Opinion: Mugumya arrested as a ADF in 2014, but released in 2022 as a M23…

What happened in Beni?

I found officers from Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence who interrogated me about the Allied Democratic Forces. One of the most painful things I witnessed is someone die out of suffocation and unfortunately I leaned against his dead body for the entire night.

How did you know they were CMI operatives? Were they clad in uniform?

They had army uniform and they introduced themselves to me as such. On the first day, they were two. They asked if I had links with ADF then shortly after said I was coming to link up with the People’s Redemption Army. I told them I was just running away from your brutal regime. On the second day, another set of three CMI operatives came. I remained in Beni for three weeks before I was called for a joint interrogation between Congolese authorities and CMI. They debated if to bring us back to Uganda or hold us in Congo” (Ivan Okuda – ‘I was arrested while fleeing to exile, says Mugumya, 19.12.2015, Black – Journalist, Cursive – Mugumya, Daily Monitor).

You know when are story is too good to be true, it’s most likely not true. The story of Sam Mugumya will be one for the ages. The sudden way he was kidnapped, taken-away in October in 2014 and later found out to be in custody in Beni, Democratic Republic of Congo in November 2014. He also spent time in a prison in Kisangani as well. Before he was transferred from there to Kinshasa and Ndolo Military Prison, where he spent most of the time behind bars until his released on the 21st October 2022.

Mugumya spent 8 years in custody. As he was arrested for involvement in the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF-NALU). As he was supposed rebel with a fictitious name: “Katembo Mukiga William”. There was also additional factors put into play like he was having either “cargo” or “bags of monies”. Which have never been proven or evidence for the public to see. Therefore, a lot of hearsay and never any real given fact.

Now 8 years later in the documents released as his free. They are now claiming he was involved or participated in the Mouvement du Mars 23 (M23). That is in contrast to the reported connection to the ADF-NALU, which was rumoured for years.

Mugumya himself said he was arrested, as he was fleeing to exile himself. The Dr. Kizza Besigye aide was trying to get to freedom, but instead was sent to the slammer abroad. The Observer reported this back in 2014:The army spokesman, Lt Col Ankunda, said then that Mugumya had been found in possession of dollars and was suspected to be involved in subversive activities” (Edris Kiggundu – ‘Where is FDC’s Sam Mugumya?’ 11.11.2014, The Observer).

There are so many words, but nothing definite. What is likely is that the authorities apprehended him within Uganda and kidnapped him. Because, no one knew where he was and he suddenly disappeared. Later to be find in custody in Beni (DRC) which means the authorities of Uganda did help him cross and get detained there. It happened in such a manner, that he never returned and was a suspected rebel or a militia member.

That’s why you know these stories don’t add up. It is total fabrication and an injustice served Sam Mugumya’s way. He has been a victim of his activism and association with Besigye. If he hadn’t been a part of Reform Agenda and Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). He wouldn’t be here. The authorities targeted him, because the likes of him was the future. We are seeing that happening today with associates of the National Unity Platform (NUP) who are kidnapped and disappearing for the public sphere. Therefore, Mugumya is just a representation of the oppression the government of Uganda is doing. While they where able to use the Courts and Prisons to silence Mugumya for years.

It is a long time to be paying the price for doing the right thing. Mugumya has paid a huge price and it has cost. Back in the day he was ADF and now his M23. You just know the whole thing is made up. That’s the gist of it.

What is tragic is that Mugumya spent 8 years behind bars and only because of political affiliation. He was a target and a means to an end. That’s why he was kidnapped and never returned to Uganda. Mugumya lingered in jail because of who he was affiliated with. That was all the authorities needed and Military Court could find excuses to keep him behind bars too. It took years before he went to trail and now that his released. The story has changed again.

I wonder where the “cargo” and where the “dollars” went. If they even existed. Secondly, the UPDF spokesman Paddy Ankunda better have his story straight now. Especially, if his asked about this. It’s all a unique situation and this sort of thing has to be tested.

This is injustice and Sam Mugumya has been scarred, he has been tested and worse, he paid a price of losing eight valuable years. He lost so much time in detention, instead of being free and a voice of reason. His now free, but his story needs to be told. As it is a story on how the authorities targets dissidents. Peace.

Sam Mugumya is finally released after 8 years in Ndolo Military Prison…

The Commander of the FARDC (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo) North Kivu Region, Brig Gen Muhindo Akili Mundos has confirmed that forces under his Command arrested Former FDC Leader, Dr Kiiza Besigye’s Political Assistant Mr Sam Mugumya on 21st October 2014. This was during a Joint News conference with his Ugandan Counterpart, UPDF 2nd Division Commander Brig Peter Elwelu following a Security meeting in Kasindi Town of DRC on Tuesday 12th November 2014. Brig Mundos said Mugumya was arrested alongside 02 other Ugandans and 02 Congolese after the entered the country through an illegal entry point near Ishasha boarder. He added that Mugumya was using false names “Katembo Mukiga William” but on interrogation he was proved be Sam Mugumya. He said they suspect he could be involved in dangerous activities likely to hurt the current cordial relationship between Uganda and DRC and as a result he was transferred from his headquarters in Beni, to the capital Kinshasa for further investigations” (UPDF – FARDC confirms Sam Mugumya’s Arrest, 14.11.2014).

Today on the 21st October 2022, it is confirmed that Sam Mugumya is released from Ndolo Military Prison in Kinshasa. Mugumya has now spent 8 years behind bars or a total of 96 months in prison in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Mugumya has gone through a lot. The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) pushed for his release and also being moved to Uganda. However, the authorities in Uganda didn’t want him to return. That why we know his been a political prisoner in the DRC.

He was arrested because of his political affiliation and that he was associated with Dr. Kizza Besigye. That was the reason for his imprisonment. It wasn’t because of his supposed connections to militias or anything. This was the excuses and arguments, which the authorities used to keep him in prison. He was a political prisoner and have paid a huge price for doing so.

Mugumya has suffered in prison. No one can say it has been easy. The man has been torn and could have gotten a broken spirit. Instead he has soldiered on and awaited freedom. He has stood tall in the midst of adversity and shown his strength.

Okello-Oryem did state in fact in 2016 that there was no chance of a fair trail or extradition. That was how this score was settled and Mugumya just had to pay the price. He was a victim of the association and the allies he had chosen. That’s why he was taken into custody and moved to a prison in Kinshasa. All because he was affiliated with Besigye. This was all the authorities needed and they let him suffer for 8 years.

It is good to see the picture of Sam Mugumya holding a note “Free At Last”. Also another picture on the outside of prison. He shouldn’t have been a felon in the first place. He has suffered, paid the cost and should be paid by the state for the injustice. However, we know there will be no consequences to the ones who detained him or held him captive. Mugumya was a victim of circumstance and political activism. That’s all it took.

The price for standing tall and being brave cost him 8 years. 8 years in a miliary prison in Kinshasa. Mugumya deserve not only a heroes welcome, but to be honoured for his bravery. He could have given in and been gone by now. However, he soldiered on and knew deep down it would end. Nevertheless, it shouldn’t have been this hard.

The authorities of DRC failed him and so did the authorities in Kampala. If he had been one of “them“… they would have sent a military attaché and picked him up somehow. However, he was a target and the NRM was happy, that he was out of sight and out of mind. Peace.

RDC: Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) – Official Communique (20.10.2022)

RDC: Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) – Our Response to the Dialogue Refusal by the DRC Government (14.10.2022)

A look into Mzee’s 60th Independence Speech Part II [a story about the East African Federation]

It has, therefore, been long, ever since the NRM and its pre-cursors, started supporting the struggle for the realization of the dream of the East African Federation. If we had achieved that by 1963 as the elders had intended, this part of the World would be very far. Some of the political elite, let down Africa in 1963 by frustrating the effort. If the Federation had been launched in 1963, you can be sure that Idi Amin would never have taken power in Uganda, there would have been no genocide in Rwanda or the killings in Burundi, Congo would have stabilized long ago, the problems of South Sudan, would have been solved much earlier and the problem of Somalia may not have turned out the way it did. Even today, the sort of problems we are facing, would be easily solved” – President Yoweri Tibuhurwa Kaguta Museveni (09.10.2022).

Today on the 9th October 2022, yet again President Museveni held his Independence Day Speech, which he has year after year. These speeches are long and this year was no different. He held a two hour long speech at Kololo Grounds and certainly there was plenty of points or things to look into. However, in this here piece. I am only looking into the stories of the East African Federation.

President Museveni comes with strong claims and reasoning. He blames the ones in 1963 for not pushing through with the East African Federation. Nevertheless, the nations haven’t since then been able to agree or find the stipulations fitting for a federation. Neither has the nations been able to agree on an East African constitution. It has been plenty of stumbling blocks and this is why we are seeing an East African Community (EAC) in 2022.

Just read these insights here!

It was mainly Uganda’s objection to the surrender of sovereignty, the desire to preserve its fragile internal unity, and the fear of Kenyan control over regional institutions which led to the failure of East African federation. In fact, President Obote had made a statement that the Nairobi declaration did not commit Uganda to federation and that the questions of relationships and powers were still in the ‘exploratory stage’. For the Tanganyikans and Kenyans, regional unity involved ‘the concept of a tightly constructed federation’” (…) “By the end of 1963 the failure of the federation was clear. The last session of the Working Party was held in Kampala in May 1964, but the three Presidents found that the political union they had advocated so wholeheartedly was no longer feasible. It can be argued that national interests developed guickly in East Africa during 1963, as President Nyerere had prophesied:

We shall be increasing the number of human beings who have a personal interest in disunity – and because they are human beings most of them will be more conscious of the advantages of the present situation and the difficulties of change than of the long-term benefits which could come” (John A. Mgaya – ‘REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY’ P: 14-15, August 1986).

Though the official start of the East African Community’s project lay at the beginning of the new millennium, the roots of the drive for East African unity actually extend much farther back. It began at the signing of the treaty of East African Cooperation in 1967, following the end of the British colonial period. While the treaty was abandoned a mere decade later due to faltering political will and disparate levels of development between the three nations, the idea would remain a powerful one. In fact, it was powerful enough for regional governments to revisit the possibility after the end of the Cold War” (Borgen Magazine – ‘The East African Community’s First Constitution’ 28.03.2020).

The East African Heads of State signed the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community in Arusha, on 30 November 1999. Prior to re-launching the East African Community in 1999, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda had enjoyed a long history of cooperation under successive regional integration arrangements. These included the Customs Union between Kenya and Uganda in 1917, which the Tanganyika later joined in 1927; the East African High Commission (1948- 1961); the East African Common Services Organisation (1961-1967); the East African Community (1967-1977), and the East African Co-operation (1993-1999)” (UNESCO – ‘RELATIONS WITH THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY (EAC) AND DRAFT COOPERATION AGREEMENT BETWEEN UNESCO AND THAT ORGANIZATION’ 2006).

After reading these it is easy to see why it didn’t happen and Nyerere was prophetic about it. His words has been proven and righteous. Museveni who has had the time and could have pushed further. His never done so or tried that much. Since, he knows he would give way on the sovereignty and the rights of Uganda. We know that Museveni wouldn’t allow or accept being controlled by Nairobi or Dodoma for that matter. This is why Obote was reluctant and wasn’t willing in 1963.

It is interesting that later in the speech today that Museveni further said this about the subject:

In the 1962 Independence elections, no Party could win by absolute majority because they had fragmented the electorate into sectarian groups that could never attract broad support. Guided by our principle of Pan-Africanism, when we won power, we worked with Mzee Hassan Mwinyi, Mzee Benjamin Mkapa, Mzee Daniel Arap Moi, supported by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere who was still alive, to revive the EAC, which was re-inaugurated on the 30th of November, 1999.Guided by the same principles, we stood with the African brothers in South Africa, Namibia, South Sudan, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, etc. It is this principle, that educates us not to aim at building a Latin America in Africa but build a United States of Africa in Africa –to ensure the prosperity of our people and the strategic security of Africa” (Museveni, 09.10.2022).

Here Mgaya reasons differently than Museveni on the matter, especially the reasons around 1962, which he says this: “While people like Tom Mboya supported Nyerere, in Uganda the Kabaka’s government and Obote’s Democratic Party stated that Uganda was not ready for federation. Therefore, soon after Tanganyika’s independence in December 1961 Nyerere stated that federation would now have to wait until all three countries were sovereign” (John A. Mgaya – ‘REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY’ P: 13, August 1986).

Here we see there is nothing about sectarianism or such. It was about the independence and becoming sovereign republic’s themselves. That is all natural that you wouldn’t the same minute your getting independence, become a part of another entity. The new nations would need time to assess and consider their foreign diplomatic ties and trading partners. That is just natural and this is the reason for the downfall of the East African Federation in 1963. As there was internal fears and speculations into the balances of power and losses of sovereignty to others. Parts, which Museveni doesn’t dwell upon. He only speculates of the salvation from the worst damages and suffering, which has happen since. However, he hasn’t spoken about his involvement in these and how he sponsored the violence and military operations in several of the neighbouring countries over the years. That’s why it’s epic that he doesn’t look into his interference there for personal gains.

Last part about 1999 has also been stated in the little documentation I found. That Museveni mentions in the second paragraph of EAC or East African Federation part of his speech. He takes pride in the moment of the 1999. Nevertheless, since then and the ills he mentioned. The EAC should have ensured that his nation didn’t interfere in the Democratic Republic Congo (DRC) or in South Sudan for that matter. Museveni has done this and been vital in it. Therefore, his own military activity across the borders has caused the pain and sufferings, which the EAC couldn’t deal with or had any say in. That’s why it’s really hypocritical of him. He wouldn’t have accepted their interference and totally blocking of it. We just know he wouldn’t have followed it anyway.

That’s why it’s interesting that he says this. We know the war to topple Mobutu and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo. We know how Uganda supported the Rwandan Patriotic Front in the 1990s. There has been speculations for year in the Museveni involvement in the late death of Dr. Joseph Garang. We can also mention the involvement and support of Nkurunziza in Burundi. Therefore, he has interfered and ensured allies in the neighbour nation and done so deliberately. So, when he speaks of the ills of the people and the never ending troubles that needs to be solved. He has partook in the action and should take some blame in it. Since he has invested, used his armies and gained personal power by doing so. I doubt the East African Community or Federation could have stopped him. Within the time frame and the context, the nations involved wasn’t even signed up and would have been out of EAC/EAF. Peace.

RDC: Union pour la Nation Congolaise (UNC) – Direction de la Communincation du President National – Communique No. 001 (05.10.2022)

Rwanda: Twubake Ubumwe n’ Ubwiyunge (TUU) – Ne Coyons pas Distraits par les Intoxications de FDU Inking, Jambo ASBL, RIFDP, Clir et Mouvement Idamange (29.09.2022)

RDC: Reseau des Defenseurs des Droits Humains en Afrique Centrale (REDHAC) – Democratic Republic of Congo: Arrest, Arbitrary Detention and Disapparance of Mrs. Mugiraneza Aime and Mr. Habamungu Clement Documentation on Human Rights Violations and on the Problem of Conflict in the East, CRDVDHPD by M23 Elements (22.09.2022)

RDC: L’Institut Congolais pour la Conservation de la Nature (ICCN) – Rumangabo, Nord-Kivu – Des eco-gardes attaques par la foule a Kasindi/Lubiliha (21.09.2022)

Democratic Republic of Congo President denounces ‘aggression’ by Rwanda, calls on United Nations to support African-led mediation (21.09.2022)

The President argued that the DRC has been a victim of a security crisis that has lasted more than 20 years aggression.

GENEVA, Switzerland, September 21, 2022 – The major challenges facing humanity “complex and interlocking,” Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), said on Tuesday evening, while he also noted that the DRC had faced decades of ‘agression’ at the hands of a neighbouring country. “Peace and security for all, controlling climate change, relaunching the global economy post-COVID economic recovery; combatting poverty and promoting collective well-being” are today’s most pressing challenges, he said.

Overcoming them will require working in greater concert, with more cooperation and solidarity between States and nations, the DRC leader said in his adress to the opening of the UN General Assembly’s annual high-level debate.

Terrorism

Stressing that international peace and security remains the UN’s primary objective, he said that “neither indifference nor impetus on its part” are acceptable “in the face of any threats to international peace and security”.

At present, this question is “crystalizing around the fight against terrorism as well as calming hotbeds of tension” in Europe and in Africa, he continued.

Terrorism has spared no continent,” said Mr. Tshilombo, adding that having metastasized in Africa, the continent is paying a heavy price.

He noted that in the name of religious fundamentalism terrorists are barbarically killing innocent people in the East, West, Centre and South of the continent.

And while remarkable progress has been made in the Middle East to combat the scourge, it is far from being eliminated.

As a DRC is victim of terrorism, despite its membership in the Global Coalition against the Islamic State, the President called upon the UN to become actively involved in implementing the recommendations of Coalition and the Aqaba process.

Statements of intention and proclamations of faith without any vigorous collective action on the ground we never be enough to eradicate terrorism,” he said.

Security crisis

The President argued that the DRC has been a victim of a security crisis that has lasted more than 20 years aggression.

Despite tireless international efforts a massive UN military presence in the DRC and diplomatic support for 23 years, this security problem continues to aggrieve my country,” he said.

To eradicate insecurity once and for all and restore lasting peace, and stability in the country’s east, several agreements were signed with armed groups and neighbouring countries along with the creation of national and international mechanisms, but he lamented that a settlement lasted only a few months.

Very quickly the architecture of those prospects cracked, and the building collapsed,” he said.

Rwandan ‘agression’

The Head of State drew attention to attacks from neighbouring Rwanda along with what he saw as that country’s support of armed terrorist groups that are ravaging the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.

In defiance of international law, the UN Charter and the Constitutive Act of the African Union, he said that Rwanda, on 23 March, not only launched a direct military incursion in North Kivu but had also provided ”massive” support to the M23 armed terrorist group in occupying localities there.

The M23 with the support of the Rwandan army even shot down a MONUSCO helicopter and killed eight blue helmets…committing a war crime,” he said, referring to the UN peace and stabilization mission in the country.

Mr. Tshilombo said that he would continue to “tirelessly denounced” the aggression.

He went on to call for increasing pressure on Rwanda and the M23 so that they respect the positions taken by international organizations. Furthermore, he said there must be broad support for the continuation of the Nairobi peace process, the Luanda DRC-Rwanda talks and the deployment of the East African regional force .

In that context, he also urged the intenational commnity to support and encourage the former President of Kenya, Uhuru Kenyatta, and the current President of Angola, João Lourenço, Mediators of the East African Community ( EAC) and the African Union in the security crisis in the DRC, to continue their good offices.

Question of image

He told the Assembly that that Rwanda’s responsibility along with that of its allies, the M23, have been documented in reports by UN-mandated experts and the expanded joint verification mission of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, international humanitarian non-governmental organizations and human rights organization.

But, to dispel any doubts and put an end to the denials of Rwandan authorities on the subject, the DRC’s most senior official asked the Security Council President to officially distribute to its members, the latest UN report on the subject.

It is a question of the very image and credibility of our Organization,” he said.

To proceed otherwise would encourage Rwanda to continue its aggression, war crimes and crimes against humanity in the DRC, he warned, adding that it would also further fuel the Congolese people’s legitimate suspicion surrounding the UN’s impartiality as well as the complicity of some of its members in these crimes.