The 1996 election and the 2016 elections; staggering similarities of government party and actions towards the opposition! The difference now is Besigye VS M7; then it was Ssemogerere VS M7!

1996 Museveni Sworn in Ceremony

As President Museveni lost with no swagger in 1980 he later returned twice with armies to become the president in 1986. The 1986 where NRA took the power; that story knows all of Uganda well; what Uganda has forgotten is the tactics and ways of rigging the elections of 1996. Even Dr. Kizza Besigye was ready for somebody else in 1996. That says something as the NRM tactics was using levels of fear and tell the general public: “if you vote for somebody else then the Obote-Dictatorship will return!” There is something wrong with that picture as this should be the ushering of democratic values that was installed and promised in the 10 Point Program from President Museveni. This was also the Election that ushered in the Universal Primary Election (UPE) while has done certain things with educations and spreading schools around the country, after many years to many of them has been neglected and has shown that the promise and reform was easier then actually achieving quality school education under the NRM-Regime.

The democratic values and fair elections were not achieved in 1996. As the countless reforms says. The Western nations and International Organizations accepted the result as a positive move for Uganda, even with the malpractices and also because still at this time the world saw President Museveni as the new breed of leadership. He would go away from all the things he might have built later in his presidential career. 1996 Elections was “No-Party” election with a new Interim Electoral Commission who was far from impartial. Kind of what the Electoral Commission proves without any subtlety in today’s election climate.

Besigye against Museveni candidature in 1996:

“Though Besigye was a National Political Commissar, minister and Museveni confidant, by 1996 – as his 1995 decision, and that of other officers like  now Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza and the late Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga to oppose entrenching the Movement’s monopoly of power in the constitution and the  near-banning of political parties – the differences were public” (…)”However, it has now emerged that Besigye and other people in the NRM and army  in 1996 were opposed to Museveni running as the Movement presidential  candidate” (…)”In 1996 Besigye relented at the last minute to go and campaign for Museveni in Rukungiri. He appeared at no more than two rallies, and spoke at one. The very personal and acrimonious face off between the two men last year therefore arose from a feud that had been simmering for about 10 years” (COO, 2002).

Ssemogerere Manifesto

How not to vote for Ssemogerere:

“The Constant refrain during Museveni’s 1996 presidential campaign was that a vote for his opponents would cause a return to the past, the former dictator Milton Obote was waiting in Zambia to return to power if Museveni was defeated. One of Museveni’s presidential election poster featured a picture of skulls and bones besides a mass grave in Luwero with the caption: “Don’t forget the past. Over one million Ugandans, our brothers, sisters, family and friends, lost their lives. YOUR VOTE COULD BRING IT BACK”; another campaign advertisement stated bluntly: “A vote for Ssemogerere is a vote for Obote” (Bouckaer, 1999).

How the sentiment was during the campaign:

“Ssemogerere seems to have hugely underestimated the depth of fear and hatred for Obote and his party among the majority of Buganda. Virtually everyone interviewed  who had voted for Museveni emphasized that they had voted in part to avoid any chance of a return to the violence and anarchy of the early 1980s. The effect of Ssemogerere alliance with UPC, however, does not seem to have been intimidating. Most people felt shift in sentiment against Ssemogerere in the last two months prior to the election. The Museveni campaign strategy of increasingly emphasizing the UPC and Obote connection towards the end of the campaign period was felt to been effective” (IFES, 1996).

Hon Ssemogerere in Northern Uganda campaigning

Museveni used the laws to stifle Ssemogerere campaign:

“The Ssemogerere camp tried to set up branches in the country. This ran foul of the law against setting up party structures. The police constantly frustrated this method of trying to reach the voters. There was a simpler and more effective method used by the Museveni camp. It is simply to announce campaign task forces and groups for given locations. While Ssemogerere was attempting to organise by “structure”, Museveni was organising by “process”. The former violated the existing law; the latter did not. The task force approach recognises the criticality of patrons who mediate the delivery of the votes of their peasant flock. In this approach it is not direct contact with voters, which is not feasible in backward areas with all forms of barriers (language), but contact with the patrons who go through lesser nested patrons to reach the final voters. Yoweri Museveni set up a more effective patron–client campaign network than Ssemogerere’s party structure approach” (Kotorobo, 2000).

How it ended:

“Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said. “I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added. During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers” (Mugabe, 2016).

Questionable freedom of speech during the 1996 campaign:

“The Government controls one television station and the radio station with the largest audience. There are three local television stations, three local radio stations, and five stations available by satellite. Uncensored Internet access became widely available through three commercial service providers in major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent noninstitutional users. Freedom of speech did not fare well in the context of the transition to constitutional government, including the presidential and parliamentary elections. Guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs prevented members of the former constituent assembly from addressing groups outside their constituencies. Electoral rules prohibited “campaigning” by presidential challengers until the official start of the campaign 39 days before the election. However, in their official capacity, President Museveni and senior members of the Government were free to travel throughout the country for months prior to the election. Rallies in support of all three presidential candidates suffered varying levels of harassment from thugs, in some cases resulting in physical injuries. It appeared, however, that such incidents were particularly directed at President Museveni’s opponents. Yusef Nsubuga Nsambu, a leader of the Conservative party and a supporter of presidential challenger Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, was arrested in May and charged with sedition for his unflattering descriptions of President Museveni. He was released unharmed 2 days later” (U.S. Department of State, 1997).

Celebrating the victory:

“KAMPALA, UGANDA — Thousands of President Yoweri Museveni’s supporters drove through the capital honking car horns and chanting “No change” Saturday to celebrate his first electoral victory” (…)”When Museveni was declared the winner on national radio Saturday, tens of thousands of his supporters poured onto Kampala’s streets, chanting “No change” in the local Luganda language, blasting car horns, and waving branches and flags” (Bashor, 1996).

One reason why he won the 1996 Election:

“Not all NRM successes showed the system’s popularity. The government manipulated small constituencies to gain beholden candidates in many special interest seats created by the 1995 constitution for women, youth, workers, the disabled and the army” (ICG, 2012).

Ssemogerere Museveni

Reports of malfunctions during the 1996 elections:

““The election drew a lower turnout than expected and suffered some logistical problems, but Ugandans generally avoided widely feared violence” (…)“Many of the country’s 8.4 million voters stayed away from the polls, and in many districts, turnout hovered around 50 percent. Logistical problems also hampered voting. At numerous polling stations, Ugandans complained that their names were not on the list of registered voters. “We have waited for hours, and we cannot vote,” said Patrick Nuwgaba, 20, surrounded by about 20 people who said they had been barred from voting. “We have our voter cards, but they say the numbers we have don’t match the numbers they have for us.” Despite those problems, calm prevailed around the country. Election observers reported, however, that in some pro-Museveni districts, especially in western Uganda, Ssemogerere backers had difficulty voting because of hostile crowds” (Buckley, 1996).

Questions about the victory:

”Within 24-hours of voting — and while the ballot papers were still being counted — the Inter Political Forces Cooperation (IPFC) backing the main opposition candidate Ssemogerere, announced that the constitutionally imposed “no-party” elections had been rigged” (…)”We have left it up to individuals to decide whether to stand,” Ssemogerere told IPS. “The electoral process is wrong and its going to be wrong again. If anyone stands they should know it will be with those disadvantages.” (…)”The IPFC’s compromise decision was reminiscent for some people of the 1980 elections in which the UPC are widely believed to have cheated the DP of victory — leaving Ssemogerere open to accusations of legitimising the government when he then took up position as leader of the opposition” (…)”Museveni was backed by, and represented his Movement “no- party” system of government while Ssemogerere was supported by the DP and UPC alliance and represented a return to multi-party politics — a return which would have required a change to the constitution” (Bozello, 1996).

m7, besigye

As we see about this Dr. Kizza Besigye and other opposition candidates get the same treatment that Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of Democratic Party in 1996. The vote-rigging, the issues with meeting people, with consulting the party members in the districts, the time for campaigning which apparently happens also before the pre-election period in Uganda in 2015. President Museveni doesn’t only recycle pledges his Police acts similar in 2015 as in 1996. That should be thought of as he talks of that the Movement brings progress. If progress means the same structure that doesn’t offer people freedom or liberty to discuss politics. Then it is NRM for you tomorrow. As the 1996 experience shows; there is a multi-party elections tomorrow, but the signs of 1996 looks strikingly similar, and the Police Force and Governmental institutions is structured to facilitate for the ruling party and funding his campaign while the opposition struggles with unleveled campaigning field that has been all through to the 18th Feburary polls. There is a certainty that Dr. Kizza Besigye has used smarter tactics than Dr. Paul Ssemogerere, but them both has fought the same monster which used the same style of campaigning in 2015-2016 as before the 1996, as he then gave 40 days campaigning as the districts was less, and the same now to the other candidates.

The fear used to intimidate candidates has been used in 2016. As even the security outfits has been deployed and both the army and Special Forces Command; they have been there following opposition and the police has target their trail as the Electoral Commission has given okay to their campaign trail in the start of the campaign in November 2015. This here shows the levels of fear and strong militarized politics that President Museveni feeds on; that has occurred through the whole campaign in the same way it did in 1996. That 2016 and 1996 looks so alike is staggering. The names of the other “actors” are different, but the end-game is the same. Though we hope that the people who are ready for change will see it as the old-man with the hat will do what he can to keep power; even if the people are ready for something else then his empty promises. Peace.

Reference:

Bashor, Richard – ‘In First Direct Election Since ’62, President Wins Overwhelmingly’ (12.05.1996) – Chicago Tribune.

Bouckaer, Peter – ‘Hostile to Democracy: The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (August 1999).

Borzello, Anna – ‘UGANDA-POLITICS: ‘Where-To-Now’ Conundrum For Opposition’ (16.05.1996) – Inter Press Service

Buckley, Stephen – ‘INCUMBENT LIKELY WINNER IN UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE’ (11.05.1996) – Washington Post

Katorobo, James – ‘The Uganda Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 1996’ (2000)

Mugabe, Faustin – ‘How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?’ (30.01.2016).

International Crisis Group (ICG) – ‘UGANDA: NO RESOLUTION TO GROWING TENSIONS’ (05.04.2012).

International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) – ‘Uganda: Long Term Observation of 1996 Presidential and Legislative Election (May-July 1996).

Onyango-Obbo, Charles (COO) – ‘Besigye Opposed Museveni’s Bid in 1996, And Set Off Movt Demons’ (15.12.2002) – Daily Monitor

U.S. Department of State – ‘Uganda Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996’ Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, (January 30, 1997).

Jennifer Musisi – “Go Out and cast your Vote!”; Here is why it is Ironic that she spreads the message of going out to vote!

Irony Musisi

The Woman who impeached and used every tool in the book to get rid of a elected offical to control City Hall and be parts of the Kampala Capital City Authority. The Message sending today is feeling strange as she doesn’t have much democratic backbone, as she like to be little Queen who controls Kampala without having a Lord Mayor asking for accountability and getting men in asking for transparency as Lord Mayor Lukwago wanted to do. Therefore they worked to get rid of him in last period.

So it is ironic and she just recently said this to the press as well:

““We are doing really well without the Lord Mayor. We have made tremendous progress without the Lord Mayor. Our administration minus the Lord Mayor is fantastic” (Mubiru, 2016).

So the LADY who does well without the ELECTED official asks people to go out and vote. I don’t accept the premise and the message from her. As she has done everything in her power to take away the value of the Kampala votes in 2011. There is something not right in that. As well as late in 2015 with the amendment of the KCCA ACT was to nearly abolish the Lord Mayors place and instead just have hand-picked men from the Parliament. So the Public and Citizens of Kampala would not have a certified and legitimate person to represent them. That is something Jennifer Musisi and Frank Tumwebaze has worked for. That is why I am irritated at this message from her. It doesn’t fit her or the KCCA as the KCCA only works for hand-picked cronies of the NRM-Regime, only the ones that haven’t follow it doesn’t know about it. Peace.

Reference:

Mubiru, Apollo – ‘Home National KCCA without the Lord Mayor is fantastic – Musisi’ (10.02.2016) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/new_vision/news/1416769/kcca-lord-mayor-fantastic-musisi

People’s President Campaigns in Kampala today! Footage from Youtube!

Here is different footage from Kampala as the FDC or the Forum for Democratic Change had campaigns in Kampala today the 10 February 2016!

Here is the first one from Lubaga Division, Nedeeba. 

Here is the seceond one from Katwe Division:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=REhNs3cehTI

Even the Museveni Channel had a postive clip of the Campaign in Kampala: 

NTV Coverage on the Kampala rallies:

“As the presidential and parliamentary campaigns enter the home stretch, the struggle to get the blessing of opposition icon Dr. Kiiza Besigye among opposition politicians is hitting fever pitch. At Besigye’s main campaign rally in Katwe, a Kampala suburb, Makindye West parliamentary contender Allan Ssewanyana was nearly strangled as he struggled to accessing the platform where Besigye was to speak from. Besigye spent the day traversing city suburbs where he promised that an FDC government would promote all-inclusive development in Kampala and pledged better planning for the city” (NTV Uganda, 2016)

Dr. Kizza Besigye Message after the Rallies today:

“It was a busy day in Makindye and Lubaga, we are grateful for your contribution to this campaign. Thank you for the support. Many of you left your places of work and came to be part of this historical moment where Ugandans will place their power in the hands of one their own and take charge, and that leader will be accountable to all the people of Uganda. 18th February 2016 ✅ote Kizza Besigye for President of Uganda. Good night!”

President Museveni is not running for his 5th term, but he is running for the 7th! Proving it by going through his previous terms

Uganda-parliament-2

I know for some of you people this will blow your mind; some of you will tell I told you so. Other people will be like? How dare you insult my intelligence, well it depends on how you deem history and how you let the victors rewrite it. As President Museveni has been a victor and won over his predecessors like Yusuf Lule, Tito Okello and Milton Obote, even Idi Amin together with Milton Obote and the Tanzanian Army in late 1970s. So President Museveni has won the power through guns. At the same time as he has lingers he has tried to rewrite history as the people neglect certain fact.

We are supposed to see the people of Uganda to elect the 10th Parliament as this is the end of the 9th Parliament. I will not discuss that matter, as that is not important me. We could discuss if there only been 9 functional Parliament and representative government since independence in 1962, or should we also count the ones that we’re before this since the British introduced Parliamentarism in Uganda in 1882. Then it is with certainty more than 10 of them. If so is that based on the new constitution after independence or the newly written to fit NRA/NRM in 1995? Then so I understand the coming 10th Parliament. Still, this is also worth discussing and the matter of how we value the predecessors and the tools they left behind for the men of today who rule. Feel me?

This here is not a reflection on how Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost and got 4% in the 1980s and 1 seat in Parliament, as this was the first outfit for President Museveni. Museveni didn’t even get a seat as he lost to Sam Kutesa in the distric he was running in; that is a worthy side-note!

m7-1970

His first term – Overthrowing Okello in 1986:

But his first term started as he was sworn in and the New York Times described it like this:

“KAMPALA, Uganda, Jan. 29Yoweri Museveni, whose National Resistance Army descended on this battered capital city last week and overthrew the military Government of Gen. Tito Okello, was sworn in today as the new President of Uganda” (Rule, 1986). Here is in my opinion his start of first term, as he took it by the gun. As he was sworn in as President of Uganda, which initial means he got the appointment of rule as he defeated his opposition at that time.

ReaganMuseveni

 His Second Term – Election in 1989:

“The elections in 1989 also included elections for the majority of seats in parliament. Candidates for all these elections stood strictly as individuals and not as representatives for a party although several of them publicly were known supporters for one of the older parties – including the UPC. The Ugandan constitution was abolished in 1966, and no basic consensus has ever since appeared on the most basic issues like: how to elect a President and whether the country should be an unitary state or a federation including several kingdoms” (P: 40, 1994, Tidemand). “As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009). “Out of a total of 278 seats, 210 members were elected without party affiliation” (African Elections).

This here election was one, and gave NRM time to rebuild and rewrite a new constitution. So this gave way for his second term in my opinion. Since the first term was from 1986 – 1989. From 1989 to 1996 is his second as there weren’t elections towards the parliament and presidential candidates, which means that the country was still controlled tightly by the NRM. Before the 1996 election there was election a Council for writing the new Constitution. That was put into place in 1995.

the-1995-constitution-was-very-clear-on-two-terms-but-museveni-used-parliament-to-remove-term-limits

His Third term – 1996 elections:

“The presidential election was preceded by an aggressive electoral campaign which was dominated by intimidation, vote buying, bribery and promises of material benefits. These methods were employed by both the opposition and the incumbent government during the 39 days which were allowed for presidential campaigns. It would seem that the aggressiveness of the campaign was dictated to some extent by the limited time allowed for each candidate to cover all of the country’s 39 districts, which meant that candidates were allowed one day of campaigning in each district. Again, this arrangement favoured the incumbent, President Museveni who had been in power for 10 years and was therefore well known to the electorate, compared to his challengers. Moreover, the electoral law allowed him the continued use of his presidential privileges which made the 39 campaign days less problematic” (Muhumaza, 1997). “The I996 presidential election was deemed a ‘step forward’ by many Western diplomats, although before the election some diplomats privately questioned how the election could be fair because of the fact that political parties were not able to organise to compete with the political machinery of the NRM (Reuters, 6 May I996). Despite private reservations, the official donor attitude was that the losers of the election should not contest the results. When Paul Ssemogerere went to the European Union Parliamentary Committee on Development to complain about the unfairness of the election, the committee told him to accept his defeat (The New Vision, 3 June I996)” (Hauser, 1999).

Interesting allegation about campaign money to Museveni in 1996:

It was for instance alleged that one presidential candidate received funds equivalent to 600 million shillings (US$600,000) from certain foreign organisations while on a pre-election visit to Europe; and that another candidate had been funded certain Islamic countries. Similar insinuations were hurled against President Museveni who was alleged to have got financial contributions from the Indian community in Uganda” (Muhumaza, 1997).

The election results from the 9th of May 1996:

The results was: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 74.33 %, Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere: 23.61 % and Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 2.06 %” (African Election Database).

This here was the official first term as he was this one. Even if he had already been ten years in power, that is why I am saying this is his third term, as he had the first one from 1986 to 1989, when the overthrow Okello, second after the parliamentary elections to the first presidential election in 1996. That lasted to the 2001.

Before the next election this was reports on the great democratic environment President Museveni was building:

“Political parties are prohibited from holding party conferences, a ban which severely hampers their own internal reform. Since this ban has been in place since 1986, reform in the structure and leadership of political parties has been virtually impossible. Attempts to hold party conferences have been met with strong and unambiguous warnings from the Ugandan government that they would prevent such meetings” (…)”Since coming to power, the NRM has used a state-funded program of political and military education called chaka-mchaka to spread its message that political parties are destructive sectarian organizations responsible for Uganda’s past woes, an argument that resonates given Uganda’s recent political history. Chaka-mchaka thus serves to rationalize the NRM’s denial of political rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. Government leaders, including President Museveni, often refer to advocates of democratic reform as their “enemies.” Other structures of local government such as the local councils (LC) and the Resident District Commissioners (RDC) serve to ensure support for the NRM, and often create a hostile climate for advocates of pluralism” (Human Rights Watch, 1999).

Old Campaign Posters Uganda

Fourth Term – General Election in 2001:

KAMPALA, Uganda, March 14— President Yoweri Museveni swept the hard-fought elections here today, in a victory that he called an acclamation of 15 years of peaceful rule but that his main opponent said was won only by extensive cheating” (…)”My votes are like Lake Victoria,” Mr. Museveni told tens of thousands of supporters this afternoon who marched to an airstrip downtown after the results were announced. ”They never dry up.” (…)”The main election monitors in Uganda said, however, that most allegations of cheating appeared to be against forces loyal to Mr. Museveni, estimating preliminarily that between 5 and 15 percent of the vote may have been won fraudulently. The fraud included people being forced or influenced to vote by election officials, intimidation and people being denied the right to vote” (Fisher, 2001).

The Election results from the 12th March 2001:

The results are: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 69.33 %, Kizza Besigye: 27.82 %, Aggrey Awori: 1.41 %, Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 1.00%, Francis Bwengye: 31 % and Karuhanga Chapaa: 0.14 % (African Election Database).

Reactions to the election:

“Amnesty International (AI) agrees with the Besigye opposition that “the Presidential elections in Uganda have been marred by allegations of human rights abuses, both before and after the elections on 12 March 2001. An increasing number of human rights violations against opposition supporters, including illegal arrests and detention without charge, ill-treatment in detention, and alleged unlawful killings were reported by the Ugandan press in the weeks leading up to the elections. In some instances, supporters of President Museveni were also targetted.” (Afrol.com, 2001).

This here was the official second term, while I am saying it is the fourth one, that lead to him opening the Multi-Party elections in 2005. Also the referendum on term limits came into force in 2005. As the constitution made in 1995 gave the limit of the Executive Power and President had the ability to be elect twice. As he wasn’t elected in between 1986 to 1996; 10 years without accountability and still becoming a donor pleasant government as Structural Adjustment Program got eaten up by the Government of Uganda in that period. As President Museveni even met with U.S. President Clinton; as he was the new future leader of the “third world” development.

Uganda Term Limits Museveni

Here are the issues in 2005 with the abolishment of term limits:

“Museveni and his supporters, who pushed a controversial constitutional amendment rescinding presidential term limits through Parliament this month, are urging an overwhelming “yes” vote while the weak and fractured opposition want the country’s 8,9-million eligible voters to boycott the polls” (…)”Under current rules, political parties are allowed to exist but may not have branch offices and may not field candidates in elections. The only fully-functioning political entity is Museveni’s own “Movement” organisation to which all Ugandans theoretically belong” (Mayanja, 2005).

As it was voted in by the public he was allowed to be the Presidential candidate in yet another election. The one that happen in 2006!

Election 2011 Uganda

Fifth term – 23rd February 2006 Presidential Election:

As some context and pretext over the other issues written in between 2001 and 2006; this here is following the close and tense contest that was held in 2006; as the NRM was weaken over time, as the fatigue of running the country since 1986. As the fourth term was already showing how much they tried to continue to work under the Movement System, instead of giving way to Multi-Party Democracy, as people voted in the second referendum poll. Here is some things happening right before:

“A spokesman for the ruling National Resistance Movement told New Vision that the government had complained to the U.S.-based Web server which hosts Radio Katwe, Brinkster Communications Corporation, claiming that the site was publishing “malicious and false information against the party and its presidential candidate. (…)”Local journalists have expressed fears that the government could similarly block The Monitor’s Web site on election day, when the newspaper plans to keep a running tally of votes from across the country. “Our Web site has been going offline every day for the last three days” for several hours at a time, Monitor Group Managing Director Conrad Nkutu told CPJ. He added that while the problem appeared be a technical glitch, “we are also suspicious it might not be.” (CPJ, 2006).

Election results from 2006:

The results are:


Number of Votes
% of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 4,109,449 59.26%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) 2,592,954 37.39%
John Ssebaana Kizito (DP) 109,583 1.58%
Abed Bwanika 65,874 0.95%
Miria Obote (UPC) 57,071 0.82%

(African Election Database)

Aftermath after the first Multi-Party after NRM got into Power:

“The multi-party elections of 2006 saw only slight improvements from 2001, notably in the area of media freedom. Dr Besigye ran against President Museveni for the second time, but now as the leader of a new political party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and garnered 37.39% of the votes, as against Museveni’s 59.26% majority. Dr Besigye’s Supreme Court case regarding the 2006 elections has become famous due to the ruling that Museveni was the rightful winner despite the Court’s acknowledgement of widespread electoral malpractices and vote rigging which were considered not to have substantially affected the results of the elections” (…)”For any engagement with these political parties a number of issues need to be taken into consideration, these include the multi-party system and the fact that the political playing field remains un-levelled in favour of the NRM. As such, donors operating in Uganda need to be cognisant of the implications of this, for the ruling party and for opposition parties. International donors have and continue to play a significant role in financing and monitoring Uganda’s elections. In the 1990s, the UNDP was the lead institution for donors who wanted to co-finance Uganda’s elections. The UNDP’s mandate involved managing a donors’ basket fund, and recruiting and supervising specialised technical assistance to support the EC and civil-society organisations to carry out tasks allocated to them” (Sekaggya, 2010).

Uganda Election 2011 P2

Sixth Term – General Election in 2011:

Some Pretext: “The 2011 Uganda elections have attracted a record 8 Presidential candidates from seven political parties and one Independent candidate. All the Presidential Candidates have been on the campaign trail marketing their manifestos to Ugandans and have dispelled earlier assertions that some of them, seen as weak, will pull out of the campaigns that like in 2006 were expected to majorly be between incumbent Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement and Dr. Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change” (Rulekere, 2011). “FGD respondents said that this happens mainly on the election eve whereby candidates and/or their agents carry gifts and money in vehicles which have had number plates removed and they pack somewhere in the village and then walk from door to door giving money and/or gifts” (…)”Daily Monitor of Friday 7, January 2011 carried a lead story that President Museveni gave out $2.15 million (USh5 billion) in cash and pledges between July and October 2010 but the opposition is charging that such patronage is giving the incumbent an unfair advantage in the February 18, 2011 vote. Mr Museveni always conducts a countrywide tour before each election, during which he makes pledges and donations Critics say this is a disguised campaign that allows him to offer inducements to potential voters out of the public purse, a privilege unavailable to other candidates” (…)”Incumbent candidates have readily used their access to state resources to provide an unfair edge when running for re-election. This includes cash payments from the state treasury, use of state owned property and vehicles, as well as the fulfilment of campaign pledges during the campaign period. Voter have given up on their elected officials to fulfil campaign promises and seek to extract as much benefit as they can around the campaign period” (DMG, 2011)

The results are:

Candidate (Party) [Coalition] Number of Votes % of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 5,428,369 68.38%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) [IPC] 2,064,963 26.01%
Norbert Mao (DP) 147,917 1.86%
Olara Otunnu (UPC) 125,059 1.58%
Beti Kamya (UFA) 52,782 0.66%
Abed Bwanika (PDP) 51,708 0.65%
Jaberi Bidandi Ssali (PPP) 34,688 0.44%
Samuel Lubega 32,726 0.41%

(African Election Database)

Tororo town FDC Poster Former Campaign IPC

The Commonwealth Observation Group noted this:

“The main concern regarding the campaign, and indeed regarding the overall character of the election, was the lack of a level playing field, the use of money and abuse of incumbency in the process. The magnitude of resources that was deployed by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), its huge level of funding and overwhelming advantage of incumbency, once again, challenged the notion of a level playing field in the entire process. Media monitoring reports also indicated that the ruling party enjoyed a large advantage in coverage by state-owned radio and TV. The ruling party in Uganda is by far the largest and best-resourced party and following many years in power, elements of the state structure are synonymous with the party. Further, reports regarding the “commercialisation of politics” by the distribution of vast amounts of money and gifts were most disturbing. Indeed, the „money factor‟ and widespread allegations of bribery and other more subtle forms of buying allegiance were key features of the political campaign by some, if not all, the parties. By all accounts, the 2011 elections were Uganda‟s most expensive ever. It is therefore important that for the future serious thought be given to election campaign financing and political party fundraising. This is more so given that there are virtually no checks on the levels of campaign financing and expenditure due to the cash-based nature of the campaign and the lack of stringent campaign financing regulations, both of which facilitate the use of illicit payments to voters as inducements and has the potential to undermine their free will” (Commonwealth Observers Group, 2011).

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Important how President Museveni could run in the 2016 Election:

The Kyankwanzi Resolution of 2014 – President Museveni’s right for Sole Candidacy in the NRM:

“RESOLUTION ON PARTY COHESION AND GOVERNANCE

We, the undersigned members of the NRM Caucus attending a retreat at the National Leadership Institute(NALI) Kyankwanzi (6,February 2014); Fully aware of our Country’s historical  past and the need to consolidate and sustain the Milestones registered over the years since 1986; Cognizant of the fact that there is still a lot more to be done in order to realize our ideological vision of uniting Uganda(Nationalism), Pan-africanism, transforming our country from a poor peasantry society to a modern economy and upholding democracy; Conscious of the fact that what has been so far achieved over the last 28 years needs to be guarded jealously and improved upon to realize our vision; Aware  that when individuals engage in personal scheming, party cohesion is undermined, development efforts aredistracted and the population is diverted from work to early politicking;

DO here by resolve;

  1. To support H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni tocontinue leading and facilitating our country on its take off journey to transformation”

Afterthought –Run in to General Election 2016.

1986-1996: First and Second Term!

So I have now gone through the Elections since 1986 until today in 2016. That is thirty years in Power for the Executive Power and being President Museveni. 1986 to 1996, he didn’t really become elected as President as he did a coup d’état in 1986 to bring down regime at the current time. So the period from 1986 to 1996, there was an election in 1989 a Resistance Council elections which barred the Parliament with elected men and woman from the NRM/A, but was not an ordinary election to bring the people’s will in full effect and not even electing President Museveni, but securing polls to validate the rule of NRM at the time, also in my consideration to shut-up the donor-community; so they see the “democratic” vision of President Museveni. He even made a stunning Constitution in 1995. President Museveni had set the standard with two term limits and other regulatory tools to secure accountability that was new in Uganda, together with swallowing the Structural Adjustment Program to secure massive amount of funding to rebuild the country and secure Universal Preliminary Education. Something the citizens of Uganda got excited about and also gave him praise abroad.

museveni 2016 Poster

Third Term 1996-2001:

After the 1996 Presidential Election was his third term elections, and the official first term (which I can’t take serious) as he had already ruled for a decade, and you can’t shuffle that off that easy. Even with the bodies and violence to get the power in 1986, it cost so much suffering to gain that power; so to eradicate that and call this his first term, is to neglect the first ten years of power. Something we should be to damn wise to not. There we’re still not a Multi-Party Democracy or Elections as President Museveni doesn’t really believe in that; as the nation had to after this go through two referendum polls before initiating the hassle of letting people be controlled by other party functions then the NRM.

Fourth Term 2001-2006:

So when the fourth term came in 2001, he had already been long enough in power to already using up the constitutional rights as the Executive Power and President of the land. He was still popular and gained a lot of support. Even if the election was rigged and had a massive malpractices; the initial issues is how he pleaded and mixed up with referendum terminating presidential term limits to fit himself and rewriting the constitution of 1995 in 2005, so he could run off a third time. The second score of joy for the people was the second vote of the polls for Multi-Party Democracy, meant that the public could vote for other parties then the NRM during the 2006, as much as they could still as ever; vote for the old man with the hat! After 20 years in power he still used sufficient tools to be able to get voted in. And also stifle the completion in his favor, as the man who took power himself in 1986.

Fifth Term 2006-2011:

Set for the fifth term in 2006. The NRM and President Museveni at the time was re-introducing of multi-party election and continuing to go as the candidate, to secure the total tally of 25 years; when the term would be done.  He fixed the 1995 constitution one year advanced so he could run again! This time the third official campaign and polls, though still, with the 10 year as ruler before an election means, initially fifth. This here was the start of the down-turn as he now showed more and more the authoritarian leader and totalitarian state, compared to donor-friendly character he was when he first was sworn in 1986 and steady ship he hold while elected in 1996.

Sixth Term 2011- 2016:

As his sixth term in 2011, there was already starting to crack with the NRM leadership and the people, as they we’re ready for new leaders and a new executive. As the Kampala Riots and ‘Walk to Work’ demonstrations; proves that the leadership is in a fatigue state where the public is tired of the NRM and their ring leader President Museveni. Even still with well rigged machinery the NRM “won” again the election. To finish of this one, he had to swallow a few scalps to secure his sole candidacy, he had to break of Gilbert Bukenya his loyal fellow, he had to push of cliff Amama Mbabazi who wished to take his seat in the NRM, which is not a possibility unless you are the clone of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni; something Amama Mbabazi is not! In early 2014 he had to set up his machinery ready and get his party in line so that he could get the spot again with the Kyankwanzi Resolution in February 2014 and set his goals on the 7th Term as the Executive and President of Uganda, in the 10th Parliament. That is another timeline I am not sure of, I am sure there are more then 10 elected or appointed Parliaments and sessions in the great republic of Uganda. It is just a a way of rewriting history as the NRM is famous for.

Mbabazi M7 Besigye

That rewriting history comes in the sense of saying NRM and President Museveni is contesting for the 5th Term, I am saying his fifth term was between 2006-2011 his most turbulent ruling period after his first term in 1986-1989 when he still struggled to keep the whole country into peace, as there was still guerrillas and militias wanting to unsettle the new regime in Kampala. As we have seen, and we can see, there is a pattern and there is a reason why I am saying “we could really see his democratic wish” as the elections and malpractices seems like the same as when he took power. The rigging he claimed he wanted in the 1980s and why he lost as the UPM front-man, it seems to be same as it was under Dr. Milton Obote, the only difference is that he has been able to be stable and keep a strong army to spread the fear so that nobody has tried to really use a coup d’état against him. There been allegations in the past, and even persons been alleged in court for treason against the state, but they have been more political motivated then actual forces or militias in the sense they went to the bush to get rid of President Museveni. Though LRA and ADF has gone after his head, but failed.

President Museveni is now trying his best to get into his 7th Term, and we should not be surprised by election rigging, malpractices to destroy level playing-grounds for political parties, paying for votes and using both government institutions and government funds to be re-elected; Even supress the court to secure the validation or dismiss the allegation of election fraud in the 2016 election. I fear for the public response this time and how the security agents of the state will address them. As the Gen. Katumba Wamala of the UPDF will surely do what he can to impress President Museveni and Police Boss IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura follows orders blindly made by the Executive, as if he wants to shut down demonstrations and revolts against the totalitarian regime that the NRM has evolved into. As they are used to stealing the elections and taking the people for ransom to gain riches while the average people toil in poverty. There is time for change with a government with transparency, accountability and good governance; as the government now is famous for not caring about this issues and becoming dependent on feeding the cronies and loyal men of Museveni instead of serving the people. Peace.

Reference:

African Elections Database – ‘Elections in Uganda’ link: http://africanelections.tripod.com/ug.html

Afrol.com – ‘”Uganda needs to re-affirm human rights commitment” (17.03.2001) link: http://www.afrol.com/News2001/uga006_hrights_reaffirm.htm

Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41

Commonwealth Observer Group – ‘UGANDA PRESIDENTIAL AND

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS’ (24.02.2011)

Committee to Protect Jorunalist (CPJ) – ‘Critical website Radio Katwe blocked on eve of presidential election’ (23.02.2006) link: http://www.ifex.org/uganda/2006/02/23/critical_website_radio_katwe_blocked/

Democracy Monitoring Group (DMG) – ‘Report on Money in Politics – Pervasive vote buying in Ugandan Election’ (January 2011)

Fisher, Ian – ‘Final Count Has Uganda President Winning 69% of Vote’ (15.03.2001) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/15/world/final-count-has-uganda-president-winning-69-of-vote.html

Hauser, Ellen – ‘Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?’ (Dec. 1999) link: http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Hauser%20Uganda%20donors.pdf

Human Right Watch – ‘Hostile to Democracy The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (01.10.1999) link: http://www.refworld.org/docid/45dad0c02.html

Manyanja, Vincent – ‘Ugandans face paradox in referendum’ (25.07.2005) link: http://mg.co.za/article/2005-07-25-ugandans-face-paradox-in-referendum

Muhumaza, William – ‘Money and Power in Uganda’s 1996 Elections’ (1997) – African. Journal. Political Science (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 168-179

Rule, Sheila – ‘REBEL SWORN IN AS UGANDA PRESIDENT’ (30.01.1986) link:  http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/30/world/rebel-sworn-in-as-uganda-president.html

Rulekere, Gerald – ‘Uganda Elections 2011: The Presidential Candidates – Early Predictions’ (17.02.2011) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/government/uganda-elections-2011-the-presidential-candidates-early-predictions/1207/ug.aspx

Sekaggya, Margaret – ‘Uganda: Management of Elections’ (01.01.2010) link: https://www.eisf.eu/library/uganda-management-of-elections/

Tidemand, Per – ‘The Resistance Councils in Uganda A Study of Rural Politics and Popular Democracy in Africa’ (1994) –PHD Dissertation at Roskilde University, Denmark.

Erias Lukwago statement on Court Proceedings at Makindye Military Court on the 9th February 2016 on Gen. Sejusa

Erias Lukwago Makindye Military Court

The experience in the General Court Martial today was yet another episode of melodrama characterising that kangaroo tribunal. I may not be in position to share all the epic events of the day for obvious reasons but I can’t help relating to you a novel legal phenomenon enunciated by the Military officers prosecuting Gen. Ssejusa. When I presented myself as a surety, the said team, together with the Judge Advocate, put up a vehement opposition, on a fallacious ground that a civilian is not legally competent to stand surely for a four star Military General! !!. That it’s only a fellow General, or army officer of a superior rank who’s competent to do that. Ironically, the chairman of the General court martial, Levy Karuhanga is a Major General. Anyway, the matter is pending a ruling that will be delivered after the presidential election. Talk of justice made in Uganda!!!

Even in the final stages of Pre-Election period the Calvary oppress the Opposition; Has sit-down between FDC, UPF and EC on “Difiance Campaign”; NRM struggling to ferry people from one location; and more!

Uganda Campaign Poster 2016 Funny

We live in interesting times as the Pre-Election period is getting to the final face. There been movement, as the parties acts move swiftly towards the final end. This here is about how the state-organizations goes against the opposition as they have done since like forever, as they are working partisan for NRM

Some things here will be more interesting than others. Take a look!

FDC EC UPF February 2016

The Electoral Commission met with FDC and UPF:

On Saturday on the 6. February 2016: The Electoral Commission, Uganda Police Force and officials from Forum for Democratic Change held a meeting related to the conduct of peaceful campaigns and polling. The Electoral Commission explained the systems put in place to achieve a credible 2016 General Election. The FDC officials committed to comply with electoral guidelines. The UPF assured on the security of the electoral process. The Commission encouraged to regular interactions to address any emerging stakeholder concern” (the Electoral Commission, 06.02.2016).

08.02.2016 NRM Kayunga

In Kayunga NRM struggled to ferry people to the Mzee’s rally:

On February 8, 2016, for Museveni’s campaign in Kayunga, the residents refused to get onto the trucks and buses which had each been allegedly paid sh. 200,000 to ferry people to his rally. Kayunga has very strong opposition but last week it was besieged by the regime which saw posters of opposition members Dr. Besigye and Mbabazi defaced, their supporters beat up or arrested. We are told that Museveni subsequently cancelled his main rally in Kayunga Town Council and proceeded to Kayonza, Busana and Kitimbwa. This might be the reason why residents refused to take the Yellow Bus” (Martha Leah Nangalama, 2016).

In Kayunga district the Police did this:

Police commanded by both the RDC and DPC of Kayunga district are moving with over 20 policemen in Kayunga town defacing all Mbabazi posters and beating up youth who tried to question them. This happened from 2.00 AM and security is still patrolling Bukolooto trading centre and Kayunga town council which is the backbone of Hon. Amama Mbabazi and Uganda Poor Youth concentration”.

Go-Forward have more issues in Kayunga District:

Kalinda Iddi, a youth who is the coordinator of the Go-Forward Task-Force in Kayunga district and chairman of the Uganda Poor Youth movement in Kayunga has disappeared. Police and men with guns in civilian clothes invaded his home in the night and arrested him but he is not at Kayunga police station and police has denied arresting him. The regime is now arresting people brutally and killing them extra judicially. Let us pray for Kalinda Iddi!

DP MP Candidate for Ntenjeru South in Kayunga District on the 7th February 2016:

Mr. Anthony Waddimba was kidnapped on Saturday night, stripped naked and taken to unknown place because his clothes were found in the nearby trading Centre. However, an unknown contact informed Waddimba’s father on a telephone that his son was dumped into River Nile. The hunt for him is on. We call up on the public to join the search for our Young Democrat, as they also mind about their security.

hotel-meritoria-gen

The Tororo Second Parliamentary Public Debate:

“On Sunday conducted at Hotel Meritoria Tororo. Among the candidates who managed to appear on the day include Hon. Kibang Moses (FDC), Cyrus Wanyama (Independent), Opata Peter (Go forward), Hon. Ochwo Godfrey Etiang (Go forward), Odaka Asuman (Go forward), Omaido Robert Etatai and Dr. Jagire Onyango. During the debate, Hon. Odaka Asuman Marjan of Go Forward contesting for Tororo Municipality Parliamentary seat pointed out restoration of Tororo municipality as force which pushed him to contest. He argues that in history, Tororo was one of the most developed towns not only in Uganda but all of Africa. Hon. Godfrey Ochwo an aspirant of Tororo North County on Go Forward stressed the need of building Community management structure. He says by so doing, the community will be able to monitor government projects. He pointed out the case where drugs for Hepatitis B in Molo Health centre III were stolen and found in one of private clinics. Mr. Ochwo says if the community had been sensitized on how to monitor government projects, such act of drugs being stolen will not have been happened. This is the second time NRM candidates are shunning such debates having missed in the first debate held on 31st January. The debate was organized by Uganda Radio Network in partnership with TWAWEZA” (100.2 EAST FM “Midundo Zaida”, 07.02.2016).

Disfranchised office of a UFA candidate in Ntungamo:

“Intruders broke into the office of Uganda Federal Alliance candidate in Ntungamo Municipality and took away her campaign materials and several other items, including Shs10m. Mr Prossy Nahwera Alleluyah, whose office was broken into, is contesting for the female district councillor’s seat to represent Ntungamo Municipality in the district council. She said all the posters she recently printed, appointment letters for her campaign agents, three computers, TV sets and a public address system for the campaigns were stolen” (EA Biz Info, 08.02.2016).

Issa-Otto

Fall out from Go-Forward Today:

“Issa Otto Falls Out With Mbabazi:  Ishaa Otto Amiza, a member of Amama Mbabazi’s national campaign task force is bitter with the ex-prime minister for failing to extend financial support to them and the joint candidates. According to Otto, following the failure by The Democratic Alliance-TDA summit to select a joint presidential candidate, Democratic Party, Uganda People’s Congress, Federal Alliance and Justice Forum joined hands with Mbabazi to form TDA (U) Go-Forward Alliance. He says the parties signed a new protocol to guide their relationship, adding that they also discussed funding for the joint candidates. Otto, however says to date, Mbabazi has not given them any funds yet the joint candidates are campaigning for him. Peter Mayeku, the National Chairperson of the Uganda Federal Alliance-UFA who also sits on TDA (U) Go-Forward summit says Mbabazi will support the joint candidates” (94.3 QFM Lira, 2016).

Justine Kasule Lumumba

NRM Secretary General Justine Kasule Lumumba went to facilitate Mzee’s participation in the 2nd Presidential Candidates today:

“Secretary General Of NRM arrives at Inter-Religious Council of Uganda headquarters P10 Satellite remote sensing and telemetry systems tracking the presidential campaign agents meeting. She arrived in a 500 million /= cruise, escorts paid 5 million per day all together, with daily expense of 60 million a months. Hon.Mbabazi and Besigye weren’t called in the setup but the rest of independents are being Oiled” (Gen. Sejusa, 08.02.2016).

I think this here was interesting. I think the stories and tales speaks for themselves as we have seen this so many times before. As we see the Police as the actors of NRM who act upon the public and opposition as they are pawns for the NRM-Police to play around with. So the NRM continues their arrogant approach as they even had no candidate in the Tororo Debate, as they followed Mzee and skipped the shindig as they couldn’t be gracious to grace the event, and tell the locals about their local policies; and also be questioned by the public and opposition towards their level of progress as there are the ruling party in the land. Peace.

Lukwago Responds To Museveni (Youtube-Clip)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZMsAnjFaR58

“Ex Lord Mayor of Kampala Erias Lukwago in an interview scoffs at the president and tells him not to be proud of breaking the law after the president said he had been successful at riding Kampala of Lukwago” (NBS TV, 2016).

WikiLeaks: Government of Uganda issues from 2007 to 2009/10; ENI/Tullow Oil, PRA, Wakiso By-Election, Election Rigging, Payed Media and so on

2005_uganda_corruption_presser

Here I will back into the past, as I have done with Museveni directly connected to violence in the past. Here it is more general. Some of this is to refresh the memory of the matter. And when the Government; back in the called all of this rubbish, it must have been some facts that the government doesn’t want into the light. There is certainty that this will shed some lights on matter of Corruption, Oil-Money, Election-Rigging and other saucy tales of the recent past. Enjoy!

Mabira Forest Cartoon

Mabira Forrest and sugarcane deal:

President Museveni has gotten tired of multi-party-ism after the dissidence to agreement between Asian business deals to make the Mabira Forrest into a sugarcane farms. Especially President Museveni is tired of FDC and Dr. Kizza Besigye and how he is addressing the matters of Mabira Forrest. Because the NRM is happy with their trade between Government of Uganda and the Metha Group that Besigye and the public who has a feeling that Indian business are getting sweet-deals, but the ordinary workers are getting anything. Certain sources are saying that the Cabinet has made an agreement with the World Bank on the Bujagali Dam, but a part of that deal is to secure the Mabira Forrest. Museveni’s argument for the sale is to get the country into a middleclass county and in that way you have to use all the countries minerals and resources (WikiLeaks, 2007).

The PRA Suspect on bail:

On the 1st March of 2007 has re-arrested the main offenders from the Peoples’s Redemption Army (RPA). These offenders are suspected on both murder charges and treason charges. They we’re given bail, but the police didn’t treat them correctly. The Police beat them with batons and their defense lawyers were injured in the altercation. “Minister of Internal Affairs Ruhakana Rugunda said that the PRA had been released on bail for the treason charges against them, and that the Government respected this decision” (…) “Principal Judge James Ogoola said that he was: “concerned for the Court, for liberty in this country, and for the peace of this country” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Besigye’s brother:

On the 13.06.2007 the High Court judge Caroline Okello granted the brother of Dr. Kizza Besigye bail. He is Joseph Musaizi Kifefe. He was charged at the time for being part of the uprising of the PRA (People’s Redemption Army). Further on he will stand trial for treason against the state. The lawyer for Kifefe has applied for bail on the grounds of medical condition of his client since he has blood cancer and need treatment at Mulago Hospital. On June 18 2007 he was discharged from Hospital after treatment that has lasted for over a month. The conditions for the bail was set for that he has to report to the Kampala Central Police Station, do this twice a month and register that cost $6,000, leaving behind his passport and not allowed to travel without permission. The issue for giving Kifefe bail was that the Government of Uganda feared the smear and loses appeal with the donor nations. Next date that is set for PRA suspects is set for July 16.2007 (WikiLeaks, 2007).

GAVI money disappears

Corruption cases:

Immunization Corruption Case:

In January of 2006 the President Museveni requested that the Inspector General of Government (IGG) to investigate the former Minister of Health Jim Muhwezi. This was because of the alleged scheming money from the vaccine program of Global Alliance for Vaccine and Immunization (GAVI). The funds for this program were instead spent on SIPIDIS – Constitutional Referendum and National Resistance Movement. President Museveni asked First Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya on how much of these funds we’re used for campaigning in 2005-2006. While the President pushed for IGG to investigate the Fund. Janet Museveni tried to stop this and support Jim Muhwezi. In April of 2007 the Justice Faith Mwondha that the former Health Ministery and other government officials had misused the GAVI funds. These persons were Jim Muhwezi, Mike Muluka, Alex Kamugisha and also the first lady niece Alice Kaboyo was part of the corruption case. The case was for the missing $900,000 from the $4,8M. 4th May 2007 Jim Muhwezi filed a petition against the case to block President Museveni’s case against the Gavi Corruption case. The argument being that it’s an independent institution that shouldn’t follow orders by the President and should get its mandate from the Constitution. The answer from the President came on the 16th May 2007 when he went to Constitutional Court to swear an affidavit that claims the corruption of Muhwezi and Kaboyo. At the same time the President claimed he hadn’t interfered in the investigation of the IGG. 18th May 2007 the arrest warrants on the Muhezi and Kaboyo was sent out. That also Kaboyo was implicated was not something the Ugandan public expected since she had been a part of the household of Museveni. Kaboyo claimed that she did this on verbal agreement with the President. Muhwezi was away when the arrest order came, but he turned to the police in 28th May 2007 from there he was sent to Luzira prison. Mukula and Kamugisha were granted bail on the 25th May 2007. The issue with this case was that the party of people took more money than where authorized to do and didn’t prove what they used that money for. Muhewezi is now seen as “not political responsible”. The Cabinet wanted just to “clip his wings” because they could be implicated by the case. This is something the President Museveni accepted (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Wakiso By-Elections:

4th November 2008 there was held by-election to fill the seat of the Kyaddondo North of the Wakiso District. “NRM candidate and son of Kibirige, Robert Kibirige Kasule, won the tightly contested race with 8,183 votes – just 60 more than DP candidate Regine Bakittee.  Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate Pallyne Nakabuye finished a distant third with 1,900 votes” (…) “Allegations of electoral malpractice, including ballot stuffing, bribery, multiple voting, and violence were widespread. In one confirmed incident, a polling station’s presiding officer and other officials were found at the site before the polls opened with a number of pre-marked ballots already in the box.  The police and Electoral Commission Returning Officer were called in and the presiding officer was later arrested and the ballot box confiscated” (…) “DP Legal Advisor and Kampala District parliamentarian Erias Lukwago told the press that the election was not “free and fair” and vowed to seek legal redress” (…) “DP Secretary General Mathius Nsubuga contacted members of the diplomatic community to encourage missions to observe the election on December 4.  Nsubuga expressed concerns about increased Ugandan military deployments in the area in the days leading up to the election and reported increased incidents of intimidation.  He reported that Bakittee’s campaign manager had been knocked down in a hit-and-run car accident involving a government-marked vehicle” (WikiLeaks, 2008).

New Vision 71% 2011 - 2016

Media is bribed to write certain stories:

“De Temmerman expressed deep concern over the state of Ugandan journalism. “What is happening in the Ugandan press is pure exploitation and fabrication,” she commented. De Temmerman said that journalists are often paid to write stories aimed at destroying political rivals or advancing private economic agendas. She pointed to coverage of the recent National Social Security Fund’s questionable purchase of land belonging to Security Minister Amama Mbabazi and approved by Finance Minister Ezra Suruma (reftel). She said that a “considerable amount of money” exchanged hands as Parliament’s probe moved forward and that a number of her journalists had been offered bribes to “hit Mbabazi hard.” (…)”“The Red Pepper is 90 percent fabricated,” De Temmerman affirmed (Note: The Red Pepper is a salacious tabloid that is used by the government and private individuals to malign enemies. End note.). She expressed concern that the paper’s readership was rising and that some Ugandans might actually mistake it for factual journalism” (WikiLeaks, 2008).

Election 2011 Uganda

Local Council elections in 2009:

On 21th May of 2009 was there held in 79 districts that will fill the new seats in local councils and sub-country level. Observation teams saw this: “Voter turnout was low and there were very few contentious contests.  However, there were a number of irregularities and concerns that in a larger, more controversial election could be cause for conflict or possibly a rejection of the results.  Observation teams reported that several polling stations opened late due to tardy polling officials, missing or delayed voting materials, and rain.  Observers also recorded problems with the voter identification process, including multiple voters without voter identification cards or other identity documents, missing names, un-alphabetized voter registries, and conflict between polling officials and party agents over the identity of undocumented voters (Note: There were allegations that the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party’s officials brought people to the polling stations without identification to vote in the place of deceased individuals still on the list. End note)” (…)”Monitors reported inconsistent ballot box sealing procedures, mostly believed to be the result of poor training rather than fraud.  In some instances, polling officials mistakenly used regular ink instead of the indelible ink to mark voters’ fingers. In at least two cases, individuals responsible for marking voters’ fingers were absent from their posts.  Many polling officials, party agents, and Uganda Police Force (UPF) constables appeared to lack a strong understanding of their roles and responsibilities in the voting process and thus failed at times to properly enforce electoral laws.  This, combined with limited voter education and information, often led to confusion and in some isolated instances verbal confrontation.  In one district, observers reported a more serious case of ballot stuffing.  Although observers reported these findings to the District Electoral Registrar, the results from the station were still considered valid and were included in the final count” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

NRM Material from Sanga Jail 101015

Election Rigging:

“On October 22, Uganda’s main opposition newspaper published excerpts of an internal NRM report accusing core EC officials of conspiring with opposition parties to place “ghost” voters and “phantom” villages on Uganda’s voter rolls. Opposition parties have identified a new EC as a prerequisite for their participation in the 2011 elections because they view the current EC as pro-NRM (refs. A, B and C). Various iterations of the NRM report accuse the EC of placing 500,000 to one million pro-opposition “ghost” voters on the voter registry to force the NRM’s Presidential candidate into a second round election run off in 2011. The report singles out EC Secretary Sam Rwakoojo, Legal Council Alfred Okello Oryem, and a handful of mid-level officials for corruption, fraud and conflict of interest, and recommends firing Rwakoojo “forthwith as he as done the most to damage (the) NRM.” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Amama 090915

NRM-Membership program:

“The NRM membership campaign probably also serves to strengthen Museveni and Mbabazi’s power within the party. NRM leaders are likely looking to prevent an embarrassing repeat of the 2006 legislative election when 37 NRM members, frustrated by the lack of internal democracy within the party, defeated hand-picked NRM candidates by running for parliament as political independents. With the registration campaign, party members could be identified earlier and threatened with permanent alienation from the NRM if they bolted to seek election as independents. Mbabazi may also use his control of the registration campaign to boost his own embattled position within the party by withholding registration to those in the NRM who do not support him. Mbabazi’s position as Secretary General is up for re-election in late-2010, and he will likely face stiff competition for the NRM’s contested top spot” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

The day before riots:

“The government closed five radio stations on September 11th two CBS stations plus Suubi FM, Radio Sapientia, and Radio Two Akaboozi Kubiri – for violating Uganda’s Electronic Media act.  At least two other stations – Radio Simba and WBS TV – have been warned to censor their reporting or risk closure” (…)“On September 11, well known Radio One talk show host Robert Kalundi Sserumaga was abducted by unidentified assailants riding in an unmarked sedan as he left the WBS studio.  He was later dumped in front of a police station and arrested” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

opposition-leaders-sam-lubega-2l-upcs-olara-otunnu-and-others-were-weted-by-tear-gas-yesterday-picture-by-michael-kakumirizi1

Riots in Kampala:

“Rioting in Kampala subsided on September 12 after the King of Buganda postponed his visit to the disputed district of Kayunga” (…) “There was sporadic gunfire during the morning of September 12 on the outskirts of Kampala, as well as road closures and checkpoints near the city center amidst a heavy police presence.  Several police posts and dozens of vehicles were burnt during the riots.  One reportedly Asian-owned paint factory was also torched” (…) “On September 12 Buganda Prime Minister John Baptist  Walusimbi asked the Inspector General of Police, Kale Kayihura to  “restrain his officers and men from indiscriminate shooting against unarmed civilians in order to cool the temperatures.” (…) “On September 14, state media reported 21 dead and over 100 injured (including 13 police officers) during two days of rioting.  Some of those brought to Kampala’s overflowing Mulago hospital, including a two year old child who was killed, were hit in their homes by stray bullets” (…) “An estimated 550 to 650 people were arrested during the  riots. Local media reports only 82 of these have been charged, meaning that the rest should either be charged today or released” (…) “Museveni also accused Libyan leader Muamar Qadhafi of trying to destabilize Uganda by funneling funds to the Baganda as payback for Museveni’s opposition to Qadhafi’s United States of Africa proposal” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

MuseveniandIdiAmin

President Museveni on alleged torture:    

On 14th October 2009 President Musveni told the press that those who are torturing Ugandans will be severely punished. The president does this because he want to squash the allegations that been made in UHRC that agencies of the state is violating the Human rights. Reuters also questioned the President on the arrest and beating of the journalist Robert Kalundi Sserumaga. Later on 18th October 2009 NRM spokesman Ofwono Opondo he was ashamed of the actions of the UPDF, the Police, Prisons and intelligence agency. Opondo has claimed that he didn’t Understand why this was happening since the government agencies are more educated then before therefore it’s a shock that they torture the people they are arresting. IGP Gen Kale Kayihura on the 17th October he had to change the Rapid Response Unit(RRU) in the Police after claims of torture of alleged corruption case against the Executive Director of UNFA (Uganda National Forestry Authority) and his wife where the RRU is suspected of detaining them for a week and threathen to torture them. The RRU director David Magara was because of this moved from his position into a leadership role in the CID (Criminal Investigation Directorat). In Hoima the mayor who is a part of the FDC Atugonza is in proceedings against the state for a torture case where he was attacked by JATT (Joint Anti-Terrorist Team) in April 2009. This was a closed session from the public. The Mayor of Hoima claimed in court that he was sent to a “safe house” and tortured there by the CMI (Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence). Because of this Dr. Kizza Besigye has said that he would make litigation against Minister of Security Amama Mbabazi for the treatment of Atugonza by security agencies he controls (WikiLeaks, 2009).

New Districts in 2009:

“On November 11, Minister of Lands Adolf Mwesige asked Parliament to approve the creation of seven new administrative districts on top of the 14 districts already slated for creation in 2009 and 2010. If approved, this will bring the total number of administrative districts to 101, or three times the 33 districts existing when Museveni took power in 1986” (…) “According to the Commissioner for Local Councils, Patrick Mutabwire, all of the 39 districts created between 2005 and 2009 depend on the central government to cover 90 percent of their expedenditures.  At the moment, government service provision in new districts remains poor or nonexistent” (…) “According to the Commisioner for Local Councils, new district start up costs range from USD 300,000 for smaller districts to USD 1 million for larger ones, and each new district employs between 250 to 500 local government employees/ new districts are attractive job creation mechanisms for the Ugandan government. These appointments provide a chance for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) to reward specific constituencies and individuals, or entice opposition members back into the NRM camp” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

eni-petrolio-uganda-324x230

GoU and ENI deal – Mbabazi connection:

“The report claims that Mbabazi is using a front company belonging to the European owner of Asante Oil, and that ENI representatives distributed “fat envelopes” to a number of visitors – including Energy Ministry officials, representatives from the Office of the President, journalists, and Bunyoro Kingdom officers – while installed at a safari lodge in Murchison Falls National Park close to where drilling has occurred. NOTE: EconOff witnessed ENI’s presence at this lodge during a trip to Murchison in early December. END NOTE. Much of the report highlights ENI’s Libyan ties and accuses Qadhafi of funneling money to the Bunyoro and Buganda Kingdoms to destabilize the Museveni regime. The final two sections of the report purport to “show how ENI corrupts a country’s leadership and forces them to take unpopular selfish policies,” and the “dangers” of an ENI/Libya deal” (WikiLeaks, 2010).

Tullow oil corruption:

“On 14 December, Tim O’Hanlon, Tullow Oil’s Regional Vice President for Africa met with Ambassador Lanier to discuss recent developments in oil exploration in Uganda (see ref. A for background). O’Hanlon explained that the $10+ billion required to produce, refine, and export oil from Uganda far exceeds the financial capacity of Tullow and other mid-sized exploration companies currently working in Uganda. Tullow is therefore considering selling a portion of its Uganda holdings to a larger international oil partner, and has unofficially “short listed” three major companies as potential partners – including Exxon Mobil, Total (France), and the Chinese National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC). After Tullow concludes its process of selecting a partner, likely in January or February 2010, Tullow will present the “bids” to the Uganda government and work with Ugandan officials to gain approval of the much larger oil partner” (…)”O’Hanlon referred to Minister Mbabazi, who facilitated an August 2009 meeting between ENI and Tullow, as ENI’s “patron” in Uganda, and said ENI created a shell company in London – TKL Holdings – through frontmen Mark Christian and Moses Seruje – to funnel money to Mbabazi. O’Hanlon also noted what he described as Onek’s recent unsolicited “grandstanding” before Parliament in support of ENI, and similar statements of support during a recent Indo-African energy conference in New Dehli. Onek made impossible claims at the Indo-African conference regarding ENI’s ability to export 100,000 – 200,000 barrels per day within two years” (…)”O’Hanlon said ENI’s Uganda deal is part of a wider effort, facilitated by Heritage, to gain control of all oil fields on both sides of Lake Albert. In addition to its exploration blocks in Uganda, Tullow claims to have exploration rights on the Congolese side of Lake Albert” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

This here must been seen as interesting, doest it? Aye? Especially so close to the elections, I am sure the local media would not like this to come out, especially the New Vision and such. I am sure Amama Mbabazi will not like this, but the history is the history, and people should know this, so you make the right decision on the polling day! Peace.

Reference:

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: BESIGYE’S DETAINED BROTHER GRANTED BAIL’ (03.07.2007) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA1089_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: IF A TREE FALLS IN MABIRA FOREST, WHO WILL HEAR IT?’ (02.05.2007) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA744_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘RESPECTED EDITOR RESIGNS; GIVES VIEWS ON UGANDAN MEDIA’ (20.11.2008) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08KAMPALA1524_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: CORRUPTION SCANDAL’S POLITICAL RAMIFICATIONS’ (29.05.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA909_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: MUSEVENI AND NRM SPEAK OUT AGAINST TORTURE’ (27.10.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1249_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: GOVERNMENT RE-ARRESTS PRA SUSPECTS’ (02.03.2007) Link:  https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA367_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: DEATHS, DETENTIONS, AND DISTRUST AFTER KAMPALA RIOTING’ (14.09.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1055_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: DISTRICT PROLIFERATION AS POLITICAL PATRONAGE’ (20.11.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1326_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘LOCAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS IN UGANDA SIGNAL TROUBLE IN 2011’ (10.06.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA576_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘CONTENTIOUS UGANDAN BY-ELECTION AND ITS LESSONS FOR 2011’ (18.12.2008) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08KAMPALA1613_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: ALLEGATIONS OF “GHOST” VOTERS HAUNT ELECTORAL COMMISSION’ (17.11.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1323_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘POLICE ARREST MAYOR (AGAIN) AND TEAR GAS OPPOSITION IN WESTERN UGANDA’ (10.12.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1391_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: SECURITY REPORT DETAILS OIL SECTOR CORRUPTION’ (13.01.2010) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10KAMPALA19_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: TULLOW SEES CORRUPTION IN OIL SALE’ (17.12.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1401_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: NRM LAUNCHES MEMBERSHIP REGISTRATION DRIVE’ (23.09.2009) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1097_a.html

The Democratic Party President Norbert Mao and DP Candidate Tonny Kitara have tonight been detained in Lokodi, Gulu District

 

AcholiFlag

As we speak the Democratic Party President Norbert Mao and the DP Candidate for Aswa County Tonny Kitara have been detained. This occurred while they we’re participating in a tradition meeting of the Acholi People called ‘Wangoo’ discussing “Home Affairs”. They are both detained at the Lokodi Police Station.

Mao Masaka Mbabazi 091115

Next week Norbert Mao was supposed have joint rallies with Christopher Okidi the DP Candidate in Agago where they we’re supposed to travel though the district together. This seems now not to happen as he is detained in Lokodi.

He was in Lokodi Trading Centre, Punena Parish, Aswa Sub-County in Gulu District. That is where he was during the ‘Wangoo’ in the Lokodi if you didn’t think it happen there and was some strange reason he was detained at the Police Station in Lokodi. Gulu DPC Martin Okoyo must be busy or following orders from above, meaning IGP Kale Kayihura. That this happens so close into the General Elections shows that something is up! That this all happens in sweeps is certainly suspicious considering Gen. Sejusa was detained in Makindye Military Barracks earlier today. The NRM-Regime must do this for a reason, especially since they have already done damage to Mao by not letting him be able to contest for MP for Gulu District in the coming elections. Peace.

BTW – If you can follow this instruction:

“This is the phone number of the OC operation 0714028378 call him to release Honourable Norbert Mao and Honourable Tonny Kitara the DP candidate for Aswa County unconditionally!”.  Words of unjust behavor from the Government, spreads like fire in dry grass. Time to speed the flame up, shall we?

The adventures towards the polls 18th February; how the last days might go

UGDebate2016 P6 Together

We are in time and days where the government will be questioned for all their actions and all their misbehaviour towards its citizens. Not anymore that it is some foreign NGOs who complain first, no it’s public and opposition that discuss it in viral formats online. That makes the government and its regime look weak since they can’t spin those stories.

It is truly special times in the Pearl of Africa, voter tourism will be the new word of 2016 unless Mun G or Radio & Weasel makes up a new word for catching babes in Kabalagala. Until then remember the magic word of VOTER TOURISM. If you don’t know what that is about, that is about Mzee, the ruling president of 30 years who wants to have big crowds, but not pulling them. So to get that he pays attendance, gives them food and t-shirts, pay for rental of buses and get them to the campaign venues. Just like certain corporations does with foreigners when they travel in packs to National Parks to see the wild animals, they get that while the local public get to hear the recycled pledges of the old man with the hat. And for a free t-shirt, food and transport, it might be worth it, to listen to the old man for two hours… and that ladies and gentleman is Voter Tourism. Ferrying of voters and ferrying of crowds. A beautiful industry co-owned and run by the ruling NRM Campaign machine and Mike Sebalu. He must be so proud.

Mbarara Buses 12.01.2016

Other activity that doesn’t stop during these elections times is either the blatant attack on media and journalist. Like throwing cameras, shooting them, banishing them, getting them to delete pictures and get media houses to shun campaigns or campaign trails. The NRM have been vocal against radio stations for hosting Dr. Kizza Besigye and Mbabazi have seen their issues with Radio stations. NTV has also had issues early for not showing favourable pictures from the campaign. They we’re even detained together with Daily Monitor at some point. Now the barrier has been broken and the NTV cannot follow the campaign trail of Mzee anymore. Also if Mbabazi is at a radio stations like in Karamoja he couldn’t attend the radio station, other places they have shut of the transmitter after the airing of Mbabazi. The media and journalist have had hard treatment and been costly to follow the campaign trail, with the ones being in the middle of melee like the journalist covering the first planned campaign rally for Erias Lukwago in Kampala was actually shot, but not killed. There been violence in Northern region against Mbabazi and Besigye convoys as they have also hit against media. I assume that this will not stop without a big bang, like the Ntungamo clashes. It has be in those levels if there will be a total shut down.

Wenger Mourinho

Well, when we speak of violence we do not speak about specialized in failure like Arsene Wenger, sorry, I am not supposed to speak about football, and the man who said that was sacked for the second time in that club, so Mourinho is really the special one or the sacked one. Let me get back on the campaign trail. Violence isn’t coming from one man or one party. It usual contributed to the acts of the Police who interfere as NRM Police force, and not a political partisan unit, that was even seen in the primaries in Northern Region where fully uniformed police officer voted. So there traits are there and the IGP Kayihura was on second delegates conference in Kololo to vote for Mzee sole candidacy project, as he does, he just follows orders.

NTungamo 13.12.15 NRM - Amama

The violence of Ntungamo is the epitome of the violence during the campaign trail. There been violence pre-campaign trail when the opposition tried to hold meetings and get delegates to come forward as the police couldn’t accept this. They went fully fledge armoured with tear-gas and guns against people with not even a blade. As they we’re petty criminals instead of bank-thieves. The irony of that is that certain Police has during the campaign trail actually robbed a bank and is now jailed by the government. So there been actions from certain police and police interference into politics. Just like before the presidential campaign trail when IGP Kayihura told the world about the journalistic integrity, this was before his men was undressing opposition woman on the way to Rukungiri. Well, the Police have interfered though silent before Papal visit. It was so scary peace, a unusual peace. Now that the Pope is only sharing the #VoteSevo poster on some roundabouts around in the country; the police have after he left started with ordinary actions towards anybody else then NRM. We can see that they jails people for talking about partial voting, human rights activist for talking about human rights in up-country, detain people for pinning over NRM posters, while the Police help pinning up NRM posters, the police tear-gas late venues, they shut down hospitals for opposition leaders to see, the schools guarded, so guarded that the police stations or post are empty when the Mbabazi or Besigye is in the area. The proud police is busy containing the elements of opposition and even majors are shutting down opposition office in districts! The Police and army are busy being loyal to the NRM-Regime.

NTV Uganda Presidential Debate 2016

While this is happening the opposition have been busy at the #UGDebate16 while Mzee was moving his mouth and brain in the districts, because he couldn’t discuss his policies or be questioned by either TV moderator or fellow Presidential Candidate, that is because Mzee is Carte blanche from those events, even if it is the first of its kind in Uganda. That is why Mbabazi was sounding like NRM spokesman. Something that has continued ever since for some strange reason!

UGDebate2016 P8 Amama

Mbabazi is curious pickle in the mix right now. He is neither nakati nor posho. He seems to want to be both at the same time. He can’t decide on the matter. Mbabazi is running as independent candidate with an independent mandate, in a independent party in a an independent coalition called the Democratic Coalition. The one coalition where Uganda People’s Congress went out off, and also Forum for Democratic Change went out of when Amama Mbabazi became their joint Presidential Candidate; the independent candidate Amama Mababazi; who still sees himself as part of NRM and as a NRM member is an independent presidential candidate. That is hard matrix of thought and also hard equation, even a PHD in math can’t get the numbers to be correct. There is a mix of check and balance that doesn’t add up. Mbabazi is political schizophrenic and can’t be both NRM and Opposition, though he struggles with that… Seems like he want to be friend of Mzee still, even if his friend Dr. Ruhakana Ruganda has taken over his place in NRM-Regime, that must be sad sight.

Go Forward 13.11.2015 Luwero Campaign

The other piece of hardships is the accidents of Go-Forward convoy, the deflections of his MPs and candidates, the little piece of men who turns over to him. The way it seems to many NRM moles in the Go-Forward camp, while he has been trying to capture big-fish from NRM without succeeding. Even if certain members leave in the villages there is many big-men and Woman MPs who has left his fold and regretting standing by him on nominations day. Something that hasn’t happen in the same fashion for Dr. Kizza Besigye during the campaign trail; the trying of fetching the NRM Primaries losers; who also was already MPs and Ministers proved to be meagre failure for the Go-Forward. So that he still get crowds and people behind him is good, but not in the extent of Besigye.

FDC 141015 KB

NRM have continued to trail and travel around the country. With their Voter Tourism, paying people to show up and using government institutions and facilities, also travel methods to show the beauty of their campaign. NRM have also used a fortune on the campaign compared to the opposition. The report that came in January showed the massive amount of war-chest that the President has. Hiring also and paying in towns that they didn’t have rallies so that the boda-boda drivers and other local’s transporters would be able to be used by Go-Forward or FDC in the area.

Museveni Idi Amin

Fear-mongering rhetoric comes from the NRM-regime and their cronies, not only Mzee, but their spokesmen and loyal party officials. That is either Police or Secretary General, even members and former members, talking coup d’état or vote rigging. Even shooting and killing the opposition if they feel the election was stolen away from them. IGP Kayihura wanting to arm his Crime Preventers to secure the NRM-Regime, while one of the Generals says to the media that he will not turn down and give away power if they lose the elections. Proves that the fear they are spreading to the public is staggering. Mzee has told for long he is the only one who create and keep peace within the army and to the public, Mzee has said he still isn’t done with his project; the one is his been doing for 30 years. While this is doing so the Police and Electoral Commission will go after the FDC for using the Defiance, while the Police are detaining and blocking them from travelling on while they are campaigning. So it is some kind of justice happening, but only against opposition, while supporting NRM. Who knew?

M7 NRM

NRM has been campaigning under the #VoteSevo or #SteadyProgress, while the Opposition has gone after this ones at every turn, especially when showing the schools and other government institutions who has deteriorating during his three decade tenure. Like Aswa bridges and Abim Hospital, that has been the epitome of the neglect of the government to serve the people. While NRM have come with the same pledges and same kind of attitude as they have done in two last campaigns. So people are tired of it, even in the place called Isigniro the people was so tired that they left in the middle of the speech of Mzee, that must hurt him, the ones left behind was crime preventers and paid crowd, the locals left the venue when they heard enough of the same kind of empty promises. As the rest of public is, not everybody, but a big bunch seems to be; since the crowds for Besigye isn’t going down and Mbabazi get decent crowds, and the two other ones doesn’t pay them to attend or use the tool called: Voter Tourism.

Uganda EC Wall

The initial scare is the coming rigging and the partiality of the Electoral Commission as the chief got a heavy pay check to stay as boss. Loyalty pays when it comes to Eng. Dr. Badru M. Kiggundu. He has gotten ballot-papers from South Africa, biometric-machines and promised to have enough people to make impartial voting process happen. As well as COMESA and the EU have sent monitors, the Commonwealth was monitoring the last election, not that; that made a difference. It was more we can now show after the rigging that the election was filled with malfunctions during counting, fraud and also buying voters as they did in the General Election 2011. Why should not Mzee use the same tricks now? If the NRM Primaries are a story of what can come then there will be a “Circus” as Kahinda Otafiire said then. As the pre-ticked ballots, stuffed ballot-boxes, MPs and winners in prison while the results coming, as the candidates comes into the tally offices and takes the register and the ballot-papers. This happen so that the NRM-EC couldn’t validate the result from the area. They we’re also using security officers by the polling station to make the voters afraid and scare them to vote for their candidate, so democratic of those NRM big-men who used this tactic.

While the reports of further deployment of troops in Kampala of 5000 soldiers to secure the peace of the election, or to shut down if the people reacted to the result and claim the rigging for the NRM-Regime, as they have done before, last time was in 2011. Something they want to be sure about. The General Katumba Wamala has said that the army will take control if the people are not accepting the result; I know I am paraphrasing, but that is initially what he meant. It is similar to the NRM-Regimes scary rhetoric, but he got the guns to blast Kampala into oblivion.

Topowa Vote

There rumours of more ballot-papers coming in the once who came to Entebbe on 28th January 2016, there rumoured that their will come a second batch ballot-papers from the Island state of Seychelles or Mauritius on the 4th February, to deliver and be able to pre-ticket them before arriving in Uganda, to secure the NRM and their men their seats in Parliament. We would not be surprised if this would happen, they have done something like this before.

Road Block from Police

The next days will be more police around the opposition rallies, they will block the people and be rowdy as the tension and fear of losing grips will take its toll on the police. While the NRM will portray the perfect picture and look beautiful towards the Election Observation Missions from COMESA and EU, while they will do the opposite to the opposition. Tear-gas venues, block venues, stop processions in towns, stop pinning up poster or detaining people for pinning posters or affiliated with the opposition. We will see more radios losing their transmitters, TV stations taking down content questioning the regime as the NBS Sunset did recently questioning the IGP Kayihura, TV-Stations being banished from the NRM or talked about in a vicious way. TV-Stations will either lose their licences or transmitter for having Mbabazi or Besigye, even if they have messages that are negative on the governance levels of NRM. If the NRM-Regime could they would have shut me down… but that is another story.

Museveni Gulu 091015

We will see coming and coming general election that will be questionable, the cringes to power… they will not let it go easy, President Museveni feels he owns the people and the country, even if the people doesn’t feel the same, as seen in Kiruhura district yesterday, his home area was totally blue and no people ferried there. As the FDC doesn’t have the budget of NRM or War-chest of the long-serving president. That will continue until the people goes to the polls. People will try to be bought before going into the voting booth, villages will be visited by NRM millionaires and billionaires who will lose their wealth if the NRM loses their power; so the way to keep their riches is to pay the locals to vote for NRM candidates and sole candidate Mzee. We will see and hear about giving goats, cows and gasoline to boda-boda drivers, as they will give away soap and other merchandize in town-centres from Tororo to Lira. We just know they will go to any measure to secure the power yet again.

So if there will be some other stories then the ones I accessing is because the Orwellian monster will not turn overnight, especially when they have built the King Kong monster over 30 years. So it is a giant who makes the Presidential Palace at Nakasero and Entebbe Statehouse wealth looks tiny. We can’t expect anything else, therefore FDC have to continue with defiance, and the opposition have to stay strong, because the Police have already funds for the post-election violence, and the UPDF is starting to prepare their security of the NRM-regime force of keeping power. So there is little to see unless the people goes back instead of reacting and then goes back to the villages to feed their families. We can hope for something else, but the fear to lose life for the power and seeing how it has turned; an also become after the people demonstrated in 201 P1. So there will be issues in the coming days and the police will show its flex and the army is starting deployment. This here  is not looking positive with the knowledge how this regime is keeping power and wanting to reign as long as possible.Peace.