To say that Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) leader and former Presidential Candidate Dr. Warren Kizza Besigye Kifefe (as almost everyone knows as Kizza Besigye), knows the court system of Uganda and knows the terms of his proceedings. He is still charged with treason, he was first charged in Moroto Magistrate Court on the 13th May 2016, which means his pending trial has lasted 1 year 1 month and 17 days in total or 413 days to be exact. That is severe violation and his times for bail hearings has been steady since then. Before this at least twice he has already vowed not to come back to Nakawa Court. Which isn’t strange, but that he does again today. Hopefully he will continue with defiance within his own realm, since that is needed. The State is clearly stalling time and keeping him at bay, with the easy monitoring of his acts and appearances all around in the Republic.
Here is today’s statement after being again at the Nakawa Magistrate Court after another bond/bail-hearing:
“Some time back, I had decided not to come to Nakawa court, but at that time, my bail reporting which was at the high court (Registrar) was shifted to Nakawa Magistrate Court. I have been reporting here both for bail and therefore for appearance in the Magistrate Court. I think the time has come to also say no to the bail because it is the bail that was still bringing me here. So I have informed my lawyer that I will not come back to this court over this matter. They can cancel the bail, I have no problem at all- they can cancel the bail and take me back to prison if that is their wish. From today, I will not come back to Nakawa Magistrate court for appearance or for bail. I will not appear in this court on 1st, Sept, 2017.” – Dr. Kizza Besigye
All who has followed the situation or understand the simple plain fact, that if the government had a case against Dr. Kizza Besigye, it would been in the works and the bail-hearings would just continue. Since they haven’t really started any investigation or planned anything. If it was so, there would be more collecting evidence against him and the FDC Party. Because if this was a serious case, they would have done more with the first days after the General Election in 2016 and the Swearing-In.
But the Police Force and the State Legal Team hasn’t considered or done so, this has been for a show and been to keep the FDC and Besigye occupied. Not a serious charge, neither an honest investigation into the supposed crimes against the state. If the republic really feared Besigye and though of him as an arch-criminal, they would have made sure he was indicted and gone through the court process. Therefore, the whole operation has been to stop him from working against the state. But not really trying him for treason.
Unless, they have reports and affidavits of the ones knowingly of his acts of treason comes forward, unless the justices and judges are making a case worth damn. Which seem unlikely at this point, since May 2016 has left, the same has May 2017. Its over a year and nothing. Tiwali, non, any kind of way you say nothing. Besigye if he had done anything treacherous they would have actually gotten the intelligence and the culprits together with him. They would have all been soaking time in Nalufenya. Were none of the bandits that tried to counter the state are kept. Certainly a man who does a treasonous usually doesn’t do it alone.
But hey, maybe the Republic and the Courts has some answers for their one period of keeping the suspense and has some secrets at the Okello House, as there usually all acts of the State is sanctioned from. Peace.
The international Non-Government Organization Privacy International dropped another gem today with a report on the surveillance and on how the Kenyan Authorities get their ability to get intelligence and how they use the communications platforms to get knowledge. The worrying way is how the Safaricom and the Kenyan Authorities together spies on the population.
This report through different methods and also interviews, as much as people who have worked on the inside has told stories how the Security organization has used the giant Kenyan Telecommunication Company Safaricom. All should be done with court orders, still there are proof now of internal squabble inside Safaricom where there are even undercover agents inside the company. Take a look at key points of the report!
Court order to require Intelligence:
“In practice, if not in law, Kenya’s surveillance regime appears bifurcated. The NIS intercepts both communication content and acquires call data records without warrants to gather intelligence and prevent crime, and police agencies acquire communications data with warrants to prepare criminal cases. If it’s ‘just’ for intelligence, explained one police ATPU investigator, then warrants are not sought: “For the sake of investigations, the DCI [Directorate of Criminal Investigations officer] attached to Safaricom will just give [it to] you… When you take someone to court, you have to make it proper now.” Safaricom stated to PI that they “only provide information as required by courts…and upon receipt of relevant court orders.” (Privacy International, P: 16, 2017).
Internet Providers and NIS:
“One internet service provider recalled the difference between his experiences with the police and with the NIS: “A [police] agency comes to me, and they give me the Occurrence Book (OB) number of the case they are investigating…. The NIS has unfettered access to data.” The NIS simply contacted this operator for the data it required. “They will say ‘give us [data for] whenever X calls Y over this time period’, for example…In instances involving terrorism, no warrants are produced. We have to comply or there is the threat that our licenses [will] be revoked.” A Communications Authority of Kenya (CA) officer confirmed his account: “they’ll get their license revoked [if they do not comply]… If I were them, I’d comply too” (Privacy International, P: 17, 2017).
Safaricom CID Connection:
“The major telecommunications providers have at least one law enforcement liaison, a police officer of the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (CID) on secondment. This analysis focuses on Safaricom, by far Kenya’s most popular mobile service provider with over 60% of the market share. At Safaricom, around ten CID officers sit on one floor of the Safaricom central bloc. They provide information to all police branches” (Privacy International, P: 20, 2017).
“The reported presence of NIS officers undercover in Safaricom and possibly other telecommunication network operators presents serious concerns as to whether any civilian authority or mechanism would be able to effectively oversee the process of communications interception. “The way we know they are here is that they’ll be present, seconded from somewhere else, but then suddenly they’ll disappear,” explained one CA employee. “And then you hear your colleagues saying ‘didn’t you know, that guy was NIS?’ They keep very much to themselves. You’ll even find your boss some time suspecting you of being NIS.” According to sources, by building rapport with civilian officers, NIS are able to informally access communications data. “Of course [the NIS officer in Safaricom] will liaise with the Safaricom engineer… Once there is information that he needs, or that our office needs, he gets in, he talks to the engineer, he is given access,” explained a current NIS officer. “Because in Safaricom, every time you log into the database to check for a certain number, you have to put your code there. … It depends on the rapport he has with the engineers…. They trust him.” (Privacy International, P: 21, 2017).
The use of Safaricom and the surveillance shows the problematic relationship between the government and the private telecom company. That the State Security Agents are not using warrants getting intelligence and private intercepts online shows how little the value of the citizens are. When the government security agents can breach public space without court orders and when they have undercover agents inside the biggest telecom in Kenya, shows how they breach the public sphere to get access and intelligence from the inside. This is a worrying side. Peace.
Privacy International – ‘Track, Capture, Kill: Inside Communications Surveillance and Counterterrorism in Kenya’ (15.03.2017)
As noted by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights:
“a lack of effective oversight has contributed to a lack of accountability for arbitrary or unlawful intrusions on the right to privacy in the digital environment. Internal safeguards without independent, external monitoring in particular have proven ineffective against unlawful or arbitrary surveillance methods. While these safeguards may take a variety of forms, the involvement of all branches of government in the oversight of surveillance programmes, as well as of an independent civilian oversight agency, is essential to ensure the effective protection of the law.” (United Nations, P: 2, 2016).
This here is evident that State and Government uses their force with their communication surveillance without transparent or use of the legal aide to gain data on their own citizens and also their communications. That means the data and meta-data we leave behind can be stored and checked by the security agencies, where they can surveillance and follow us to secure that we are not misusing or contacting wrong people. This can indirectly make people guilty before conducting crimes. The Police and Security Agencies than can follow and investigate without warrants or court-orders citizens without any jurisdiction. Therefore the real big-brother can follow all communication and use this as evidence of conspiracy and criminal intent if needed be. This information can again be delivered in reports to Central Government that will again take the whole groups of people as a den of thieves instead of activist and political opposition.
This sort of work can and will often cross the belief of a difference between a private and public sphere. Where the communications between citizens can be taken into account in investigations and that is done without knowledge of the citizens. So with that in mind, the United Nation Special Rapporteur on the rights of pricy briefing from November 2016 is telling stories on how this is done in dozens of nations. Their stories are not peaceful and the possible interference shows how their own citizens are shadowed by their own government. Just take a look!
“In Rwanda, interception warrants are issued by a prosecutor designed by the Minister of Justice. As such there is no requirement of prior judicial authorisation. Nor there seems to be independent judicial oversight on the application of the law: the only monitoring envisaged is by inspectors appointed by Presidential Order. The Human Rights Committee expressed concern that the law “permits the interception of communications without prior authorization of a judge” and recommended, inter alia, that the State party “ensure the effectiveness and independence of a monitoring system for such interception, in particular by providing for the judiciary to take part in the authorization and monitoring of the interception.” (United Nations, P: 3-4, 2016).
“In Zimbabwe, the Interception of Communications Act allows senior officials to individually make applications for warrants of interception. The applications are submitted to the Minister of Transport and Communications or “any other Minister to whom the President may from time to time assign the administration of [the] act”. Under the Act, the Minister is the sole arbiter of whether the grounds for a warrant are met and determines the warrant’s duration, up to a period of three months (after which renewal requires the authorisation of an administrative court.) In 2014, using powers granted to him under the constitution, President Mugabe assigned the Act’s administration to the Office of the President and Cabinet (OPC). There is no public information on how these functions are exercised in practice within the OPC, which is an executive body led by the President and the Head of the Civil Service” (United Nations, P: 4, 2016). “In Zimbabwe, the only oversight of the warrant regime comes from Prosecutor-General, but there is secrecy surrounding the process. The Prosecutor-General receives an annual summary from the Minister detailing “the particulars of every warrant which, during that calendar year, was issued by him or her but not renewed.” However, this information is not made public in any form. The Prosecutor-General can also request additional information from the Minister and make binding recommendations to the Minister; however, these recommendations are not public. There is no additional mechanism for independent parliamentary or judicial oversight of the regime as a whole” (United Nations, P: 12, 2016).
“In New Zealand, there is no judicial prior authorisation for interception of communications or access to communications infrastructures. Instead the relevant warrant is authorised by the Minister. The Commissioner of Security Warrants, a retired judge, is only required to jointly authorise interception warrants when the communications of New Zealanders may be intercepted. Reflecting on this, the Human Rights Committee expressed concern “about the limited judicial authorization process for the interception of communications of New Zealanders and the total absence of such authorization for the interception of communications of non-New Zealanders” (United Nations, P: 4, 2016).
“Similarly in the United Kindgom, under the current RIPA there is no requirement for, or process enabling, the prior independent authorisation of the interception of communications. Instead, a Government minister issues warrants without reference to any judicial or other independent authority. There is only qualified provision for judicial authorisation under RIPA for intrusive surveillance by police (but, notably, not the intelligence services), with regards to requests for encryption keys, and when local authorities seek access to communications data” (United Nations, P: 5, 2016). “In the United Kingdom, there are concerns about the Intelligence and Security Committee. The ISC lacks sufficient independence from the government: the Prime Minister has sole power to nominate MPs to the ISC. She also has power to veto publication of any material by the ISC. For these reasons, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights expressed “concern that the executive control of this Committee may be too strong” (United Nations, P: 10, 2016).
“In Venezuela, for example, although the decision to authorise communications surveillance is made by a judge, judges – particularly first instance judges who are often employed on temporary contracts – frequently lack independence and impartiality” (United Nations, P: 5, 2016).
“Considering the interception regime in Russia, the European Court of Human Rights noted that while interceptions may be authorized by a judge, there was no effective oversight, in particular in light of the lack “publicly available regulations or instructions describing the scope of their review, the conditions under which it may be carried out, the procedures for reviewing the surveillance measures or for remedying the breaches detected” (United Nations, P: 6, 2016).
“In Poland, there is no ex-ante review system for metadata collection, only a general ex-post requirement of submission once every six months of a generalized metadata report to a competent district court. Further, certain metadata information does not even require the ex-post review” (United Nations, P: 6, 2016)
“In Mexico. Articles 189 and 190 of the “Ley Telecom” impose a two year data retention requirements on telecommunications providers, requiring them to keep their users communications data. There is no judicial warrant requirement for accessing the metadata, and that includes in particular no judicial authorisation for mobile phone location tracking (which can be done in real time)” (United Nations, P: 8, 2016).
“In Morocco, there are at least eight government agencies that can potentially monitor communications. These services operate in near complete opacity. The Human Rights Committee expressed concerned at the lack of clarity regarding the law authorising and regulating the activity of such services and the lack of monitoring mechanisms” (United Nations, P: 9, 2016).
“In Uganda, despite increasing significantly the surveillance powers, there is no clear oversight mechanism under the 2010 Regulation of Interception of Communications Act or the 2015 Anti-Terrorism (Amended) Act in Uganda. None of the intelligence agencies with the power to conduct surveillance under these acts are subject to independent oversight however they all report to the President. Any reporting that may be conduced by the agencies to the President is not made public” (United Nations, P: 9, 2016).
“In the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYRM), long-standing concerns on the lack of effective supervision and control of the activities of the Macedonian Security and Counter Intelligence Service (UBK) to limit unlawful interference with the privacy of personal communications were brought into sharp focus in 2015, following the revelation that over 20,000 persons, including political figures, members of non-governmental organisations and journalists, were subjected to communication surveillance. The only body authorised to supervise the work of the UBK is a Parliamentary Commission. According to media reports, the UBK’s written reports to the Commission contained no data on the agency’s use of what are called “specific investigative measures”, such as eavesdropping” (United Nations, P: 10, 2016).
These stories give insight into how far the breaches are and how they are done in each country. Certain intelligence that are collected unfairly from the citizens and without permission, not even with court orders and put into structures that can be recollected by the ones who have been followed; this has been in secrecy and with knowledge even from the person with the most power. Those Presidents can interfere and collect this intelligence without having court orders or a warrant says a lot of their breaches of power and how they value the private communication. When they of using technology and using the interception of communication between people to find intelligence and collect their meta-data for later see the pattern of behaviour.
This shows how the National Security is using the private communication into collecting evidence and pattern of behaviour where they can oversee society and use this to detain and arrest dissidents. What is also worrying is in the power of the Executive and the Central Government who can easily access and take the collected data without the need of the Courts or legislative branches. Therefore this can be done in the dark and they can do this without consent or have any accountability for their work as they use surveillance to follow their own citizens.
This is just a few of the nations of the world. There are certainly more intelligence gathered without knowledge and where the UN Special Rapporteur has gotten know-how of. This briefing is only skimming the surface of what’s apparently going on. We as citizens should at least ask our own government to comply with freedoms and liberty, only use these technologies to incept meta-data and communications between people when courts and real National Security is at risk. Not just when they can, but when it is fit. If not then innocent people are followed without any concern and without any justice delivered. Peace.
United Nation – ‘Briefing to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Privacy – Monitoring and Oversight of Communications Surveillance’ (November 2016)
Kizza Besigye: “It’s costly both in time and resources to keep coming to this court for charges that are not going anywhere. I would like to respectfully tell you that I will not be coming back to this court over this matter” (NBS TV Uganda, 25.01.2017)
It’s been now months upon months end. He has been back and forward between the courts and the prisons to address a treason charge that has gone nowhere. It is in the air, but not letting the man himself breath. The man we are talking about is the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Dr. Kizza Besigye get rest.
The Police Force and the legal instruments continues to pound on the man, they continue to fling his flesh into court, without new evidence or affidavits to salvage a case; therefore the preliminary acts should be to dissolve and stop working on the case. Stop wasting time in the courtroom and use of space for real cases of breaches of law. That is not something the National Resistance Movement regime has any indication of caring about. They just want to silence the Opposition leader and continue to keep him at bay. Since he has bail-hearings coming every month at the Nakawa Court and the Kabale Magistrate Court that still works on forged case since Walk to Work demonstrations back-in-the-day.
They are continuing to issuing new legal breaches without evidence or any concurring acts of evil intent. This is happening on a basis of silencing him and stopping him from having an ordinary life and stopping his work as a political figure in Uganda. That is the real wish of the Courts and the NRM Regime. To stop Besigye from acting and talking, questioning and achieving the dismantling of their rule.
The ploy and gig is up. It should be in the wind. The horns of deluded mindful ignorance of the ruling regime should be stop and the curve of just rule should appear. However, the reality is that FDC and Besigye can still get under hot water and taken by the law without any consideration.
We are here at a crossroad or junction where the fraud and fiction is more close to the reality than the truth and facts. If mere facts, evidence or even affidavits actually presented to the court, if witnesses and proof of the alleged crimes had materialized to the court. Than the case would matter and the alleged treason charge would mean something. However, at this point it don’t and it doesn’t, it is mere fiction from the NRM regime. A tale of long standing grievences against the opposition and their leaders continue with impunity and injustice. Peace.
Mwenda, Andrew Mwenda the Independent Magazine owner and editor, the man who knows all about how to rant against fellow political opponents, than a month later praising them, like they are the next one to save the world. In one week Museveni can be the worst and the other week he will be the hero. The same is with the Forum for Democratic Change and Dr. Kizza Besigye, all through December 2016 and this beginning 2017 his focus has been bashing on Besigye like he is AIDS.
Mwenda has a fetish or worse a deluded mind where he uses all kind of words to address why Besigye isn’t the President, without considering the fact of the power of ‘the old man with the hat’. The editor rant is about the organizations, the loss of local elections and the losing of presidential election going back to Dr. Paul Ssemogerere of the Democratic Party who ran against President Museveni and all of his campaign we’re filled with attacks and brutality. Just like all of Besigye’s has been, it is a reason why he is for the second time in his life-time charged with treason against the Republic. All of those explanations vanish like water meet the heat of the sun and becomes part of the air.
Mwenda’s rants concluded with today’s word calling FDC a Cult on Facebook. Where he was calling literally Besigye a Cult leader, because Mwenda has to grind out every little bit of anger into the public sphere. He added videos of the inauguration of Nana Addo in Accra where Besigye we’re invited, Mwenda had this to say about the Ghanaian President speech: “In these two videos, newly elected Ghanaian president, who invited FDC cult leader to his inauguration, parrots the inaugural speeches of Bill Clinton in 1993 and George Bush in 2001. Besigye’s 2010 manifesto copied David Cameron’s Conservative Party manifesto almost word for word” (Mwenda, 08.01.2016). So his words are saying itself how he has to attack the man for attending and being invited while Museveni is busy bodying himself to drop “Presidential Handshakes”.
“Besigye’s despotism in FDC:
Earlier in the day he wrote this too against Besigye: “Most of the FDC leaders i have interviewed ran away from NRM after witnessing the same trend. Now they say that compared to Besigye and his FDC fanatics, M7 and his NRM look like the best democrats one can find. In short Besigye had established a ruthless and intolerant dictatorship over the FDC and now relies on the cult of personality rather than on institutions to govern” (…) “While Besigye fanatics claim I have been hired by NRM to tarnish the name of their cult leader, the information I post here is always supplied to me by the top ranking members of FDC who want to rescue the party and Uganda’s democracy from the tyranny of extremism and the despotism of Besigye” (Mwenda, 08.01.2017).
So he continues his rants, his words of direct attack, as there are rare breed and the Besigye is giant problem. Besigye is the reason for the losses; Besigye is the reason for everything. If it rains it’s Besigye, if it snows it is Beisgye, if it is wind it is Besigye and if it is sun by all means it is Besigye. That is how you can talk in the sense of Mwenda. He is the weatherman who always will pin the blame on Besigye, and by all current codex or modus operandi it will be boiled down to Besigye. Nobody else, the others are needed props in tale of fatigue, lacking organization or even repeatedly popular personality of Besigye. Instead of asking why was there yet again Primary Elections where Besigye won over Gen. Mugish Muntu. Something that didn’t happen in the Movement, where Museveni where sole-candidacy for Presidency and Mbabazi wasn’t allowed to run against him! Something that Mwenda wouldn’t mention, for one simple reason, it will blow his mind and lose his marbles. Mwenda will be little prick who thinks he is a genius, but misses key aspects of matter. Like you need water or milk to drink tea. You can try to boil coke, but the tea will not mix well, but boiled milk or water will make a perfect blend.
Mwenda’s rants are now pointless and personal, like vendetta against the FDC and Besigye. Like he has to attack them! He cannot do anything else, if not he loses his mind. I know I write against Museveni a lot too, but usually with context of economy or recent acts, but Mwenda recreate the election and the internal organization of FDC without caring about factors that are put into play with no regard of the political status in the Republic. FDC are not alone on the losing end of Movement, but Mwenda acts like they are the only one, there is UPC, DP, Farmer’s Party, TIC, UFA and so on.
Like yesterday’s rant: “Besigye die hards are either cowards or hypocrites or both. While they make the loudest noise on how they are ready to die for him, they have done nothing (except for insulting critics on social media) to prove they are worthy of their claims. Each time Besigye goes to town, Kale Kayihura sends only eight (8) police men who pick Besigye like chicken, bundle him over a pickup truck and take him to police as these “ready-die-for-our-man” fanatics watch helplessly” (Mwenda, 07.01.2017).
He goes again into insults not only Besigye, but his supporters, because what else there to do. Because he doesn’t have a valid argument as long as he is putting FDC and Besigye in vacuum, the same kind of empty hole his arguments and reasoning is for the moment. 2017 stroke Mwenda and his mind went haywire. To prove the nonsense of this man, let’s take a piece of the rant of the day before:
“Over the last 16 years, Besigye has concentrated all the meager resources of the opposition on one singular objective, to capture the presidency. Yet we all know that maintaining the presidency is the most important objective of M7 and the NRM where he has concentrated most of his resources” (…) “Now FDC is much weaker relative to NRM. Not only that. NRM is also backed by the power of the state. By concentrating all opposition resources to attack NRM at its most fortified position, Besigye has expended his meager resources to secure an objective where he has the least chance of success. This is a strategic blunder” (Mwenda, 06.01.2017).
The relative argument itself is disgusting, because even if NRM is a ordinary party as Mwenda make it seems, it still is freighting how little he consider how the ambitions are under siege in the NRM, therefore handpicked and rigged members are becoming leaders, but that part of the argument is lost on Mwenda. Because that makes NRM more fragile than Mwenda wants to say. As well as the FDC primary model is better than NRM, though not perfect it still are more democratic than NRM ever will be. Another reason why the debate of Muntu and Besigye in the FDC are a valid one, directly opposite in the NRM where there is no discussion if VP Edward Ssekandi or PM Rukhana Ruganda will ever challenge Museveni. But that is a silent and a mute-point. If doing so your devaluing the epitome of all Ugandan wishes is to have Museveni for life as the chairman of the Movement and Executive of the Republic. Another thing, Mwenda doesn’t have the balls to connects when taking in consideration the stalemate in FDC and in other parties. In a state where it isn’t really democratic, in the sense that NRM are rigging when needed to control the Parliament and all other political offices in the country. The rest is just a front. Strange that Mwenda cannot mention that either. But that is another illness, that his eyes looks away from.
The flawed and the lost plot, is why all of sudden has went into mayhem and going all in to attack FDC and Besigye, Mwenda seems like only dreaming and thinking about them. That is the only thing that boggles his precious minds and the only discussion he can have in the Independent Magazine, as the other obstacles of the Republic can be redundant. Peace.
The Kasangati State House or “Benghazi” well known as the compound and farm of Dr. Kizza Besigye that has been under siege by the Police since before the polling day in February 2016. The Place in Wakiso that has been continuously in the news as the Forum for Democratic Change Presidential Candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye has been in the court-rooms ever since.
The National Resistance Movement under leadership of President Yoweri Museveni and IGP Kale Kayihura has ordered the home to be besieged and house-arrest him as the problematic opposition figure creates havoc every-time he steps outside his home.
They have trespassed for a long time, as the charges against him as been passing along with time. While the courts hasn’t come close to produce a case worth reading or filing affidavits that are spicy enough to cross-sections the laws that Besigye supposed to breach. These forged cases have given reasons for the Police Force to stay and besiege his home.
So the Police Force is not following the Constitution of the Republic. As they are now defying the Court orders. The Police Force that has together with the Chief Justice Stephen Kavuma interim order even stated: “An interim order doth issue against the 1st [Forum for Democratic Change] and 2nd [Kizza Besigye] respondents, their agents officials, supporters or any other person acting under their authority from engaging in demonstrations, processions, other public meetings, media campaigns or pronouncements including but not limited to the planned demonstration or procession scheduled for 5th of May 2016 or any other day in furtherance of the defiance campaigning pending hearing and determination of the main application for temporary injunction” (Kavuma, Stephen, 2016).
So the Defiance Campaign shut down the FDC and the Party Organization for nearly two months after the election as they scheduled arranged to confiscate the Headquarters and stopped their activity. There was also detaining the leaders and party members because of the Defiance Campaign.
It’s ironic that the Police Force are now resisting the authority of the Kasangati Magistrate Court order of the 24th November 2016 that indicated the house arrest of Besigye as unconstitutional. Therefore the Police Force is now in defiance of the law they are to uphold. So the IGP Kayihura who has spoken for a point of time
The first her was an question as the IGP Kayihura during the campaign trial:
“What is your reaction to FDC presidential Kizza Besigye’s campaign of defiance?
The Electoral Commission (EC) has issued a statement condemning that position. You cannot eat your cake and have it. On the one hand, you cannot defy the law and then you want to take advantage of the law. The assumption is that you have conceded to the Constitution of the country and put yourself under the body of laws that govern the country. When you simultaneously say you defy the law, that is untenable. If he keeps on making statements of defiance, I believe EC will have to act and they will ask us for support” (Election.co.ug – ‘Interview: Kayihura talks about Ntungamo, Gulu clashes’ 02.01.2016 Link: http://www.elections.co.ug/new-vision/election/1413945/interview-kayihura-talks-about-ntungamo-gulu-clashes#sthash.HfjjCBOu.dpuf ).
IGP Kayihura himself said in January 2016 to the press: “On the one hand, you cannot defy the law and then you want to take advantage of the law”. He himself apparently does that without any precaution or care, as he defies the constitution to monitor and control the problem of the Museveni; Besigye who doesn’t go silently away into dust.
That Kayihura has proven defiance himself when he didn’t show up in court as he was scheduled to appear to answer for the police brutality. This is ironic as he upholds the law, but defies it himself. Besigye has to follow the law, but his police can defy and be in defiance of the constitution and the law as they please. That is impunity and is nonsense.
The Resistance Movement has a Security Organization that defies the laws created by them. They do not respect the laws, the constitution or justice. The rule of law is now defined by the Police who resist and defy the penal codes and others laws that set the standard for rule of law. So the value of the liberty and justice system has only a value if it is equal for all. Right now the levels of defiance and resistance are now in the hands of the Police.
Not the people defying the draconian laws or unjust behaviour of the state that are continuing to strain the public as the grievances for the unjust acts of the Police Force. They are now not the ones that is the keepers of the law in Uganda.
When a Police Commander and such are defying the principals of the state, the justice and the laws that they are in-charge of, when they doesn’t consider ruling and verdicts in court. Than the laws are a wasteland and a free-for-all. The Police can then take the laws into their own hands instead of following the codes.
That is what they are doing. The Police defying the court order in Kasangati prove what sort of state Uganda now is in. And it is not beautiful, it’s dark and the tides for change have to come. Because the Resistance Movement has Defiance Police Force now. Long live the IRONY! Peace.