Press Statement: Didier Reynders meets with his Burundian counterpart Alain-Aimé Nyamitwe (14.03.2016)

BurundiNTVNews

BRUSSELS, Belgium, March 14, 2016 – Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Didier Reynders met today with his Burundian counterpart Alain-Aimé Nyamitwe. Belgium wants to maintain the dialogue with Burundi.

Minister Reynders stressed that Belgium remains concerned about the situation in the country. An inclusive inter-Burundian dialogue is necessary, more than ever, to reach a solution to the crisis. Belgium welcomes the appointment of former President Benjamin William Mkapa, as facilitator of the East African Community, along with President Museveni. Belgium reiterates its willingness to contribute to the contacts between the authorities of Burundi and the opposition.

Didier Reynders noted with interest the announcement of the deployment of 200 African Union observers, as well as appeasement measures by Burundi authorities. Belgium and the European Union will closely follow the implementation and extension of these measures, hoping they go in the direction of an improvement of the human rights situation and a political opening.

Burundi: EU closes consultations under Article 96 of the Cotonou agreement (14.03.2016)

EU Burundi 14.03.2016

Press Release: Number of Burundian Refugees Tops 250,000, Says UNHCR (07.03.2016)

kinama (1)

GENEVA, March 7 – With tension remaining high in Burundi, the number of people who have sought shelter in neighbouring states has now passed the 250,000 mark, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency notes, cautioning that people continue to flee and numbers could rise further.

UNHCR’s latest figures show that 250,473 people have been registered as refugees in Democratic Republic of the Congo (21,186); Rwanda (73,926); Tanzania (131,834); Uganda (22,330); and Zambia (1,197) since early April last year, when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced plans to run for a third term, which he later won.

The average rate of new arrivals per week is more than 1,000 in Tanzania, 500 in Uganda, 230 in Rwanda and 200 in Democratic Republic of the Congo. There have been small numbers of spontaneous returns.

Lusenda Burundi Refugee Camp

“Cool heads and continuing international attention are needed to avert further deterioration this year, and the right to leave the country and seek asylum should be respected,” UNHCR spokesperson Melissa Fleming told a news briefing in Geneva.

“Despite recent high-level efforts to engage the government, we have not seen significant improvement in the security and human rights situation on the ground. The deteriorating economic situation is also a cause for concern which could trigger further displacement,” she added.

“Although there has been a slight lull in violence recently in Burundi, refugees arriving in the host countries continue to report human rights violations and difficulty in leaving Burundi. We have also been receiving a growing number of refugee reports about detention and sexual and gender-based violence in transit,” Fleming said.

Some 1,700 Burundian refugees have arrived in Democratic Republic of the Congo so far this year, down on the 2,051 of October last year, but still a steady flow. Many are living in poor rural areas, where conditions are harsh, and about two-thirds (14,772) are in Lusenda camp, which is nearing its capacity of 18,000.

Overcrowding is a problem in all host countries, including Tanzania, which has taken in more Burundians than any other. Nyarugusu camp hosts some 143,000 people, including almost 80,000 who have arrived since last April. The decongestion of the camp is a priority and new arrivals go to Ndutu, while others at Nyarugusu are sent to the recently reopened Mutendeli camp. Another camp is planned at Karago, but capacity there and at Mutendeli is limited by insufficient water reserves.

Nakivale Refugee Camp Isingiro District

In Rwanda, close to 48,000 Burundian refugees are living in Mahama camp, the largest camp in Rwanda, and more than 26,400 in Kigali and other towns. As the insecurity persists in Burundi they are running out of savings, which will increase their need for assistance. The Rwandan government, meanwhile, has clarified that it has no plans to relocate Burundian refugees and will keep its doors open.

In Uganda, about two thirds of Burundian arrivals in the past year are being hosted in Nakivale Refugee Settlement (14,876) in the South-West Region, 21 per cent in the capital Kampala, and the remainder in Kyaka II, Oruchinga and Kisoro settlements.

Most are young women and children, with a disproportionately low number of young men. Work is under way to extend settlement areas at Nakivale and other locations. Access to water continues to be a problem and UNHCR is delivering by truck in Nakivale, which is costly and unsustainable.

As with the other asylum countries, funding is a major problem which is affecting access to education, health care, livelihoods, counselling and more, though Uganda allows people to work and travel.

UNHCR requested US$175.1 million for the Burundi humanitarian response in 2016 and has to date received US$4.7 million, or about 3 per cent. –UNHCR

Joint Communique: 17th Ordinary Summity of the East African Community Heads of State

17 EAC Joint Communique P117 EAC Joint Communique P217 EAC Joint Communique P317 EAC Joint Communique P417 EAC Joint Communique P5

Sanctions on South Sudan Renewed, Panel of Experts Extended, as Security Council Unanimously Adopts Resolution 2271 (2016)

Souh Sudan Grass

7639th Meeting (AM)

Security Council – Meeting Coverage:

Determining that the situation in South Sudan remained a threat to regional peace and security, the Security Council today renewed until 15 April sanctions — including a travel ban and asset freeze — imposed by resolution 2206 (2015) and directed at those blocking peace in the country.

Unanimously adopting resolution 2271 (2016) under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council also decided to extend until 15 May the mandate of the Panel of Experts overseeing the sanctions, with the intention of reviewing the mandate and deciding, no later than 15 April, on its further renewal.

shoutdownarms-700-2_0

Speaking after adoption of the resolution, Petr V. Iliichev (Russian Federation) said its technical character was a reflection of the lack of unity on the Council regarding the sanctions regime.  At the same time, the text emphasized the importance of resolving the armed conflict in South Sudan.  Responsibility for normalizing the situation in the country rested mainly with the South Sudanese.  They needed time and support.  Excessive sanctions ran the risk of complicating the situation and hardening the positions of the parties to the conflict.  The 15-member body needed to be careful.

David Pressman (United States) said that, while the Council supported the people of South Sudan, the country still had a long way to go.  The Council, which had repeatedly shown a willingness to use targeted sanctions to put pressure on spoilers, needed to work together so as to send the correct signals to the leaders of South Sudan.  New proposals would be considered to stabilize the situation on the ground, stem the flow of arms and encourage compromise.  It was a delicate moment in the peace process, but also a critical moment.  Parties to the conflict had to show progress on implementing the peace agreement.  They were urged to demonstrate, in the coming weeks, a commitment to a peaceful and prosperous future through concrete actions.

The meeting began at 11:31 a.m. and ended at 11:40 a.m.

UN Security Council 02.03.2016

The obvious similarities between the 2016 Elections and the 1980 Elections; President Museveni should be proud!

M7 rescue

There been saying that there are similarities between the 1980s General Election and 2016 General Election when it comes to the Presidency and Parliament. Because of that I have checked and read some reports. Here is stories from the 1980 General Election, as the stories comes out and this here is not from articles from New Vision or Daily Monitor, this here is direct reports or educational-papers, even the international media and some of the people involved in the matter like Yusuf Lule and Paolo Muwanga. But there are lots of questions still, but the certainty of British involvement in the result and the outcome has surely come to mind. Here is some information and not just mere speculation to how the General Election went.

Background to the General Election 1980:

“Thus assured of support, Obote now moved in fact to destabilize the UNLF Government in Uganda. In this he found an ally in the Military Commission of the UNLF, whose Chairman Paulo Muwanga and Vice-Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, joined hands to stage a coup against the UNLF in May 1980. But Museveni was out maneuvered by the Obote-Muwanga clique. The latter rigged the December 1980 elections in their favor” (…)”Britain, in tum, manipulated the Commonwealth to send an “Observer Group” to witness the elections – a ploy that served to “legitimize” Obote’s victory, and thus secure the official suppon of all members of the United Nations and the OAU. Needless to add, Britain was the first country to recognize Obote’s fraudulent victory. Margaret Thatcher convinced the Americans to back the regime and to give the green light for IMF stand-by credits. The full regalia of a neo-colonial restructuring of Uganda was opened in front of all eyes to see. Obote was “the man of the hour”. Whilst Britain played a key role in legitimising Obote (through the mediation of the Commonwealth Secretariat), and later in providing him with assistance to train his army, the role other imperialists played must also be mentioned. The Germans, and in particular the Christian Democratic Party and its foundation the Konrad Adenaur Foundation, all linked with German monopolies, have had an historical interest in Uganda, and close ties with the mainly Catholic Party, the DP. They decided that in the interest of protecting broader Western interests in Uganda, Obote’s election “victory”, though fraudulent, must be recognized. The CDU played a significant role in convincing the DP to accept Obote on the grounds that since Obote had offered to “respect” a “multi-party system”, the DP still had a chance in the future” (Tandon, 1987).

Muwanga

From the 11th December 1980 Proclamation:

“The Chairman of the Military Commission, Mr. Paolo Muwanga, has issued a declaration regarding the confirmation of who shall be considered as having been elected a member of Parliament following the end of the 1980 General Elections” (…)”Any results declared otherwise than in compliance with the provision of the declaration shall not be valid or binding in any publication or such purported result by any means whatsoever” (…)”For the purpose of the 1980 elections to the National Assembly, section 47 of the National Assembly (Elections) Act shall be substituted by the following: “47A(a) when the result of the poll of a constituency has been ascertained, the returning officer shall make no public declaration of the finding but forthwith communicate it to the Chairman of the Military Commission with a confidential report on various aspects of the conduct of the election” (Muwanga, 1980).

The official Results:

1980s Election Results

Yusef Lule claims this:

“I accepted the cabinet on an interim basis. Once I got to Uganda. I shuffled my cabinet and brought in better people. In the 69 days, I tried to rectify the mistakes. For example, one of the roots of troubles in Uganda has been the recruitment of the army from only a few ethnic groups. The British had started this for their own reasons. But as soon as I was President in Uganda, I ordered the recruitment of soldiers from all elements of the population to make it a national army. Nyerere and Obote immediately saw their plan to sieze power after a year might be thwarted. From the moment on Nyerere withdrew from me the support of the Tanzanian troops that controlled the country” (…)”Nyerere insisted that Lule must resign even though the Consultative Council had no legislative powers. (Indeed, the Ugandan High Court ruled, in October 1980, that Lule’s removal had been unconstitutional)” (…)”Since then have come the Uganda elections of December 1980 and much fighting. Lule is highly critical of the Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) because they issued their much-publicized interim report stating the voting had been relatively free and open, before the results of the polls had been announced” (…)”After the Commonwealth statement, Muwanga, contrary to his supposedly neutral role, intervened in the electoral affairs by suspending the announcement of growing victory of anti-Obote forces, and declaring victory for Obote. Muwanga became Obote’s Vice President and Defence Minister” (…)”After the ballots had been counted in Gulu, the permanent secretary – a close friend – called up  Mrs. Aliker in Nairobi to congratulate her on her husband’s victory by 40,000 votes against 3,000 for his opponent. The tide was running heavily toward the anti-Obote forces. Then Paulo Muwanga announced suspension of the results. There was immediate tension. When Radio Uganda came on air the next day, they first announcement was that in Gulu, Dr. Martin Aliker had been defeated by 40,000 to 3,000. The candidate falsely announced as the winner refused to believe the result” (Munger – Lule, 1983).

Obote

Another story of the 1980 elections:

“Meanwhile, in Uganda, controversy raged over the electoral arrangements, amid an increasingly febrile and violent atmosphere. While under the supervision of the Electoral Commission, the actual mechanics of the election were largely in the hands of the administration – in a continuation from late colonial practice, each district commissioner was the returning officer for all constituencies in his district, and was in effect in control of the hiring and supervision of electoral staff. Just over a month before the election, 14 of Uganda’s 33 district commissioners were dismissed and replaced by men appointed directly by the Military Commission; soon afterwards, Obote publicly warned civil servants to ‘stop frustrating the UPC election efforts’.  One man who was a young UPM activist at the time recalled that in his constituency, the district commissioner set about ensuring that all polling staff were UPC supporters” (…)”well over 80% of the registered voters in most places, which meant that rather more than one quarter of the total population voted. This a remarkable number in a country where slightly more than half the population were under 18, while one constituency saw a 103% turnout. Such figures might seem to suggest wholesale ballot-stuffing, and it seems likely that there was some local malpractice involving multiple voting and/or stuffing. But if there was manipulation, it appears to have balanced out, because turnout levels were generally consistent across UPC and DP strongholds.In Buganda, where the UPC suffered more or less complete electoral annihilation, the turnout was as high as it was in the UPC heartlands in the north(the 103% came here). Tito Okello, the commander of the UNLA, ‘praised Ugandans for their peaceful attitude and love for political progress’ and called the election ‘a day of rebirth when Uganda will once more have its rightful place in Africa and the world community’” (…)”The Electoral Commission had, however, fallen silent; its secretary had gone into hiding (and fled the country two nights later) and the rest of its members temporarily vanished from the office.  When it resumed the announcement of results, these showed a very substantial UPC victory. In the end, UPC secured 74 seats, against 51 for DP and 1 for UPM; though in terms of the overall vote, the DP secured more votes overall. The process of tallying at a constituency level had been largely unobserved, since the Observer Group had returned to Kampala on 11 December and – following an outbreak of shooting around their hotel that evening – were largely withdrawn on 12 December” (…)”In his memoirs, the senior British member of the Observer Group, Robert Wainwright, comforted himself that Obote would have won anyway, even had he not cheated in the nominations. Obote’s biographer, citing the Observer Group report, insisted that Obote had won the election simply because of its ‘superior organization’, and dismissed accusations of malpractice as unfounded”  (Willis).

In 1981:

Mr. Obote’s party gerrymandered voting districts, delayed opposition candidates past deadlines for qualifying and in the end shut down a public tally of votes to simply announce victory over national radio. In the last two weeks, the Obote administration also has closed five opposition newspapers” (…)”We are going back on a course we thought we had left, just as things were under Amin,” said Paul Ssemogerere, leader of the opposition Democratic Party. A Democratic Party member of Parliament, John Magezi, said in an interview this week that: ”I’m not sure I understand what’s happening myself. This isn’t even third world politics; this is fourth world.” (…)”The most serious threat to the Obote regime is thought to be a rebel force led by Yoweri Mseveni, who was a member of the six-member military commission that ruled Uganda until the election. Making War From the Bush” (…)”Mr. Mseveni was the only man on the board who did not support Mr. Obote. He formed a political party, but he was trounced in the election that he is convinced was stolen by Milton Obote. Now he is in the bush – with a force of five thousand, he claims – preparing for a major offensive unless the Obote administration steps down” (Jaynes, 1981).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

In 1982:

Without the investment budget, the economist said, Uganda’s chances of economic revival look slim. But frequent reports of violence, perpetrated particularly by Government troops, may make potential investors wary. And thus a vicious circle could be created with economic discontent fueling the problems that block economic revival. Many Ugandans still live in poverty. Dispute Over 1980 Election” (…)”Neither do the insurgents seem to offer an immediate alternative to the present Government. The guerrillas undoubtedly have considerable support among the Baganda people around Kampala, who form the nation’s largest single ethnic group. The Baganda have been opposed to President Obote since he banished their king during his first term of office, from independence in 1962 until his overthrow by Idi Amin in 1971. Mr. Obote returned to power in elections in December 1980, which the Baganda opposition charges were rigged, and which Mr. Obote says vehemently were free and fair”  (…)”The President himself asserts that, were the guerrillas to achieve their aims and install a Baganda leader, then the rest of the country – which, he says, voted solidly for him in the 1980 election – would rise up in revolt” (Cowell, 1982).

Certain Acholi feelings about the 1980s:

“This was followed by several short lived junta administration (governments) till the 1980 general election that was generally disputed by the majority of Ugandan political parties that participated. They claimed that the election was “not free and fair”. This led to a re-organization once more into another liberation movement that struggled till 1986 when they finally succeeded in capturing political power by force of arms. In this struggle, some members of the then defeated army were either taken as prisoners of war or voluntarily joined liberation movement or settled back home while a section regrouped in the north in order to launch a counter offensive to gain political power. It is generally accepted that this was the starting point of the Northern Uganda conflict that has changed faces of struggle which adversely affected the people of the greater North” (ARLPI, 2007).

Uganda 1980 Election UPM UPC

Here we see the British position to the matter and verifying the results and the way the rigging is open and blatant happening, even with witnesses and wife’s getting information about the victory by phone and the day after on the radio hearing and announced that the person didn’t get their seat in parliament after all.

The 1980s elections seem by many means rigged and the reports validate that sense. As some have question if that is true or something Uganda Patriotic Movement used to defend their rebellion towards the state, as the opposition does now; the FDC claims as the predecessor UPM did at one point. The worrying point about the whole election at that time is how the Commonwealth Observers is being used by British Officials, as the Dr. Milton Obote got the verifying force and the international credibility to stop the nuance of asking to accepted. While the Parliament and members was more selected than elected. Just as it seems as after 18th February as the Electoral Commission under Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu, put all the eggs in the basket of President Museveni and avoided lots of polling stations to benefit the ruling regime. The way the ruling regime of Uganda People’s Congress did their job and their Paolo Muwanga made the cake for Dr. Obote and his second term in office.

The way Obote told Civil Servants to serve UPC and not work against them, the same way Museveni today tells that everybody should stay behind NRM; they use other words, but initially mean the same. The same is also that Museveni says the election happen in a free and fair fashion as did Obote on the 1980s. They actually could be saying the same words or as similar as can be. They could be like brothers today and President Museveni did everything in his power in the beginning to demolish the legacy of Obote. So that he could be seen as the essential leader of the nation.

Today we see the ways that the army and police are used as tool of oppression as it was done during the Obote area as well. The determination of oppressing the opposition and making life hard for anybody who is not NRM is shown through the pre-election period and now after the polls as evidence today and the recent days where the Police have gone after the opposition with vigor and power. Jailed and detained FDC Mobilisers, Officials and others for affiliations or having the original declarations forms that the Electoral Commission have rigged, so to get rid of evidence.

So there is so many of the same traits that it is staggering… and the ways they are conducting the elections and polls; are nothing difference than from Obote, the man he fought for 5 years in a Bush-War to free the peasants, making himself to be like him. That is impressive as he was supposed to be an intellectual and a wise-guy who could make Uganda democratic, what that has happen is that President have made government of Uganda now acting the same ways as the ones he ousted. That is ironic and sad at the same time. Wished for the people Uganda another President who respect rule of law, the role of the executive and the true power of transparency and accountability, but that will not occur under President Museveni as he now will only seek his own gain and not care about the general state of Uganda; as his power and keeping that is main objective, everything else is secondary. Peace.

The President of the United Republic of Tanzania, H.E Dr. John Pombe Joseph Magufuli has sent congratulatory message to the President of the Republic of Uganda, H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni following his re-election as the President at the election held on February 18th 2016.

Linger at Inaguaration in Tanzania

H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,

President-Elect of the Republic of Uganda,

KAMPALA.

Your Excellency and Dear Brother,
It gives me great pleasure, on behalf of the Government and people of the United Republic of Tanzania and indeed on my own behalf, to extend to Your Excellency our heartfelt congratulations on your re-election as the President of the Republic of Uganda. Your re-election at the helm of your country is a true reflection of the confidence that the people of Uganda have in you as well as a testimony of their trust in your exemplary leadership.

I also take this opportunity to congratulate your party, National Resistance Movement for its outstanding victory in the General Elections. As you are well aware, both my party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania have enjoyed brotherly relations with the Ugandan people throughout the years.

While congratulating you on your well deserved re-election, I wish to reaffirm my readiness and determination to continue working with you in further strengthening our relations for the benefit of our two countries and peoples.

Please accept, Your Excellency and Dear Brother, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, East Africa, Regional and International Cooperation

February 24, 2016.

The Saga of delivering EC Forms to Dr. Kizza Besigye at the FDC HQ; the EC Offical had to drive to Kasangati! New Equipment for the Police and more! (23.02.2016)

M7 2016 Post Interview quote

As we have seen the promise of public holiday as the people can go to the polls tomorrow and vote for their local government leaders, though Kampala and other has to wait to 26th of February as they always deliver the voting material in the central region late in this election, it is much easier to get the polls in Abletong, Amuru and Gulu then in the central region. So it must be a reason why the elections of Lord Mayor and Local Government in Kampala will happen a day after. Certainly no public holiday as off now on that date as the NRM-Regime is fearing the opposition strongholds, as the Electoral Commission didn’t count or care about 1700 poll stations in the MPs and Presidential Election, Chairman Badru Kiggundu didn’t care about answering that or the Amuru declaration form that has come online, still he delivered numbers saying that his master President Museveni won the District. Surely, you can tell the Daily Monitor to Stand-down on the press conference since you have the police and army behind you.

New Equipment for UG Police 23.02.2016

The New Vehicles the Government can afford:

“Uganda security service squires new machine to counter the political unrests within the country. The brand new armoured vehicles are believed to have entered the country from China and the Uganda police force conforms this and says they are to be used with immediate effect” (TheDailycom, 23.02.2016).

Badru Kiggundu said this today at the press conference after telling the verified results and addressing; also telling the Ugandan people that the EC is ready for Local Council or Local Government Council elections tomorrow:

“Besigye is the only presidential candidate out there in the media trying to come out to refute the results” (…)”“he should not bother coming to the EC” (New Vision, 23.02.2016). Well, seem like first Mr. Kiggundu is deflecting the TDA/Go-Forward telling the world that the elections has been marred with wrongs and not a level playing-field, but hey, Badru only listen to Museveni cronies… that he tells that Dr. Kizza Besigye and the FDC should not go to the Electoral Commission and bother to do that. First Mr. Kiggundu he should first be allowed to walk out his house, before we talk about going to your office! But that is just me.

EC 22.02.2015 Guarded Heavy

Wafula Oguttu said this today:

“There is certainly something terribly wrong with the so called elections 2016. Up to now I have not seen a copy of the official declaration of my elections results, almost a week later. We have made several trips to the EC District offices to no avail .Every time we have been told lies. The latest lie is that the computer crashed and the data got lost! Even the presidential results for the district are lost”.

The Electoral Commission visited the FDC Headquarter today – Eyewitness said this:

“They came with Electoral Commission staff and the claim is that they are bringing the results from Electoral Commission. Our response is that these are not working hours and that they don’t need that heavy force to deliver the fraudulent KIGGUNDU results”.  This has been verified that Harold Kajja who recently was detained by being in the offices during the raid has said “no” to accept the Tally-Results from the Electoral Commission.

NBS 23.02.2016 Najjanankumbi

As it is written in theInsider:

“EC spokesman Jotham Taremwa personally traveled to the FDC offices in Najjanankumbi Tuesday evening” (…)”The opposition officials first locked out Taremwa and his group while police deployed heavily and took over the premises” (…)”Asked whether he was in touch with FDC officials, Taremwa said they told him only Besigye can receive the forms” (…)”Meanwhile, FDC deputy secretary came to Taremwa’s rescue and subjected the EC official to a couple of questions” (…)”“What is this?”, Harold Kaija queried” (…)” Taremwa explained that they were delivering the declaration forms from the just concluded elections” (…)”Kaija told Taremwa only Besigye would personally recieve the forms and no one else” (…)”“Why did you call me? You know Besigye’s agent.  You have his number”, Kaija shouted out” (…)”Taremwa suggested that they call any other official who could settle the predicament” (…)”After making futile calls, Taremwa resolved to drive to Besigye’s home in Kasangati and deliver the forms” (TheInsider, 2016).

The story continues:

“Electoral Commission (EC) Spokesperson Jotham Taremwa: I didn’t know Dr Kizza Besigye was in police custody. All I was told is to deliver these documents” (NBS TV, 23.02.2016). He has to know, he has been in detained for days and secondly I don’t believe that has not heard any media, radio or tv-station where it has been mentioned in recent days. Sorry brother, that is white-lie and we know you knew, you just wanted to save face and go by the sieged offices of the FDC instead of meeting the detained and house-arrested Dr. Kizza Besigye! That is okay, but please say it… And be a man as your a hired man by the authorities who holds FDC Officials, FDC Members and FDC supporters in detained and jail around the country. Show some pride instead of lying on TV and to the FDC officials at the FDC Headquarter.

Kasangati 20.02.2016

Special Eyewitness report on the 2011 Election in Uganda from Gitobu Imanyana;

“During the last general election in Uganda I was the head of the African Union election observer mission to Uganda. In an unprecedented holding we came to the conclusion that those elections were neither free nor fair and made recommendations for creating a level playing field for next elections. Our recommendations were trashed and I was involuntarily taken out of the hotel shortly after reading our mission statement and driven to Entebbe Airport where I was given “VIP protection” by security officers in the VIP Lounge until 4 pm when the Kenya Airways plane arrived and I was the first to board for the return journey to Nairobi. I am appalled that this election’s AU observer mission made no reference to our recommendations when they declared a fraudulent election “free and fair” (Imanyana, 22.02.2016).

23.02. NRM Celebrates Kampala

This election is marred with foolish yellow fever actions from the NRM-regime as the quagmire of actions is mirrored into the waters of the tears of the Ugandan people like now. That there supposed to polls for Local Government Elections and Polls around the country, though not in Kampala and Wakiso it seems, as that is the area where the Government has the most hassle of holding elections, as seen during the Presidential Elections and Member of Parliaments, while also the suspended elections during the first polls will happen in March this year to settle the last positions in the 10th Parliament.

23.02. NRM Celebrates Kampala P2

The most stupid is the way the Electoral Commission tried to deliver the papers of the result today to Forum for Democratic Change and Dr. Kizza Besigye. I believe he was sent home because the Police was informed of the actions from the EC and had to have him under house-arrest as it would be strange to deliver the papers to Naggalama Police Station or Kiira Road Police Post; what matters is that he is still under house-arrest and the police are besieged by them. As I have written before he is the epitome of what President Museveni isn’t; a legitimized leader who is the torn by him as he has the people behind him; while the President pays for loyalty as the celebration in Kampala shows, as the celebration was so made-up and with new mass-produced stuff and not look like credible collective mass of people. This here is just a sad view and should make the President think. That is because I don’t write about the President alone, I write about him as backhand flattery, as this is a story about the oppression of the FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye, as he is the oppressor who doesn’t deserve any more credit than he has already taken himself with using the government tools to steal an elections and taken the country hostage while oppressing the opposition with using the security forces and the police, not only Besigye, but also other party members and FDC officials. Peace.

Reference:

TheInsider – ‘EC takes Besigye forms to FDC offices, locked out’ (23.02.2016) link: http://www.theinsider.ug/electoral-commission-ec-delivers-declaration-result-forms-to-besigye/

Dr. Kizza Besiyge out of House-Arrest and again detained by the Police (23.02.2016)

Kizza Besigye 23.02.2016

Yesterday: Late in the night the Police drove Dr. Kizza Besigye back from detaining at the Naggalama Police Station in Mukono. He was driven back to Kasangati in Wakiso. In the early morning when the police was seen with less deployment then in a while in the area; as they have had something in mind.

This morning they again took Dr. Kizza Besigye out of his house-arrest as he got sleep in his own home before becoming detained and left the premises in yet another police car, this time it is expected to be detained at the Kiira Road Police Post. The world should know that he has continuously been either in house-arrest or detained since the polls, this here is ridiculous and proves the fear President Museveni has for the man and his party; as the legitimacy dwindles with every moment Dr. Kizza Besigye spends in jail or house-arrest. Peace.  

Statement by Canadian High Commissioner in Kenya David Angell on the Ugandan Elections (22.02.2016)

NTV 20.02.2016

Canada congratulates the people of Uganda for holding largely peaceful presidential and parliamentary elections, despite delays in the opening of polls in some regions and other voting irregularities.

We are concerned by the arrest and continued detention of opposition political figures, and the prospect of those actions inciting violence. 

The blackout of social media platforms is troubling given the impact on the right to freedom of speech, particularly as it relates to the democratic process.

We note with regret the preliminary findings of various international election observation missions which highlighted, amongst others, concerns over the transparency and independence of Uganda’s Electoral Commission, and alleged misuse of state resources for campaign financing purposes.

Canada encourages authorities, the government, and opposition leaders to work in collaboration to address these issues, in support of the full rights of all Ugandans and the electoral process.

Mbabazi M7 Besigye

All Canadians in Uganda should limit their movements, avoid demonstrations and large gatherings, follow instructions of local authorities and monitor local news and consult http://travel.gc.ca/destinations/uganda for further advice.