Uganda Members in the East African Legislation Assembly. As the current Members have to be elected as the new delegation will be elected for 2017, when the 3rd Assembly is done with their term. Each of the East Africa Nation has their delegation and that will change.

Dr. Tanga Odoi had a tentative map that was released the 30th January 2017. The National Resistance Movement we’re supposed to have picked the candidates by 2nd February 2017. The NRM Caucus was supposed to happen at the Parliament Avenue and at the Parliament on the 6th February, the same day that FDC had their election. Still, that changed.

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NRM EC and NRM CEC have had to make other decisions as the NRM Caucus for EALA happen at the State House today. Also on the 4th February at the State House, there was reported that after NRM CEC meeting in the State House, the NRM Woman’s League was also going through the vetting of the candidates at the house that day.

There was 300 NRM MPs at the State House today for the NRM EALA Primary Caucus. Each aspirant for the candidacy of the EALA Member for Uganda cost Ush. 2m, this was given as a safety and to pay for the NRM EC administration.

“NRM EALA voting cancelled. Fresh elections will be repeated tomorrow. New ballot papers will be printed too. Voting for EALA in Entebbe hits a snag after it was realised that the ballot papers were not enough. Embarrassed Party secretary general Kasule Lumumba however pledged that the exercise will be repeated tomorrow when there are enough ballot papers [2/7, 8:54 PM] Patson: The cancellation came after the tempers of MPs flared during vote counting and failure to agree on the invalid votes vs valid votes Another intimated to this online publication that the cancellation of election was due disagreements over the invalid votes” (The Interrogator UG, 07.02.2017).

There was also reports that the NRM Caucus actually had more ballots invalid than valid when the MPs where voting in this election today, therefore NRM EC leader Odoi got people mad as the questionable election was marred with irregularities. There been reported fist-fights, MPs knocking and kicking ballot-boxes. However, to see peaceful election seems too be hard for the ruling party in the Republic, when they are supposed to elect amongst their own.

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Also a key point of concern was that just after or been released information is that of the 9 members to EALA, the amount of candidates from the NRM isn’t 7 as anticipated, instead the NRM are only to have 6 candidates from the party. That gives the NRM CEC and NRM Caucus a giant issue, if this is true, than the chaos and such is proving how fragile the internal-party is as in the last minute the Party has less slots than it was supposed to have.

There was 300 NRM MPs, but collectively the numbers supposed to be a 1,000 people there for this day and for the Caucus. Still, the NRM could not collect themselves or to get a consensus for who supposed to represent the NRM in the EALA. As the NRM was about spend about Ush.1, 6 billion on these election. That happens as from Kampala the Yellow Buses had to arrive at the Okello House, the house that the State hasn’t paid the rent for or enough for a while. Still, NRM wanted to show the world glory with a free and fair election, which yet again didn’t happen.

Since the NRM doesn’t have that ability. They need more ballot paper before tomorrow; surely they will use as much government funds tomorrow as the NRM party will continue to fight for becoming Member from Uganda in the EALA. That is a secure job for a term and you can work in peace in Arusha, then being under the wing of Museveni and never knowing what the next idea of the President. Peace.   

FDC could pick their candidates yesterday (06.02.2017). Why couldn't NRM handle it today?

FDC could pick their candidates yesterday (06.02.2017). Why couldn’t NRM handle it today?

Opinion: Mzee is destabilizing the DP party with civil servant appointments and with EALA nominations through the NRM!

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We know that already that the DP Member of Parliament Florence Nakiwala Kiyingi we’re appointed by President Yoweri Museveni to become Minister for Youth in the 10th Parliament and his cabinet for the 2016-2021. She was a Democratic Party Member and Flag-Bearer for the party in the General Election of 2016.

That was earlier in 2016 that Hon. Kiyingi decided to join hands with the President and his NRM Regime. This week the DP Party has gotten more people joining hands and jumping ship from the opposition party. Not like UPC that has even an offered agreement between Akena and Museveni. Norbert Mao hasn’t been all positive towards the regime and has all rights to be so. He wasn’t even allowed to run for becoming Gulu MP in the 2016 elections.

Therefore the news that DP’s Stella Kiryowa runs for a spot on the NRM ticket for EALA there instead in her own party. She actually paid the NRM Electoral Commission Ush. 2m. on the 30th January to run there. Therefore Stella doesn’t believe on DP to manage her candidacy and even loyalty towards DP Secretariat to challenge the ruling regime and their candidates.

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She isn’t only one leaving the Party of late, even the DP Deputy Chairman, and the one in the wings of Mao. Still, Mohammed Baswaale Kezaala resigned his role on Friday 30th January as President Museveni has appointed him to become a deputy ambassador to unknown mission abroad as the DP Deputy Chairman is waiting vetting in Parliament, as the Municipal Major of Jinja is now getting ready for his new civil servant duty. This proves that yet another person goes away from the opposition party to work directly for the NRM.

This is three persons who leave the DP for roles and appointments that are close connected to the NRM. They are leaving the party that gave them a ticket and place on the political landscape, still when NRM and Museveni offers solitude and riches they leave the fold.

The folding his hands like "birdman" is Mbidde on the NRM Celebration of their 31st year in Masindi recently!

The folding his hands like “birdman” is Mbidde on the NRM Celebration of their 31st year in Masindi recently!

Even a fourth have acted questionable of late Fred Mukasa Mbidde, the legal advisor of the DP Party we’re also taking part of the 31st Celebration of the NRM party in Masindi on the 26th January 2017. Mbidde we’re part of the celebration as part of his bidding for a position and a ticket in the EALA as there is heavy completion to get places in the East African Legislative Assembly as one of 9 members from the Ugandan delegation.

This means that DP has lost two of their members for the EALA Ugandan delegation as the 3rd Assembly is soon done in EALA, which is based in Arusha, Tanzania. Therefore the honorable men and woman who left their positions to get become part of the Ugandan delegation has risked not only their career, but their whole political afterlife. Doesn’t matter how long they fought in opposition. They have themselves turned into stooges of the NRM.

This is proven with the appointments of Mbidde, Kiryowa and Kezaala; they we’re all part of DP. Mzee now plays the gift-card and the bidding to take away the trusted people of the opposition. Give them a donut and let them loose from the opposition. So they will be loyal to him, because he gave them a place and therefore they should give him loyalty.

So Norbert Mao has lost many of his members, in his close leadership and such who was vital for the DP Party, as Museveni is playing king and offering small appointments to trade their political affiliation away. Therefore being the big-man who could force them to leave the fold and become one of his for small coins of silver. The DP party is therefore forced to pick other candidates and regain trust on other levels. So with these men and woman are not enforcing and showing strength of the opposition party when leaders and MPs are showing loyalty towards Museveni and not their leader Mao. These are the proof that Museveni and NRM are using all means to silence the opposition and even taking away as many as possible from the DP to get them into a chaotic state, instead of giving them time to build a steady structure of leadership. Peace.

Burundi Communiqye de Presse-Enquete sur l’assassainat de l’Honorable Hafsa Mossi (22.07.2016)

Burundi Communique 22.07.2016

Statement attributable to the Spokesman for the Secretary-General on Burundi (14.07.2016)

UN Burundi

NEW YORK, United States of America, July 14, 2016 -The Secretary-General condemns the assassination of Hafsa Mossi, former Burundian Minister for East African Community Affairs and Member of the East African Legislative Assembly, in Bujumbura this morning. He extends his deepest condolences to Ms. Mossi’s family. This despicable act of violence only serves to promote divisions, entrench mistrust, and destabilize the country.

The Secretary-General reiterates the need to intensify efforts to find a negotiated settlement to the crisis in Burundi and calls on all parties concerned to engage fully and in good faith in the peace process led by the East African Community (EAC). The United Nations will continue to provide assistance to the EAC-led dialogue process and its Facilitator, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania H.E. Mr. Benjamin Mkapa.

Preliminary Statement: East African Community Election Observation Mission to the General Election of the Republic of Uganda held on the 18th February 2016 (20.02.2016)

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Rwandan gov. trained militia to topple Burundian gov,; UN confidential note to the UN Security Council on the matter; Rwandan gov. denies, while Burundian gov. verifies

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Here today I am going through some worrying reports, the leaked note I have read, have been discussed in other media, therefore my article is thicker and deeper. As I want to show the results and responses of the governmental officials from Burundi and Rwanda on the matter. Some of it should be expected, as Rwandan response would never say that actually tried to topple President Pierre Nkurunziza, which President Kagame could have that in him, would not be new considering how he together with Uganda President Museveni went and toppled Mobutu Seko Seko.

The recent news has also been questioned by some sources; I will add that tape in the end where that journalist asks if it is manufactured. You can have your take on it. The matter of violence that President Kagame has in the past and near present time in DRC, he could have had the capacity to pull it off. He has it in his veins just like President Museveni. Therefore we should not be shocked if this is facts and that the Burundian authorities is aggravated, the way the Burundian government has gone against their own opposition is not a just, but the cause of stopping a neighboring country trained militia or guerilla force should be reasonable. That proves the fragile situation in Burundi and that behind the scenes the powers around try to earn coins on it. Here take a look!

Kivu Provines

Training of militia to topple Nkurunziza:

The Group spoke with 18 Burundian combatants, not associated with the Front National de Liberation (FNL) in Uvira Territory of South Kivu Province. They told the Group that they had been recruited in the Mahama Refugee Camp in eastern Rwanda in May and June 2015 and were given two months of military training by instructors, who included Rwandan military personnel, in a forest camp in Rwanda. Their training included military tactics and the maintenance and use of assault rifles and machine guns, as well as ideological and morale-building sessions. Some told the Group that they were also trained in the use of grenades, anti-personnel and anti-tank mines, mortars and rocket-propelled grenades. They were transported around Rwanda in the back of military trucks, often with Rwandan military escort. The Burundian combatants told the Group that there were least four companies of 100 recruits each being trained at the camp while they were there. Six of the trained combatants that the group spoke with were minors. They told the Group that the military training instructors at the camp knew that they were minors. The Burundian combatants showed the Group fake DRC identification cards that had been produced for them in Rwanda, so they could avoid suspicion while in the DRC. They crossed the Rusizi River in small groups at night from Rwanda into the DRC just south of the Kamanyola border post, with the assistance of a network based within the DRC. Like the FNL, they reported that their ultimate goal was to remove Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza” (UN, 2016).

BurundiNTVNews

Arms to the trained militia:  

“Several individuals were arrested in October to November 2015 in Goma, North Kivu Province, on suspicion of involvement in arms smuggling from the DRC to other countries. The perpetrators are Rwandan or Congolese nationals and were caught at the Congolese-Rwandan border post with the weapons. Some of the weapons were hidden in bags of green beans or manioc, and other were hidden in the chassis of a car. The Group interviews the perpetrators some of whom confirmed the weapons were to be used in support of armed groups in Burundi” (UN, 2016).

Burundian embassy to Hauge stated this:

“Burundi welcomes the fact that the international community is beginning to discover that the source of the insecurity afflicting Burundi is Rwanda. Information available to the government of Burundi and credible information from some media (France 24) and investigative reports by some International Experts, including UN Experts have confirmed that Rwanda which is a neighboring country to Burundi recruits, trains and arms Burundian citizens including minors in the MAHAMA Refugees Camp in Rwanda and sends them into to the territory of Burundi to commit armed attacks against civilians, security and military targets” (…)”   We know that some countries and some components of the international community have suspended or even stopped economic cooperation in order to force the democratically elected institutions by the sovereign people of Burundi and validated by the national and sub-regional judicial powers to submit and hand over power to anti-democratic Burundian forces. On the basis of credible information pointing to unprovoked acts of hostility and destabilization sponsored by Rwanda and executed by the violent opposition as the direct causes of the violence in Burundi, the Burundi Embassy in The Hague urges the countries which suspended economic cooperation with Burundi to review their positions” (Diplomat Magazine, 2016).

Kagame Nkurunziza 2011

Burundi response to the news:

“The CNDD-FDD Party condemns Rwanda over its neocolonial purposes for having implemented the plan of Burundi occupation so as to lead the country through an ethnical vision which Paul Kagame would have used as he had done it during the period of FPR Inkotanyi . The Burundian democrats remind him that if there had been no complicity and the politico –military support of the MINUAR, the FPR -Inkotanyi would have never taken the power in Rwanda and Paul Kagame has made use of genocide, sacrificing his own brothers to take the power. It is what he wanted to do in Burundi, while outrageously overusing the word genocide as experienced in his country” (…)”It is also unbelievable that the aggressor KAGAME has never been blamed by organizations such as the African Union, the United Nations , the European Union and other international organizations and that on the contrary, most of those organizations and States have not done nothing but connived, imposing him an international force. Burundian People cannot be mistaken taking into consideration what MINUAR has done to help Kagame take the power. KAGAME wanted and want to apply the same experience he has lived in his country. He has created a rebellion under the blessing of some politico- mafia settings among others Louis Michel, and his friends to bring back the G7 and the G10 of Buyoya to the power by the cheating of a putsch and a government of transition. Therefore, the dangerous use of the word genocide and ethnic are nothing but shields for those pseudo nostalgic politicians with bad ideas” (Nyabenda, 2016).

StampBurundi

Burundian Opposition claims:

”The opposition Burundi Democratic Rally (Radebu) chairman Jean de Dieu Mutabazi echoed the remarks, saying Rwanda was behind the war in a sister EAC member state and was worsening the unrest that has so far claimed hundreds of lives. “There’s this neighbour of ours, Rwanda, under the warmonger President Paul Kagame, who has been fighting in DR Congo and recently wanted to fight Tanzania,” Mr Mutabazi charged. “He is the one providing arms and logistical support to the rebels attacking Burundi.” Jacques Bigirimana, president of the FNL party, said although the belligerents were keen on national dialogue in a bid to end the political crisis, the country was under siege from what he termed as “destabilisation forces sponsored by Rwanda” (Ihucha, 2016).

Rwandan reaction:

“Last December, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame dismissed as “childish” allegations that Rwanda had stoked instability in Burundi and said Rwandan troops would play no part in any intervention in the neighbouring country” (Ihucha, 2016).

Rwandan Foreign Minister counters the report:

“Speaking to reporters on Friday, Louis Mushikiwabo, Rwanda foreign minister said that allegations were baseless and lies. “Rwanda hosting a big number of Burundian refugees in various refugee camps in the country does not mean training them to overthrow Burundian government? We cannot chase them back to their home country if they are not sure of their safety. Burundian government is in better position to look for a possible lasting solution to bring peace in Burundi,” she said” (China.org.cn, 2016).

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MONUSCO statement recently:

The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has sovereign and primary responsibility for the protection of its citizens.  MONUSCO stands ready to support the Government in these efforts, in line with its mandate to protect civilians. In this regard, MONUSCO welcomes the Government’s acceptance of the Mission’s proposal to resume coordinated offensive operations, which resulted in an agreed arrangement for military cooperation on 28 January 2016. With regard to cooperation with the FARDC, MONUSCO is confident that the measures put in place with the Government to mitigate risk and provide appropriate monitoring where necessary will ensure that MONUSCO-supported operations against ADF, FDLR and other armed groups are undertaken in line with the United Nations Human Rights Due Diligence Policy” (MONUSCO, 2016).

EALA statement on Burundi:

“Leontine Nzeyimana, Minister for EAC Affairs in Burundi however included a mix of representatives from government, political parties, and civil society. On her part, the minister noted: “As it has been happening in Burundi since the early 1960’s, the electioneering period was marked by negative propaganda intended to create in Burundi a political and institutional instability” (…)”The importance of this crisis to the EAC, the Report added, was brought home by accusations leveled against a Partner state by the Government-led delegation. Except for one Report, the delegation was unable to provide adequate evidence to the Committee to validate the claim that the Republic of Rwanda is hosting and militarily training Burundi refugees” (EALA, 2016).

The promised youtube-clip:

There is lots of statement that is hard to verify or grasp. Certainly all of the actors have a place in the motions and want to achieve something to prove their worth. The Government of Burundi is the one that is under fire, and for the moment they will be as long as the attacks on the opposition and way to civil war is continuing, while the refugees goes into DRC, Tanzania and Rwanda, even in Uganda.

The conflict and crisis has made the inter-dialogue stifled and the African Union hasn’t made any progress on the issues in the country. While Rwandan government might have seen it as it golden hour; as they saw it in the DRC back in day. So here we are in this day where Burundi is a pawn while the Government and Burundian National Forces, does not only fight their own public to stay in power, but might also fight against foreign trained forces; which it might happen and wouldn’t surprise me as the history of President Kagame lingers on. As he centers more and more power in Rwanda around himself in neo-Museveni way, he looks more and more like President Museveni, just a Rwandan counter-part. So President Nkurunziza is under fire and has a lot of work to generate peace, but this seems like a way to get there.

The results of this are that we can question if the Rwandan government wanted to bring down the Government of Burundian one. If not so the United Nations wanted this to slip out so their wish for peacekeepers could gain foothold in the UN Headquarters in New York, as they have seen the African Union have given-up the direct African answer to the conflict. Peace.

Reference:

China.org.cn – ‘Rwanda dismisses UN report on training Burundi rebels’ (05.02.2016) link: http://www.china.org.cn/world/Off_the_Wire/2016-02/06/content_37747742.htm

Diplomat Magazine – ‘Burundi’ statement on current situation’ (05.02.2016) link: http://www.diplomatmagazine.nl/2016/02/05/25834/

East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) – ‘EALA concerned about Republic of Burundi’ (05.02.2016) link: http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/press-releases/20160205/eala-concerned-about-republic-burundi

MONUSCO – ‘Press Statement of MONUSCO Regarding Operations Against Armed Groups in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo’ (02.02.2016) link: http://monusco.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=10662&ctl=Details&mid=15045&ItemID=21686&language=en-US

Nyabenda, Pascal – ‘The 26th summit of the African Union Heads of State has proven that they have understood, Burundian People is deeply indebted to them’ (02.02.2016) Chairman of CNDD-FDD

Ihucha, Adam – ‘EALA declines to summon Rwanda over rebel claims’ (30.01.2016) link: http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/EALA-declines-to-summon-Rwanda-over-rebel-claims/-/2558/3055230/-/76bvilz/-/index.html

United Nations – ‘Security Council Committee Established Persuant to Resolution 1533 (2004) Concerning the Democratic Republic of Congo – !5th January 2016 (S/AC.43/2016/GE/OC.2) – Gaston Gramjo

President Museveni Quits Burundi Talks For Campaigns (Youtube-Clip)

“He has been mediating the talks since fighting broke out in Burundi early this year. Due to his tight schedule due to campaigns he has appointed Defense Minister Chrispus Kiyonga” (NBS TV, Uganda, 2015).

President Pierre Nkurunziza (CNDD-FDD) is elected for the third term in Burundi and the EAC Election Observer Mission – Preliminary Statement on the Election

Burundi Election result 2015

 

Today the results came from the Electoral Commission in Burundi wasn’t unexpected. We all knew that would happen. It’s not really much to say. We all expected it and there wasn’t really much news value in that. Other than the Government of Burundi will go into an uncertain future. With People of Burundi will not recognizing that Pierre Nkurunzia is again for the third time president of the Country. The president can use the High Court judgement, but that doesn’t stop the foreign pressure or local dissidence. The situation will be fragmented and sore wound after the violence want give more legitimacy to the President of Burundi. EAC had Election Observation Mission on the Election Day and has followed the election apparently. While the African Union and European Union suspended their missions and observers to it. So that they wanted to show that they didn’t’ want legitimacy to the actions of the president. There been oppressive actions towards the opposition in the country after the Coup d’état in the country. I think that the Preliminary Statement of the Election is worthy for everybody who follow Burundi show read it. Enjoy. Peace.

The East African Community deployed an Election Observation Mission (EOM) to the Republic of Burundi for the 21 July 2015 Presidential Election. Hon. Abubakar Zein, a Member of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), was the Head of the Mission and has released the Preliminary Statement of the Mission as below:

The East African Community Election Observation Mission to the Presidential Election of 21 July 2015 in the Republic of Burundi – PRELIMINARY STATEMENT, Bujumbura, 23 July 2015-

  1. INTRODUCTION
  2. In response to the invitation by the Independent National Electoral Commission of Burundi (CENI); the Standing Decision of the East African Community (EAC) Council of Ministers to observe elections in all EAC Partner States and the Decision of the 3rd EAC Emergency Summit on Burundi of 6 July 2015, the EAC deployed an Election Observation Mission (EOM) to the Republic of Burundi for the 21 July 2015 Presidential Election.
  1. The EAC EOM was led by Hon. Abubakar Zein, a Member of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) and comprised 25 members drawn from the EALA, National Electoral Management Bodies, National Human Rights Commissions, Ministries of EAC Affairs, and Civil Society Organizations from four EAC Partner States namely the Republic of Kenya, the Republic of Rwanda, the United Republic of Tanzania, and the Republic of Uganda. The Mission deployed seven teams to observe the polling and counting processes in Bujumbura, Gitega, Ngozi, Kirundo, Mwaro, Muramvya, Karuzi, Muyinga, Rumonge, Bururi and Makamba Provinces.
  1. The EAC has followed the Burundi electoral process since January 2015 through consultative sessions by the EAC Eminent Persons (PEP), Pre-Election Assessment Mission (PEMi), the EAC Council of Ministers and EAC Emergency Summits. Through these initiatives, the EAC, while appreciating the state of affairs, identified challenges facing the electoral process and made appropriate recommendations. The Mission’s findings are also informed by the report of the aforementioned initiatives.
  1. This statement contains preliminary findings, recommendations and conclusions made by the Mission based on independent observation, interaction with electoral stakeholders including the CENI, political parties, civil society organizations, security agencies, and the media, among others. As the electoral process is still ongoing, this statement limits itself to the assessment made up to the polling and results counting processes. In due course, the Mission will avail a more detailed final report on the electoral process in Burundi through the EAC policy organs.
  1. PRELIMINARY FINDINGS

General Political Context

  1. The political context of the 2015 presidential election has been characterized by the controversy surrounding the incumbent President Pierre Nkurunziza’s candidature for a third term. This was viewed by some actors as a violation of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of 2000 and the Constitution 2005 of Burundi. Other actors maintained that the first term did not count thus, the incumbent qualifies to vie in the 2015 presidential election. The incumbent’s nomination on 25 April 2015 sparked demonstrations in Bujumbura and some parts of the country which turned violent.
  1. The confirmation of the incumbent’s candidature by the Constitutional Court resulted in the deterioration of security situation and the prevailing political impasse in the country. There were persistent violent protests and an attempted coup d’état on 13 May 2015 which resulted in scores of deaths and deterioration of the human rights situation in the country. From the foregoing background, there was an influx of refugees estimated to be around 150,000, some of whom were registered voters, to neighboring countries including the Republic of Rwanda, the United Republic of Tanzania, the Republic of Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
  1. Successive dialogues mediated by the Joint International Facilitation Team comprising the EAC, African Union, United Nations and International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) were convened between Government, opposition representatives and other stakeholders in order to resolve the political stalemate. There were three successive EAC Emergency Summits on the situation in Burundi, and subsequent appointment of President Yoweri Museveni of the Republic of Uganda to facilitate a High Level Political Dialogue in a bid to resolve the political stalemate. The Mission noted that the Political Dialogue was postponed on the eve of the election without consensus.
  1. The presidential election which was initially scheduled to take place on 26 June 2015 was postponed to 15 July 2015 following a request by the EAC 2nd Emergency Summit and eventually to 21 July 2015. The 3rd EAC Emergency Summit requested for a delay until 30 July 2015 in order to allow for dialogue and consensus building on contentious issues among all the stakeholders.
  1. Lack of political consensus on key issues on the electoral process during the High Level Dialogue including the election calendar, insecurity, the candidature of the incumbent president, return of refugees, media freedoms and civil liberties, perpetuated uncertainty and fear. This state of affairs contributed to some opposition candidates withdrawing from the presidential race.

Legal and Institutional Framework

  1. The 2015 presidential election is governed by the Constitution 2005 and a set of laws regulations and decrees. The Constitution provides for fundamental rights and freedoms which are important for the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Article 8 of the Constitution provides for election by equal and universal suffrage. The suffrage is also extended to the citizens in diaspora thereby guaranteeing their enfranchisement.
  1. Whilst the framework is adequate for the conduct of democratic elections in Burundi, there have been violations of the fundamental civil and political rights that limited citizen participation in the electoral process. For instance, the attempted coup d’état heightened the closure of several private media outlets thereby impacting on the rights to freedom of expression. Similarly, this denied the citizens an alternative source of information that is critical in making an informed choice in the election.
  1. The amendment of the Electoral Code 2014, introduced the use of a single ballot paper that replaced the multiple ballot system. The Mission is of the opinion that this reform is a positive measure as it is able to contribute to enhancing the secrecy of the ballot as well as the overall cost of administration of elections but needed to be accompanied by adequate voter education.
  1. The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) is the election management body in Burundi comprising five commissioners who are appointed by the President subject to approval of the National Assembly. While CENI enjoys constitutional independence, it does not enjoy the confidence of a substantial proportion of stakeholders. The desertion of the Vice President and one Commissioner as well as withdrawal of members of the Catholic Church from the CENI structures in May 2015 impacted on public’s perception on the credibility of CENI.
  1. The Constitutional Court has the jurisdiction to arbitrate election disputes for Presidential and legislative elections in Burundi. It is also tasked with announcement of final election results for presidential election. While the Court constitutionally enjoys independence and impartiality, the desertion of the Vice President of the Court impacted on public’s perception on the credibility of the Court.

Voter Registration and Voters’ Roll

  1. There were a total of 3,849,728 registered voters for the 2015 elections. The first voter registration exercise was conducted between November and December 2014. The CENI made efforts to enfranchise more voters in March 2015 through a partial voter registration upon the request of political parties and also allowed for inspection of the voters’ roll by the parties.
  1. The Mission noted that the two-step voter registration process was operationally cumbersome. The registrants were issued with a récépissé (waiting slip) and were later to be issued with a voter’s card. The two-step process affected the distribution of the voter cards as the cards had not been distributed by 26 May 2015, being the initial date of parliamentary and communal elections before the postponement of polls.

Election Campaign

  1. All political parties and candidates should be allowed to campaign freely as per the law and with due regard to expression of fundamental freedoms of association, assembly and speech in line with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. According to the Electoral Code, the election campaign lasts for 14 days.
  1. The campaign environment was generally tense and characterized by fear and uncertainty. The political stalemate surrounding the candidature of the incumbent president, concerns relating to the security of candidates and their supporters and the subsequent postponement of polls impacted the electoral process and implementation of the campaign calendar.
  1. Some candidates to the presidential election participated in the political dialogue aimed at resolving the political stalemate, a process that took place during the campaign period. This impacted on the candidates’ ability to solicit for votes and for the voters to make informed decisions on leaders of their choice. This uncertainty was further accentuated by the reported withdrawal of some candidates from the presidential race, a few days before the polls.

Media environment

  1. An already constrained media in a shrinking democratic space was further affected by the attempted coup d état. The media environment during the electoral process was affected by the ongoing political stalemate. During the period of the failed coup d’état, five private media outlets were destroyed on 13 and 14 May 2015, namely, Radio and Television REMA, Radio and Television Renaissance, Radio Isanganiro, Radio Publique Africaine (RPA), and Radio Sans Frontiere Bonesha FM. The limited access to alternative sources of information apart from the State broadcaster, especially during the electioneering period, limited space for pluralistic ideas and impacted upon the playing field among political competitors. This in turn constrained the options for voters to be adequately informed on the electoral process and make informed choices.

Security Environment

  1. The Presidential election in Burundi was held against a backdrop of a tense and violent pre-election period. April to June 2015 witnessed some of the most violent incidents, including a failed coup d’état. Arising from the observed pattern of behaviour over the period, and following a risk assessment mapping, it was noted that the Provinces of Cibitoke, Bubanza and Kayanza had experienced unprecedented violence over the three weeks preceding the presidential polls.
  1. On the eve of the polls, there were incidents of shooting, grenade attack and subsequent reports of three deaths in Bujumbura which heightened fear among the population. It was also noted that within Bujumbura city, the following areas were restive with unpredictable security environment: Cibitoke, Mutakura, Buterere, Ngagara, Jabe, Nyakabiga, Kanyosha and Musaga. The Mission did not deploy observers in the above captioned regions as a result of the unpredictable security environment. However, there was relative calm in other parts of the country.

Civic and Voter Education

  1. The conduct of civic and voter education had challenges and was exacerbated by insufficient funding. The withdrawal of funding by development partners impacted on the voter education which led to reprioritization of resources by the Government of Burundi. In this regard, the Mission noted that voter education initiatives were minimal despite CENI having introduced a single ballot paper of which voters needed to be adequately educated.

Polling and Counting Processes

  1. The EAC observers visited a total of 80 polling stations. The polling process was generally calm and peaceful. Whereas most stations opened on time, some opened later than the stipulated time of 6:00am. In some stations, voting had not started as late as 10.00 am. In Bujumbura, anxiety over insecurity and late arrival of election materials impacted on the timely opening of the polls.
  1. In most polling stations visited, polling personnel were present and election materials were in adequate quantity. The polling personnel generally managed the polling process in a professional manner. Apart from the CNDD-FDD party agents who were present in all stations visited by the EAC Observers, there was a notable absence of party agents of most opposition political parties despite the obligatory requirement by Electoral Code.
  1. Beside the EAC observers, the Mission noted the presence of domestic observers and international observers from the MENUB, ICGLR, as well as embassies of Tanzania, Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya. Most polling stations closed at 4pm as stipulated in the Electoral Code. The counting process took place immediately after the closure of the polls and registered no incident in all polling stations visited by EAC observers.
  1. The EAC observers noted that the voter turnout was generally ranged from low to average in most polling stations visited.    

PRELIMINARY RECOMMENDATIONS

  1. Based on the above findings, the EAC Election Observation Mission to the 21 July 2015 presidential election makes the following recommendations:  

a) To All National Stakeholders: 

Pursue an all-inclusive and honest dialogue in order to find a sustainable solution to the political impasse prevailing in Burundi.

b) To the Government: Ensure that peace and security is guaranteed for all citizens of Burundi; Undertake measures to ensure that law and order is maintained in a manner that uphold respect for human rights;

iii. Ensure that there is adequate funding for the conduct of elections;

– Undertake measures to ensure safe return and reintegration of refugees in Burundi;

– Undertake capacity building measures to strengthen and enhance the efficiency of governance institutions to promote sustainable democratic development;

– Enhance the capacity of security agencies in respecting the fundamental human rights of the citizens while maintaining law order;

vii. Undertake measures to remove restrictions on media freedom and allow private media.

c) To Parliament:

– Pursue legal and institutional reforms aimed at safeguarding the independence of the CENI and the Judiciary;

– Delink the registration of political parties from the Ministry of Interior.

d) To CENI: 

– Consider merging of voter registration and issuance of voters cards in order to enhance operational efficiency and minimize the challenges experienced in the 2015 electoral process;

– Undertake voter education in collaboration with relevant stakeholders to enhance public awareness and participation in electoral processes.

e) To the East African Community: 

Continue engagement with all stakeholders to find a sustainable solution to the prevailing political impasse in the country.

 f) To the International Community: 

Sustain engagement with the Government and all national stakeholders in order to address the prevailing political, social and economic challenges in the country.

CONCLUSION: 

The people of Burundi have enjoyed relative peace since the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of 2000, which constitutes the bedrock for building democracy, sustainable peace and development in the country. The Mission notes that the electoral period has been characterised by anxiety and uncertainty. The Mission notes with concern that successive efforts to build consensus through inclusive dialogue among Burundi stakeholders have not been successful.

  1. The Mission noted that there was relative peace on the polling day. However, the principle of choice was generally hampered by among others, insecurity ( a general feeling of fear and despondency in some parts of the country), confinement of democratic space, civil liberties including freedom of speech, assembly, media, campaigning and the boycott by opposition parties.
  1. The electoral process fell short of the principles and standards for holding free, fair, peaceful, transparent and credible elections as stipulated in various international, continental as well as the EAC Principles of Election Observation and Evaluation.
  1. The EAC Observation Mission urges all stakeholders to maintain calm and to re-engage in candid and inclusive dialogue in order to find sustainable solution to the political impasse prevailing in Burundi.
  1. The Mission would like to thank and extend its profound gratitude to the people and the Government of Burundi, CENI and MENUB for their cooperation during the mission.

Issued at Royal Palace Hotel, Bujumbura this 23 July 2015

Signed by

…………………………………………

Hon. Zein Abubakar

Head of Mission

President of Uganda: Yoweri K. Museveni – State of Nation Adress. (Tenker dette er spennende lesing!)

H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,
President of the Republic of Uganda,

At the Uganda International Conference Centre, Serena, Kampala, 6th June, 2013.

His Excellency the Vice President,

Rt. Hon. Speaker,
The Rt. Hon. The Chief Justice,
Rt. Hon. Speaker of EALA,
Rt. Hon. Prime Minister,
The Leader of the Opposition,
Hon. Ministers,
Hon. Members of Parliament
Hon. Members of EALA,
Members of the Diplomatic Corp,
Ladies and Gentlemen.

I greet you and thank you for all the positive things you have been doing since I last addressed you on the 13th December 2012, at the Special sitting of Parliament when I was talking about the Oil Industry.

My main concerns, as you may by now know, apart from peace, are socio-economic transformation of our society and economy and the integration (both economic and political) of the African continent.

In the battle for socio-economic transformation, I have identified the ten (10) strategic bottlenecks that I have been repeatedly talking about. Even yesterday, I repeated them to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA).

They are: ending ideological disorientation; building the State pillars to ensure that the State is capable of governing people and protecting them; developing the human resource through education and the improved health for all; promoting the Private Sector, which is a more efficient vehicle for enterprise identification and growth rather than persecuting them as used to happen in the past; developing the infrastructure (especially electricity, the railways, the roads, ICT, etc); modernizing agriculture; modernizing services; integrating the African market to assist the Private Sector; and ensuring democracy.

As you can see, integrating the African market is part of removing the strategic bottlenecks that I, normally, talk about. The East African Community (EAC) broke down in 1977 because of the incompatibility between the principled Mwalimu Nyerere and Idi Amin. Investors, however, cannot invest if they are not sure of the market.

As soon as we had a chance to lead Uganda, along with Presidents Mwinyi and Moi, we revived the EAC in 1999. The EAC does not only aim at Economic Integration, it also aims at Political Integration leading to the creation of the Federation of East Africa. This is a commendable step. Rwanda and Burundi have also joined the EAC, thereby expanding the Union. We (Uganda) are also members of COMESA and we are working for the Common Market of the whole of Africa. A federated East Africa will belong to those wider markets as one Political Unit. Therefore, on the bottleneck of fragmented markets, on account of colonialism, we are moving well. We could have moved much faster but, nevertheless, this is good enough.

Since 1987, we started tackling the issue of the human resource development when we launched Universal Immunization with vaccines against six preventable diseases. These were: measles, polio, tuberculosis, tetanus, whooping cough and diphtheria. We have recently broadened the list to eight (8) vaccines, by adding the Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) Vaccine and Pneumoccal vaccine (PCV). The additional diseases to be prevented by immunization are pneumonia, diarrhea, meningitis, human papilloma virus (HPV). If the Ugandans, individually and/or collectively, could add hygiene, nutrition and personal discipline (e.g. avoiding umalaya, alcohol, smoking and obesity), the total disease burden eliminated would amount to 80%. We would only remain with 20% of diseases and traumas to deal with.

Nevertheless, that residual percentage of diseases and traumas include accidents. These accidents are caused by reckless driving which contributes 20% to the hospital cases. I do not know where the water-borne diseases belong. Do they belong to hygiene or do they belong to their own category? The Ministry of Health will have to help me on this.

These contribute 20% of the sicknesses. Therefore, continued programme of providing safe water is a crucial element in disease elimination.

The district of Mukono recently came up with a good idea of buying its own borehole drilling equipment. This would enable them to make a borehole at a less cost compared to the money they spend when they private contractors. Even before borehole water is available, let everybody boil all the water that he/she uses. It is as effective as borehole water.

In 1997, we introduced Universal Primary Education (UPE), in 2007 we introduced Universal Secondary Education (USE) and we have now introduced free education for A-level as well as for vocational schools. In the coming budget we are going to introduce the Student Loans Scheme on top of the free education for the top 4,000 best performers admitted to Government Universities. The challenge, then, will remain, first of all, the diligent implementation of these schemes, eliminating all the corruption – especially the enforced collection of school fees. If you want voluntary contribution to the school, let the community contribute to the building of the school through labour. Then, those who are able to contribute in cash voluntarily could do so. Non of that should affect the student’s attendance.

The issue of lunch should also be handled in a voluntary manner – although my preference has always been for the parents to provide packed lunch in their own way (entaanda, peke, etc).

The second challenge with universal education is, then, giving the students vocational skills – technical skills as well as science education. One issue that is still lagging behind is the issue of maternal mortality. It is still 438 per 100,000. It must be brought down. What are the causes of this level of maternal mortality when we have got a health unit at every sub-county? When I was growing up in the entire district of Ntungamo plus Rwampara, there were only four Health Units at: Kinoni, Rubaare, Rwashamaire and, in 1959, Rwenyangyi or Kitwe, as I hear the present groups calling it, was added. In spite of these huge distances, I was born in the hospital in 1944 (at Mbarara), My sister Dr. Kajubiri, was born at Rubaare in 1949, etc.

That same area now has the following Health Units:

HC IVs 3

HC IIIs 11

HC IIs 25

Plus Itojo district Hospital.

All these total to 40 Health Centres in Ntungamo alone which in my time had only four Health units.

Therefore, the hardware facilities are there. What is not adequate are the soft-ware facilities; full staffing which we dealt with the other time. We decided that 19 health personnel be put at HCIV and 39 health personnel be at HCIII; female midwives instead of having men delivering women on account of our culture; underage marriages and pregnancies that turn children (abaana) into mothers (abazaire); etc. Let the Ministry of Health sensitize the population on these issues using the radios that spend endless time talking lies. The radios could be used positively to educate people about these challenges.

The remaining big health challenge is malaria. Malaria accounts for 40-50% of out patients and 20% of the inpatients of all the deaths in Uganda. We must get rid of the mosquitoes. There is the effort of bed-nets distribution. This is good. However, the real answer is to get rid of the mosquitoes through the use of larvicides. Our scientists are working on this.

I am, therefore, proud that the NRM has expended quite a bit of energy on the issue of human resource development – education and health – the very low base we started with notwithstanding.

Let everybody else do their assignment. Results will be much better. Even, however, with the failure of some of the actors doing their assignments, the results are good. That is why the population has grown from 14 million people in 1986 to 35 million now. That is why you can hardly see a youth or child below the age of 26 years crippled by polio. These are not mean achievements.

The other big bottleneck is infrastructure (electricity, the roads, the railways, water works and ICT). The issue of the underground and undersea cables has been handled. Telephones should become cheaper in time especially the international calls.

We are working aggressively on electricity, the railways and the roads. Karuma will be built. There is even the possibility that we may get good and cheap funding for it so that we can switch our own money to something else – e.g. the roads.

Karuma (600 mgws)
Ayago will be built (600 mgws),
Oryang will be built (392 mgws),
Kiba will be built (288 mgws),
Isimba will be built (188 mgws) etc.

We have got good offers for all these.

The railway will be built. We have got good offers from some reliable financiers. Besides, we have trained the UPDF Engineering Brigade to build the railways.

Some of the roads will be built by the use of our own money and others by financing from outside. The Minister of finance in her budget speech will give the details. I am, however, very confident that the infrastructure envisaged in the 2040 Vision will be built.

Then, there is our oil and gas. It has taken long because we have been haggling with the oil companies. Our plan is clear and unequivocal – it must include a right sized refinery of 60,000 barrels per day, built in two phases according to the dictates of the market.

When more reserves are discovered, provided the internal market so dictates, this refinery will be expanded. Although we did not, initially, have interest in a pipeline, our commercial Partners, the Oil Companies seem to have a big interest in it as do their financiers we are told. Their position seems to be based on their failure to understand the new dynamics in Africa and what was, previously, called the Third World. 

The groups in the West should know that this category of people categorized as Third World are an endangered species. In the next 50 years, certainly, Uganda will be a First World Country and a middle income country by 2017. You cannot have a country with 10 million of its children in schools continuing to be a Third World country for long. On account of their fundamental misunderstanding, they under estimate the consumption level of the Ugandans and their purchasing power. That is why they are desperate for a pipeline to insure their investments. They fear that they may invest and, then, nobody buys the finished oil products in Uganda.

Hence, the desperation for a pipeline. I have agreed to this re-packaging because, whatever the packaging, much of the money is ours – whether it goes through the refinery or through the pipeline. Of course, with this pipeline, the coastal countries deduct some money for transit and there is the fee for the use of the pipeline. Nevertheless, paralysis is also costly. We need the money to build our infrastructure and to do other important things.

I recommend that we all support the addition of the pipeline provided the refinery gets the first call on the crude oil if the internal and the regional market justify it. A number of groups have shown interest in building and financing the refinery.

Of course, oil and gas will also contribute to the electricity generating capacity of Uganda. These infrastructure projects will boost our growth and expand our GDP by a factor of 9%.

With the battle for an integrated market, for a developed human resource and for infrastructure going well as shown above, we need to conclude the battle on another front – a conducive atmosphere for the Private Sector-led growth. I call this concluding because we long ago started this battle in 1987 when we liberalized, de-regulated and privatized many activities in the economy. We put in place a Code of Investment and a one-stop-centre for registering and enabling investments to be implemented. The one-stop-centre has, however, never worked properly. I will insist that this Investment Authority becomes a real one-stop-centre. I will also bring amendments to the Investment Code to criminalize malicious sabotage of investments in Uganda.

The achievements and struggles enumerated above will be in vain if we do not attract and retain private investments. Nobody should obstruct private investments out of malice with impunity. A request for an investment should not take more than three days. Why? It is because these processes are well known. They are not new science for most of the time. What does a leather processing plant need, for instance? What does a maize milling machine need? Etc. Does it have those requirements or does it not? UIA, NEMA, should have these standard requirements and should be able to approve or disapprove quickly.

While market integration, the human resource development and the infrastructure development are enablers, the real wealth creation is effected and created by the Private Sector investing in real estate, services, manufacturing, agriculture, ICT, etc. Everybody must promote this and not obstruct or delay investment. It is the Private Sector that will create jobs, produce more goods and services for domestic consumption as well as exports and expand the tax base. The investors may be local or outsiders. They are all, however, doing one job of expanding the GDP of Uganda.

The ignorant but really subversive talk I normally hear must stop. You hear people talking of “factory y’omuyindi” – an Indian’s factory; or “factory y’omuzungu” – the European’s factory. When I was commissioning Coca Cola factory in Namanve recently, I told those present that there is not a single Muyindi’s factory or Muzungu’s factory in Uganda. All the factories in Uganda are Ugandan whether they are owned by Ugandan citizens or outsiders. If a Ugandan African built a factory in India, that factory would not be Ugandan, it would be Indian. Sometime ago, we had a Ugandan that was getting wealthy, the Late Chris Mboijana. He had businesses and properties in Kenya, in Mombasa. Those properties were Kenyan and not Ugandan. To prove they were Kenyan, when he died suddenly, I heard some wrangles about those properties but I could not easily follow up precisely because they were in Kenya and not in Uganda.

Apart from the small investments that will be attracted by the conducive atmosphere created by us, especially if UIA and NEMA correct their ways, there are big projects that we have for long been promoting without success. There are two in particular – the Phosphates factory in Tororo which will also produce Sulphuric acid and iron ore and the Muko iron ore near Kabaale. We seem to have, finally, identified capable investors who can get these huge projects going. These will add significantly to the size of our GDP and also feed into the other sectors of the economy – fertilizers into agriculture and iron ore and steel into construction, dam building, manufacturing, etc.

The sector that can reach many Ugandans and quickly is agriculture. Let us work on the 68% of the homesteads that were found by 2002 census to still be in subsistence agriculture. What is amazing is the lack of seriousness by many of our actors. Since 1996, we talked of a cluster of enterprises per household per zone – the 18 zones of Uganda. Where this has been implemented, the results have been dramatic – in the Bundibugyo area, in the Kanungu area, in the Kiruhuura area, in the Kapchorwa area. Yet the other day, when I was in Asia, I heard some of our people talking of Asian Model of “one product per village”!!! Maybe that is a good model. However, before you go for that model, what about our own model of several products per zone? Where it has been implemented, it has done miracles. Why not implement it elsewhere? Let each home of 4 acres of land do the following according to the respective zones: an acre of coffee, an acre of fruits, an acre of bananas and an acre of elephant grass or other pasture. In some variations, you can plant cassava, Irish potatoes or rice instead of bananas or you could have two acres of fruits instead of giving one acre to coffee. At the level of processing, you will then have all those products to deal with. In the courtyard, behind the house, you will, then, add chicken as layers, Pigs, Improved goats, apiary in one corner of the land and fish farming in the valley. Then, there are the six or so cows fed by animal fodder in the shelters (what we call zero grazing). This will work. It has already worked in some parts of the country.

There are two disappointments in the sector of agriculture and fisheries. One is the problem of over fishing on Lake Victoria and the other is the mismanagement of tick control in Uganda. African communities have been specializing in their respective activities over the millennia – crops, livestock, fishing etc. Normally, these specialized communities develop conservation practices that ensure sustainable use of these resources even in very difficult circumstances. These practices get ingrained in the culture. Banyankore, being cattle-keepers and crop people, have practices that have preserved certain activities, the neglect and discouragement by the colonial and subsequent governments notwithstanding. That is why the Ankore cattle, this bananas and the millet, for instance have been preserved. A Munyankore will, for instance, never slaughter a female young cow (enyena) under any circumstances. Even today, in spite of the commercialization of the economy that has forced Banyakore to sell female cattle, they still sell the middle aged ones (ejigija) and not the young ones (enyena).

I was sure that the Bassese and other fishing communities of Lake Victoria had such deeply ingrained cultural practices to preserve the resources of the lake. Who, then, was destroying the resources of the lake by eating the young fish? It is called mudeeke in Lussesse dialect. If only you allow the fish to survive for 9 months, it will have laid many millions of eggs. The lake will always be well stocked. Who, then, is so uncivilized, so unconcerned that he/she eats the mudeeke? I am beginning to get information that the people causing destruction to the resources off the lakes are not indigenous people around the Lake. That it is immigrants who come from other areas of Uganda and/or other parts of East Africa, push aside the locals and inflict such damage to our heritage. One thing I cannot compromise on is our heritage. Those who do not respect our heritage should not be tolerated. What should we do with this situation? We are going to discuss it in the cabinet and in the NRM Caucus and find a radical solution.

In the meantime, the many factories we attracted on Lake Victoria, 21 of them in number are closed or are operating far below capacity. This is not acceptable. Our earnings from fish had gone to US$ 196 million in 2005/2006, they have now declined to US$ 142.6 million in 2012/2013 because of these parasites. This is not acceptable. The Banyakore have a superstition regarding preventing lightening strikes (enkuba). It is called okugangahura. When the lightening damages something, the most indigenous resident of the area is the one that can perform the ceremony and rites that will stop the lightening from causing damage again. Riding rough against indigenous practices can sometimes, lead to serious mistakes. We should all assist the Minister Nankabirwa to solve this problem. It is a big shame. It is a type of suicide. Polluting the Lakes must also stop. People who dig gardens up to the edge of the lakes or the rivers should be stopped. The Minister of Environment should ensure that. I flew over Luzira Bay the other day. The whole lake is full of algae, a sign of pollution. This should also be addressed by the Minister of the Environment.

The other bad phenomenon is drug resistant ticks because of the laxity of the veterinary department. There are four categories or classes of acaricides. These are: Pyrethroids, the amidines, the organophosphates and the co-formulations. Each class kills ticks in specific ways. However, ticks develop resistance after about three years. The correct thing is to change to a different class after three years. Unfortunately, the technical staff never told us about this. We, therefore, ended up, including myself, using the same class of drugs for up to 15 years, in my case. When the ticks became resistant to the drugs, recently, the cattle started dying. Although the good news here is that the Ankore cattle and the other indigenous cattle are still immune to the tick-borne diseases. One of my cattle, Kiremba, was found with 154 drug resistant ticks and it was still up ticking and kicking. Anyway, I have moved from pyrethroids to the amidines and all the ticks have disappeared. We have instructed the veterinary people to sensitize the farmers on this issue. I, recently, went to Ireland (UK) specifically on this issue and the drug manufacturers have solution to these drug resistant ticks.

In any case, we are also working on vaccines with other African countries – such as Kenya and Malawi.

Yesterday, I read the malicious self-deception of the Daily Monitor. I am told that the so-called “The East African newspaper”, which is a sister to the Daily Monitor, was similarly jubilating that Museveni will have a hard time making the State of the Nation Address this year, because the things he talked about last year were not fulfilled. Of course, not all the things I talked about last year have been fulfilled because many of them take time and, in any case, the resources are limited. Does the Daily Monitor and the East African paper and some members of the opposition in the Ugandan Parliament, think that Ugandans cannot understand that? Mao Tse Tung once said: “It is still better if the enemy attacks us wildly and paints us as utterly black and without a single virtue; it demonstrates that we have not only drawn a clear line of demarcation between the enemy and ourselves but achieved a great deal in our work.” Therefore, it is a compliment when the Daily Monitor and the East African paper attacks us because it means we are right. However, unfortunately for the anti-NRM groups, Uganda is moving forward. The performance of the economy this year has been as follows:

GDP rate of growth is 5.1%;
Inflation rate is 3.6%;
Foreign exchange Reserves are US$ 3.3 billion;
Export earnings are US$ 4.9 billion;
Remittances from Ugandans abroad are US$ 767.26 million;
The total size of GDP of Uganda is 54.7 trillion shillings;
The total size of GDP in US$ (exchange rate) is US$ 21.2 billion;

This is reasonable given the difficult situation created by the past mistakes caused by the anti-NRM elements prior to 2011, when inflation went up to 30%. I said that the difficult situation will be reversed and it has been reversed. We are also resolved to resist firmly those who block investment programmes, delay development and when difficulties arise they turn round to criticize. The bottlenecks are clear to us. They will be solved partly using our money, partly using money from our Partners outside or through a sovereign bond using regular financial sources because Uganda’s credit rating is good at B+. Besides, our oil money is not very far off.

The evil of corruption is being handled. You saw what happened to the officers who were accused of stealing money in the office the Prime Minister and in the Ministry of Public service by holding ghost seminars, in 2011. In the past, NRM has handled bigger problems than bunches of thieving public servants. These are easier to handle. I promise to give a special address on corruption.

Madam Speaker, it will be recalled that the Second Session of the Ninth Parliament commenced on 7th June 2012. As at 14th February 2013, Parliament had been able to transact business as follows:

Bills passed – 11
Motions passed – 12
Reports considered and concluded by Parliament – 6
Petitions considered and concluded by Parliament – 5
Ministerial Statements presented to Parliament – 13
Other statements – 2
Questions for oral answer presented – 3

Among the Bills which Parliament has passed are the following:
The National Council for Older Persons Bill, 2010;
The Finance Act 2006 (Amendment) Bill, 2012;
The Income Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2012;
The Excise Tariff (Amendment) Bill, 2012;
The Value Added Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2012;
The East African Excise Management (Amendment) Bill, 2012;
The Uganda Communications Regulatory Authority Bill, 2012;
The Supplementary Appropriation Bill, 2012;
The Petroleum (Exploration, Development and Production) Bill, 2012;
The Accountants Bill, 2011;
The Geographical Indications for Bill, 2008;

In the coming session, the Government will present a number of Bills including the following anti money laundering Bill, Public Finance Bill, etc. The Rt. Hon. Prime Minister will communicate these Bills to you.

I thank you very much.

6th June 2013 – UICC, Serena

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