“Polls open in Uganda’s presidential and parliamentary elections with President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for 30 years, seeking a fifth term in office. Many polling stations, delayed awaiting voting materials, opened over an hour late in the capital Kampala” (AFP, 2016).
Tag: East Africa
Press Release: UPF confirmes violent actions at Kyaggwe Road Primary School, Kampala (17.02.2016)


The 1996 election and the 2016 elections; staggering similarities of government party and actions towards the opposition! The difference now is Besigye VS M7; then it was Ssemogerere VS M7!

As President Museveni lost with no swagger in 1980 he later returned twice with armies to become the president in 1986. The 1986 where NRA took the power; that story knows all of Uganda well; what Uganda has forgotten is the tactics and ways of rigging the elections of 1996. Even Dr. Kizza Besigye was ready for somebody else in 1996. That says something as the NRM tactics was using levels of fear and tell the general public: “if you vote for somebody else then the Obote-Dictatorship will return!” There is something wrong with that picture as this should be the ushering of democratic values that was installed and promised in the 10 Point Program from President Museveni. This was also the Election that ushered in the Universal Primary Election (UPE) while has done certain things with educations and spreading schools around the country, after many years to many of them has been neglected and has shown that the promise and reform was easier then actually achieving quality school education under the NRM-Regime.
The democratic values and fair elections were not achieved in 1996. As the countless reforms says. The Western nations and International Organizations accepted the result as a positive move for Uganda, even with the malpractices and also because still at this time the world saw President Museveni as the new breed of leadership. He would go away from all the things he might have built later in his presidential career. 1996 Elections was “No-Party” election with a new Interim Electoral Commission who was far from impartial. Kind of what the Electoral Commission proves without any subtlety in today’s election climate.
Besigye against Museveni candidature in 1996:
“Though Besigye was a National Political Commissar, minister and Museveni confidant, by 1996 – as his 1995 decision, and that of other officers like now Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza and the late Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga to oppose entrenching the Movement’s monopoly of power in the constitution and the near-banning of political parties – the differences were public” (…)”However, it has now emerged that Besigye and other people in the NRM and army in 1996 were opposed to Museveni running as the Movement presidential candidate” (…)”In 1996 Besigye relented at the last minute to go and campaign for Museveni in Rukungiri. He appeared at no more than two rallies, and spoke at one. The very personal and acrimonious face off between the two men last year therefore arose from a feud that had been simmering for about 10 years” (COO, 2002).

How not to vote for Ssemogerere:
“The Constant refrain during Museveni’s 1996 presidential campaign was that a vote for his opponents would cause a return to the past, the former dictator Milton Obote was waiting in Zambia to return to power if Museveni was defeated. One of Museveni’s presidential election poster featured a picture of skulls and bones besides a mass grave in Luwero with the caption: “Don’t forget the past. Over one million Ugandans, our brothers, sisters, family and friends, lost their lives. YOUR VOTE COULD BRING IT BACK”; another campaign advertisement stated bluntly: “A vote for Ssemogerere is a vote for Obote” (Bouckaer, 1999).
How the sentiment was during the campaign:
“Ssemogerere seems to have hugely underestimated the depth of fear and hatred for Obote and his party among the majority of Buganda. Virtually everyone interviewed who had voted for Museveni emphasized that they had voted in part to avoid any chance of a return to the violence and anarchy of the early 1980s. The effect of Ssemogerere alliance with UPC, however, does not seem to have been intimidating. Most people felt shift in sentiment against Ssemogerere in the last two months prior to the election. The Museveni campaign strategy of increasingly emphasizing the UPC and Obote connection towards the end of the campaign period was felt to been effective” (IFES, 1996).

Museveni used the laws to stifle Ssemogerere campaign:
“The Ssemogerere camp tried to set up branches in the country. This ran foul of the law against setting up party structures. The police constantly frustrated this method of trying to reach the voters. There was a simpler and more effective method used by the Museveni camp. It is simply to announce campaign task forces and groups for given locations. While Ssemogerere was attempting to organise by “structure”, Museveni was organising by “process”. The former violated the existing law; the latter did not. The task force approach recognises the criticality of patrons who mediate the delivery of the votes of their peasant flock. In this approach it is not direct contact with voters, which is not feasible in backward areas with all forms of barriers (language), but contact with the patrons who go through lesser nested patrons to reach the final voters. Yoweri Museveni set up a more effective patron–client campaign network than Ssemogerere’s party structure approach” (Kotorobo, 2000).
How it ended:
“Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said. “I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added. During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers” (Mugabe, 2016).
Questionable freedom of speech during the 1996 campaign:
“The Government controls one television station and the radio station with the largest audience. There are three local television stations, three local radio stations, and five stations available by satellite. Uncensored Internet access became widely available through three commercial service providers in major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent noninstitutional users. Freedom of speech did not fare well in the context of the transition to constitutional government, including the presidential and parliamentary elections. Guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs prevented members of the former constituent assembly from addressing groups outside their constituencies. Electoral rules prohibited “campaigning” by presidential challengers until the official start of the campaign 39 days before the election. However, in their official capacity, President Museveni and senior members of the Government were free to travel throughout the country for months prior to the election. Rallies in support of all three presidential candidates suffered varying levels of harassment from thugs, in some cases resulting in physical injuries. It appeared, however, that such incidents were particularly directed at President Museveni’s opponents. Yusef Nsubuga Nsambu, a leader of the Conservative party and a supporter of presidential challenger Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, was arrested in May and charged with sedition for his unflattering descriptions of President Museveni. He was released unharmed 2 days later” (U.S. Department of State, 1997).
Celebrating the victory:
“KAMPALA, UGANDA — Thousands of President Yoweri Museveni’s supporters drove through the capital honking car horns and chanting “No change” Saturday to celebrate his first electoral victory” (…)”When Museveni was declared the winner on national radio Saturday, tens of thousands of his supporters poured onto Kampala’s streets, chanting “No change” in the local Luganda language, blasting car horns, and waving branches and flags” (Bashor, 1996).
One reason why he won the 1996 Election:
“Not all NRM successes showed the system’s popularity. The government manipulated small constituencies to gain beholden candidates in many special interest seats created by the 1995 constitution for women, youth, workers, the disabled and the army” (ICG, 2012).

Reports of malfunctions during the 1996 elections:
““The election drew a lower turnout than expected and suffered some logistical problems, but Ugandans generally avoided widely feared violence” (…)“Many of the country’s 8.4 million voters stayed away from the polls, and in many districts, turnout hovered around 50 percent. Logistical problems also hampered voting. At numerous polling stations, Ugandans complained that their names were not on the list of registered voters. “We have waited for hours, and we cannot vote,” said Patrick Nuwgaba, 20, surrounded by about 20 people who said they had been barred from voting. “We have our voter cards, but they say the numbers we have don’t match the numbers they have for us.” Despite those problems, calm prevailed around the country. Election observers reported, however, that in some pro-Museveni districts, especially in western Uganda, Ssemogerere backers had difficulty voting because of hostile crowds” (Buckley, 1996).
Questions about the victory:
”Within 24-hours of voting — and while the ballot papers were still being counted — the Inter Political Forces Cooperation (IPFC) backing the main opposition candidate Ssemogerere, announced that the constitutionally imposed “no-party” elections had been rigged” (…)”We have left it up to individuals to decide whether to stand,” Ssemogerere told IPS. “The electoral process is wrong and its going to be wrong again. If anyone stands they should know it will be with those disadvantages.” (…)”The IPFC’s compromise decision was reminiscent for some people of the 1980 elections in which the UPC are widely believed to have cheated the DP of victory — leaving Ssemogerere open to accusations of legitimising the government when he then took up position as leader of the opposition” (…)”Museveni was backed by, and represented his Movement “no- party” system of government while Ssemogerere was supported by the DP and UPC alliance and represented a return to multi-party politics — a return which would have required a change to the constitution” (Bozello, 1996).

As we see about this Dr. Kizza Besigye and other opposition candidates get the same treatment that Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of Democratic Party in 1996. The vote-rigging, the issues with meeting people, with consulting the party members in the districts, the time for campaigning which apparently happens also before the pre-election period in Uganda in 2015. President Museveni doesn’t only recycle pledges his Police acts similar in 2015 as in 1996. That should be thought of as he talks of that the Movement brings progress. If progress means the same structure that doesn’t offer people freedom or liberty to discuss politics. Then it is NRM for you tomorrow. As the 1996 experience shows; there is a multi-party elections tomorrow, but the signs of 1996 looks strikingly similar, and the Police Force and Governmental institutions is structured to facilitate for the ruling party and funding his campaign while the opposition struggles with unleveled campaigning field that has been all through to the 18th Feburary polls. There is a certainty that Dr. Kizza Besigye has used smarter tactics than Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, but them both has fought the same monster which used the same style of campaigning in 2015-2016 as before the 1996, as he then gave 40 days campaigning as the districts was less, and the same now to the other candidates.
The fear used to intimidate candidates has been used in 2016. As even the security outfits has been deployed and both the army and Special Forces Command; they have been there following opposition and the police has target their trail as the Electoral Commission has given okay to their campaign trail in the start of the campaign in November 2015. This here shows the levels of fear and strong militarized politics that President Museveni feeds on; that has occurred through the whole campaign in the same way it did in 1996. That 2016 and 1996 looks so alike is staggering. The names of the other “actors” are different, but the end-game is the same. Though we hope that the people who are ready for change will see it as the old-man with the hat will do what he can to keep power; even if the people are ready for something else then his empty promises. Peace.
Reference:
Bashor, Richard – ‘In First Direct Election Since ’62, President Wins Overwhelmingly’ (12.05.1996) – Chicago Tribune.
Bouckaer, Peter – ‘Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (August 1999).
Borzello, Anna – ‘UGANDA-POLITICS: ‘Where-To-Now’ Conundrum For Opposition’ (16.05.1996) – Inter Press Service
Buckley, Stephen – ‘INCUMBENT LIKELY WINNER IN UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE’ (11.05.1996) – Washington Post
Katorobo, James – ‘The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996’ (2000)
Mugabe, Faustin – ‘How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?’ (30.01.2016).
International Crisis Group (ICG) – ‘UGANDA: NO RESOLUTION TO GROWING TENSIONS’ (05.04.2012).
International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) – ‘Uganda: Long Term Observation of 1996 Presidential and Legislative Election (May-July 1996).
Onyango-Obbo, Charles (COO) – ‘Besigye Opposed Museveni’s Bid in 1996, And Set Off Movt Demons’ (15.12.2002) – Daily Monitor
U.S. Department of State – ‘Uganda Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996’ Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, (January 30, 1997).
Uganda election Hospital conditions exposed by opposition – BBC News – (Youtube-Clip)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nzjp7A0-9nU
“Uganda holds an election this Thursday and President Yoweri Museveni’s 30 years in power is at stake. One major issue is healthcare and whether the President has done enough after opposition leader, Kizza Besigne exposed the condition of the medical system. Catherine Byaruhanga reports.” (BBC News).
Jennifer Musisi – “Go Out and cast your Vote!”; Here is why it is Ironic that she spreads the message of going out to vote!

The Woman who impeached and used every tool in the book to get rid of a elected offical to control City Hall and be parts of the Kampala Capital City Authority. The Message sending today is feeling strange as she doesn’t have much democratic backbone, as she like to be little Queen who controls Kampala without having a Lord Mayor asking for accountability and getting men in asking for transparency as Lord Mayor Lukwago wanted to do. Therefore they worked to get rid of him in last period.
So it is ironic and she just recently said this to the press as well:
““We are doing really well without the Lord Mayor. We have made tremendous progress without the Lord Mayor. Our administration minus the Lord Mayor is fantastic” (Mubiru, 2016).
So the LADY who does well without the ELECTED official asks people to go out and vote. I don’t accept the premise and the message from her. As she has done everything in her power to take away the value of the Kampala votes in 2011. There is something not right in that. As well as late in 2015 with the amendment of the KCCA ACT was to nearly abolish the Lord Mayors place and instead just have hand-picked men from the Parliament. So the Public and Citizens of Kampala would not have a certified and legitimate person to represent them. That is something Jennifer Musisi and Frank Tumwebaze has worked for. That is why I am irritated at this message from her. It doesn’t fit her or the KCCA as the KCCA only works for hand-picked cronies of the NRM-Regime, only the ones that haven’t follow it doesn’t know about it. Peace.
Reference:
Mubiru, Apollo – ‘Home National KCCA without the Lord Mayor is fantastic – Musisi’ (10.02.2016) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/new_vision/news/1416769/kcca-lord-mayor-fantastic-musisi
Kenyan government involvement in the funding of President Museveni’s 2016 Campaign

This here was addressed and questioned earlier during December 2015 the Kenyan support of President Museveni. As we are close to the poll; I did some quick check up about it. And especially in Kenya as it is even a bit controversial there; even if the rumors of funding from President Museveni to the Jubilee Coalition in 2013; something that has not been denied or confirmed; as President Museveni or President Kenyatta will disclose the funds of the campaign.
As much as President Museveni prefers keeping information close or only throw shade on enemies. He keeps it tight until he needs to show it, as he plays things close. He needs loyal cadres everywhere and knowing that the Jubilee Coalition could be a great ally in the EAC, as the trade between Kenya and Uganda is important for both of the countries. The connections between has been pivotal. Here today I will go through the recent reports on the support from Government of Kenya towards the Campaign for re-elections of President Museveni. Another way of showing it is not a level playing-field for President Museveni as the opposition candidates do not have the international support that President Museveni does have! Take a look!

Group from Kenyan Government delegation help in Museveni campaign:
“Reports indicate that the team of more than five leaders will be pitching camp in Uganda just a week before the country holds its General Election. The delegation is said to be led by Endebess Member of Parliament Robert Pukose accompanied by Elgeyo-Marakwet Senator Kipchumba Murkomen, Uasin Gishu Governor Jackson Mandago and Deputy President William Ruto’s personal assistant Farouk Kibet. The Jubilee delegation is set to be hosted at a State Lodge in Kapchorwa where they will spend the night before participating in several rallies in the ongoing heated campaign” (Muchiri, 2016).
What they are doing and amount of funds:
“At a weekend fundraiser event in Sebei, Kenyan politicians Mr Pukose and Mr Tunai handed over 100 bags of cement, 170 iron sheets and Sh48 million for school projects in Tumbaboi (Kapchorwa), Ngenge (Kween) and Kapkoros (Bukwo). Reports also emerged that Kuka’s Inn in Kapchorwa was full of activity, as ruling party members prepared to receive the visitors. When the Kenyan politicians arrive, they are expected be hosted to a breakfast at State Lodge Kapchorwa and spend a night there after several rallies. On Saturday they will attend a get-together with the Sabiny community big shots” (Chekwech, 2016).
ODM accuse the Jubilee Government of Involvement in Museveni Campaign:
“ODM has accused Jubilee of using public resources to drum up support for Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni ahead of the country’s general election on February 18” (…)”The Ugandan elections have sparked a lot of interest among Kenyan politicians, with both Deputy President William Ruto and opposition leader Raila Odinga being actively involved in campaigns” (…)In a statement made by the ODM:“We remain deeply concerned about the involvement of the Kenyan government in the ongoing Ugandan presidential election campaigns in support of incumbent President Yoweri Museveni,” (…)”Kenya’s involvement in Uganda elections also sets a dangerous precedent that will see incumbents openly rally behind each other,” (…)”ODM said in the statement signed by director of elections Junet Mohamed” (Mbaka, 2016).

William Ruto rewarded for helping President Museveni:
“Reports emerging indicate that William Ruto grabbed a prime parcel of land in Kayunga Uganda, the same place where he went to campaign for Museveni” (…)”Charles Tabora, a local denizen narrated to our pressman that area residents have already suspected Museveni’s hand in the heist because his government is mum on the same” (…)”We shall not go to sleep until we redeem our land that has been grabbed by this Kenyan land baron. Museveni and his ‘land addict’ can go to hell for all we care. We will teach that Kenyan man that Ugandans are like the rock that is right in the bottom of the deep ocean and does not fear rain” Explained Mr. Joseph” (Politica, 2016).
Allegation of using Eurobonds funds to support Museveni campaign:
“Henry Rotich said Raila’s sentiments were only meant to create unnecessary anxiety” (…)”“We have provided all the information on our website for all to see and make their conclusion on who is telling the truth. What I know is that people cannot be fooled all the time,” said Rotich” (…)””We have invited him to table the dossier he has with PAC (Public Accounts Committee) but he refused and instead goes to the media to claim he has information. Odinga should table the evidence with the Auditor General and stop disturbing the CS,” the legislator said” (…)”“If Odinga does not have faith in Parliament he should visit agencies that will carry expeditious and independent probe about the alleged saga,” Mr Chepkonga” (Kibor, 2016).
This here proves that it is manpower and monies that extended the power of the campaign while the other candidates are struggling and howling over; the NRM get even support of Money from Eurobonds from Kenya as William Ruto want to pay him back for the support of campaign they had in 2013. The approach is to give back for the support earlier even with a full-fledged team who gives pledges and gifts in districts go give credit to NRM and President Museveni. There is an issue here as the involvement will question the Government of Kenya’s address if the rigged election turns sour and make the people demonstrate and react to the thievery of their public rights to elect their leaders. Something that will make H.E. President Kenyatta like a moron instead of Powerbroker as this might give him an edge and fulfill the promise to pay back for the election of 2013. His deputy seems to enjoy the spotlight of Ugandan crowd as he was on the campaign rally in late 2015. This here is just an insult to all the Ugandans who might stand for a opposition candidate, as their neighbor involves themselves with the ruling-party and their militarization of the politics in Uganda. Peace.
Reference:
Chekwech, Allan – ‘Kenyan lawmakers return to Uganda in campaign for Museveni’ (12.02.2016) link: http://www.nation.co.ke/news/Kenyan-lawmakers-campaign-in-Uganda/-/1056/3073296/-/or4y1d/-/index.html
Kibor, Fred – ‘CS Henry Rotich dismisses Raila Odinga over Eurobond’ (15.02.2016) Link: http://standardmedia.co.ke/?articleID=2000191666&story_title=Kenya:cs-henry-rotich-dismisses-raila-odinga-over-eurobond
Mbaka, James – ‘Jubilee funding Museveni poll campaign – ODM’ (13.02.2016) link: http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2016/02/13/jubilee-funding-museveni-poll-campaign-odm_c1294217
Muchiri, Marikio – ‘Jubilee Politicians Who Will Fly to Campaign in Uganda’ (12.02.2016) link: http://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/jubilee-politicians-who-will-fly-campaign-uganda
Politica – ‘Breaking: Ruto Grabs Land in Uganda, Residents boycott Museveni rally as a result’ (12.02.2016) link: http://www.thenairobitimes.com/2016/02/12/breaking-ruto-grabs-land-in-uganda-residents-boycott-museveni-rally-as-a-result/
Letter from Indian High Commission of Kampala: “Warning about being careful around the next few day” (15.02.2016)

Press Release: U.S. Gov. On Next Week’s Presidential Elections in Uganda (12.02.2016)

As Uganda nears its national elections on February 18, the United States supports the call by many Ugandans, including thousands of youth, for a peaceful, transparent and credible electoral process, before, during, and after the voting.
Violence or threats of violence from any group or individual are unacceptable, and those who participate in such acts – regardless of which candidate they support – must be held accountable. We call on all parties to refrain from provocative actions or rhetoric that raise tensions and that seek to divide Ugandans rather than bring them together.
We strongly urge the government and electoral authorities to ensure a level playing field and transparent process, including through fair application of the law, so that all candidates have an equal opportunity to express their views and voters have the opportunity to hear them. We look to the representatives of all parties and their supporters, as well as members of the security forces and the Crime Preventers, to support the peaceful and fair conduct of polls free from intimidation.
Uganda’s progress depends on adherence to democratic principles and processes. The United States stands by the Ugandan people as they undertake this most essential democratic endeavor.
Press Release: Over 57,000 Express Concern with Human Feeding Trials of GMO Bananas (12.02.2016)
Over 57,000 Express Concern with Human Feeding Trials of GMO Bananas
Simultaneous demonstrations in Ames and Seattle highlight controversy surrounding Gates Foundation-funded Transgenic Banana Study at Iowa State University
Ames, IA and Seattle, WA: On Monday February 15th, Iowa State University graduate students will deliver 57,309 petition signatures to the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences at ISU while AGRA Watch members deliver the same petition to the headquarters of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation in Seattle, Washington. (The petitions will be delivered at 9:30am PST and 11:30am CST.) The petition asks the University and the Gates Foundation to cease supporting the transgenic banana study, including human feeding trials, and to change the trajectory for this type of research conducted at public universities. Petition signatures were collected by ISU graduate students, AGRA Watch and CREDO Action.
With the purported goal of reducing Vitamin A deficiency in Uganda and other parts of the world, genetically modified bananas are enriched with beta carotene. The study examines the extent to which the bananas’ beta carotene is converted to Vitamin A in the body and absorbed by consumers. The study is funded by the Gates Foundation.

The CREDO petition is a follow-up to a petition launched in 2015 by ISU graduate students who, in partnership with AGRA Watch, collected over 1000 signatures, that were delivered in December. These petitions respond to an email that was sent to the ISU student body in April 2014 inviting young women (ages 18-40) to eat genetically modified bananas in return for $900.
This study is one of the first human feeding trials of a genetically modified product, and there has been no prior animal testing of this product. Thus, ISU students are being asked to be the first to consume a product of unknown safety. The study is not being conducted in a transparent manner, and concerned ISU community members have not been able to receive answers about the research design, risks, nature of the informed consent given by the subjects, and the generalizability of the study.
The safety concern is not limited to students or activists. Dr. David Schubert, a molecular biologist at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies, said, “Beta carotine is chemically related to compounds that are known to cause birth defects and other problems in humans at extremely low levels, and these toxic chemicals are possible if not likely by-products of plants engineered to make large amounts of beta carotene. Since there is no required safety testing of the banana or any other GMO, doing a feeding trial in people, especially women, should not be allowed. It is both unethical and immoral, particularly because there are several naturally occurring varieties of banana that are safe and have higher levels of beta carotene than the GM varieties.”
Beyond the possible harm to students, the banana may have negative long-term impacts on Ugandan agriculture. Many banana varieties serves as staples in Ugandan diets. Ugandans have the right to have access to safe, nutritious, and culturally appropriate food. A coalition of over 100 U.S., African and international organizations expressed concerns in an Open Letter that genetically-modified bananas are not meant to serve such a purpose, and that this crop will have an adverse affect on Ugandan agriculture, food security and food sovereignty.
Bridget Mugambe, a Ugandan campaigner with Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa, declared, “What is eluding the Gates Foundation is the existence of diverse alternative sources of Vitamin A rich foods that are easily planted and readily available in Uganda. The need for this Vitamin A rich GM banana is clearly assumed, and may sadly end up destroying a food that is at the very core of our social fabric.”
The demonstrations come on the heels of a widely-reported new critique of the Gates Foundation, commissioned by UK-based Global Justice Now. In the reportentitled “Gated Development”, the organization argues that “big business is directly benefitting, in particular in the fields of agriculture and health, as a result of the foundation’s activities.” The report goes on to claim that the foundation creates “a corporate merry-go-round where the [foundation] consistently acts in the interests of corporations”.
Mariam Mayet, Director of African Centre for Biodiversity (South Africa) stated, “We in Africa vehemently oppose the introduction of GM crops plants into our food and farming systems that is being carried out in the name of the public good. Once again we would like to draw attention to the conclusions of the 400 global experts of the IAASTD report, who are under no illusion that the current obsession with yield and productivity (personified in the extreme by GMOs) is a panacea for a more ecologically sustainable and equitable food system.”












