Nathan Nandala-Mafabi MP Statement: Today we welcome Mr. Museveni to Bugisu and Sironko in particular (09.10.2019)

Bugisu region which this government has relegated to the periphery.

41% of people in Bugisu are below the poverty line. Simply put, its more less, for every two people in Bugisu, one is extremely poor.

For the last 33years of the NRM government, the Namagumba, Nalugugu road remains in a sorrow state; for the last 33years of this government, only Mbale Lwahaha road is being tarmacked in Bugisu sub region.

There is no new road that has been opened in the region. Yet, like all Ugandans, every person in Bugisu carries a debt of 1million shillings because of the debt burden, recklessly accumulated by this government.

The people in Bugisu are poor, not because they are lazy. Rather, they are an extremely hardworking and truthful people. They like organised systems where they can diligently serve. They can never thrive under a mafia corrupt system.

In 1962, before the British granted Uganda independence, they questioned whether Ugandans had financial capacity to govern themselves.

To alley British fears and excuse, Bugisu contributed £300,000 and Buganda £500,000 to show we could manage ourselves.

Ideally, it’s Bugisu and Buganda which guaranteed Uganda’s independence. But Bugisu has been sidelined.

The five years Sironko district was under the FDC leadership, it was always ranked amongst the best performing and corruption free districts. Today, the story is different.

That is why, the fanfare in Sironko will not detract some of us, we shall continue to mobilise and educate people about the dangers of a corrupt and disorganised regime.

We shall continue to mobilise people for change, for the liberation and true independence of Uganda.

I welcome everyone to Budadiri West.

Opinion: Democratic Party and Uganda People’s Congress turns more and more into NRM-Lite!

“Power is a curious thing. Who lives, Who dies. Power resides where men believe it resides. It is a trick, A shadow on the wall.”  ― Lord Varys (Game of Thrones).

“Adjective: Denoting a low-fat or low-sugar version of a manufactured food or drink product” (…) “Origin: 1950s: a commercial respelling of light, light” (Oxford Dictionary – Lite).

This here isn’t something based on evidence, but more a genuine feeling I have is not only one I share, but many others. There is something at stake and someone who has agreed the negotiations so these so-called opposition parties isn’t really so. That is why the Uganda People Congress has some MPs in the Cabinet and the same with Democratic Party. The same can be said that both of these parties, still have slots or parts of the delegations to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) in Arusha.

What we do know is that James Akena, the newly concurred leader of UPC could easily do some trade-off with NRM in 2015. That isn’t just mere speculation as his party did decent and there haven’t been any controversy or lashing out from NRM MPs towards the UPC in ages. Secondly, the DP has become the good DPs and the ones that even are parts of NRM Celebrations. There is something up with these two parties, just like Uganda Federal Alliance and Beti Kamya all of a sudden is a bigger support of the NRM government than the former NRM historical’s and the NRM hardliners.

The President and his NRM CEC must see their State House visits as a blessed and ease ways of figuring out how to undress the opposition and how to deal with them. All needs a meal-ticket, the question is who will give in to the regime and at what cost. Therefore, the arrangement and the deals behind the close doors show the conning way of the illegitimate regime who uses all sorts of methods to undermine the opposition. The FDC has clearly given in too, in my book, with even becoming the shadow-government in Parliament. Something the FDC NEC shouldn’t have considered and agreed upon, because when NRM together with the President agreed to get a UPC minister and DP minister, it would be hard to have shadow-government with members from these parties. That would be rare and weird to explain.

We can even wonder if Norbert Mao even cared of losing his slot as Member of Parliament in the 10^th Parliament, as the DP was behind Amama Mbabazi Presidential Candidate through the The Democratic Alliance (TDA). Why I say that now? Since he is snickering and defending the NRM on NBSFrontline, attacking Lord Mayor Lukwago and the FDC when he can, just as we would expect Akena, since he has been bought sometime during the 2015. The price and the value of the UPC is for him and his closest allies to know.

DP’s Mao on the other hand is worrying, that Fred Mukasa Mbidde went so easily and elected into the EALA, also how little care the DP has given to the DP Cabinet Member Florence Nakiwala. Who could have thought the party would trade these folks that easily? That without any worry and without care has let it go, that they have set the standard of being a mediocre party who has no courage and no fighting spirit.

Maybe, Mao has gotten tired of fighting as the campaign he himself has a Presidential Candidate was sour, it wasn’t a joyful journey as the promises and the ride against the police force wasn’t ideal. Therefore, the battle even for his own MPs place got lost and as a leader who isn’t in Parliament, while the ones in Parliament are getting cosy with the NRM. That might be why Mao is complied with the forged friendships and trading in Parliament, to make sure they can gain the most. Still, the value and integrity of DP is dwindling, with every forged agreement with NRM makes them more and more alike, less different.

The NRM regime and NRM caucus in Parliament is adding DP and UPC, they are just turning into branches of the regime instead of being rooted on their own and on their own framework. It is just like Mao and Akena, just shift-bosses instead of being their own factory leaders. They work less for their own product and delivery, more and more to please the Executive through agreements and negotiations.

That is why the NRM has swallowed their paths and the lacking spine of DP and UPC has given way for this. Therefore, the current affairs and state makes them like a light version of the NRM. For this reason DP = NRM Lite and UPC = NRM Lite. Both parties are old and have a long history; they were established long before NRM, still the abolishment from Obote, made the other obsolete. So Museveni’s trick of being in the shadows of these parties before and after the parties, this is essentially killing of the multi-party system. That the NRM are tarnishing the DP and UPC to becoming NRM knocks-offs.

All of this is mere speculation, but still, there aren’t any official agreements in public between UPC and DP towards to the NRM, but their friendliness and co-operations are evident of certain negotiated deals. You will not hear Akena or the UPC complain about the NRM, just like Mao suddenly defends on national TV their position towards NRM and attacks Lukwago. There is just some uncertainty of how and what they have done behind closed doors. Beyond a shadow of a doubt some worrying signs that can and should be questioned, especially not accept as the acceptance of these parties to the NRM gives way to establish deep concerns of the value of opposition at all in Uganda. Since the DP and UPC have been thresholds for such, now it is FDC, even with a FDC NEC who doesn’t concern their legitimising the Parliament.

We all should ask and question the recent efforts from DP and UPC as legitimate opposition, even as parties without connections or how possibly they have accepted agreements with Movement. This surpass the judgement and the recognition of their existence, it is more the mere fact of lacking attention to transparency and accountability, as they are giving way to a regime who certainly does not care about procedures or acts or rule of law. The parties are therefore giving the Movement acceptance and are silently supporting their rule with these sorts of acts. Certainly, something the founders of these parties would turn in their graves and wanted to resurrect to adjust the malfunctions of these parties. Peace.

Mzee doesn’t care about his own laws with the appointment of Kyabanzinga Gabula IV as a Special Envoy in the Office of the President!

Whatever being said is that Busoga kingdom who’s King Gabula IV have been under fire recently as President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has appointed him as a Special Ambassador in the Office of the President.  Since this is downgrading the cultural or traditional leader, who has a kingdom to reign over.

This being Busoga which is: “Busoga comprises of 11 principalities of the Basoga people. Our kingdom’s capital is located in Bugembe, which in Jinja District, the second largest city in Uganda. Busoga Kingdom is composed of ten politically organised districts: Jinja, Buyende, Kamuli, Kaliro, Iganga, Mayuge, Luuka, Namutumba, Bugiiri and Namayingo. Each district is headed by democratically elected chairpersons or Local Council Five, while municipalities are headed by an elected Mayor. Jinja is the industrial and economical hub of Busoga. The Busoga area is bounded on the north by the swampy Lake Kyoga which separates it from Lango, on the west by the Victoria Nile which separates it from Buganda, on the south by Lake Victoria which separates it from Tanzania and Kenya, and on the east by the Mpologoma River, which separates it from various smaller tribal groups (Padhola, Bugwere, Bugisu, etc.)” (http://busogakingdom.com/).

This is a strange appointment of Kyabanzinga of Busoga William Gabula, when reading certain parts of the law. This is with the knowledge of Traditional and Cultural Leaders Act of 2011. Where the law says so in Part V – Restriction on a Traditional or Cultural Leaders:

“12. Exercise of administrative, legislative or executive powers. A traditional or cultural leader shall not have or exercise any administrative, legislative or executive powers of Government or a local government” (The Institutional of Traditional or Cultural Leaders Act of 2011).

As President Museveni himself written yesterday:

“As someone who was involved in restoration of kingdoms, I know the laws governing them. I know where a cultural leader can contribute to Uganda without interfering with the law. I heard the critics say royals don’t work. That is not the case. The Kyabazinga is youthful, he recently acquired useful education from abroad. He can contribute to national development and I see no merit in denying him that opportunity. There’s a great history of royals and monarchs contributing and leading the transformation of nations. One example is King Peter the Great who is considered the father of Russia’s transformation” (Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, 12.02.2017).

So the President himself cannot be able to read or justify that an Appointment of Cultural Leader isn’t countering the law Part V paragraph 12 which says that a king inside the republic of Uganda “shall not have or exercise any administrative, legislative or executive powers of Government”. I know that is words or paragraphs that President Museveni hasn’t remembered or even cares about. Still, his own appointment counters his own law. The law of Cultural Leaders doesn’t matter if Kyabazinga Gabula becomes the next Special Ambassador in the Office of the President.

With this in mind it doesn’t matter if the King feels he wants an ordinary job, he is supposed to get funds through government budget directed through fees from the consolidation fund. That is spelled in the law of 2011, therefore they should not need to apply or work government jobs, as their job is to promote and work for their better of their people and region. The King of Busoga is supposed to be head representative and historical crown-bearer of his kingdom, not work for any political gain. Therefore, the appointment isn’t only wrong in the sense of ordinary understanding of a monarchy. However, this is also of the laws that have been put in place during the 8^th Parliament or beginning of 9^th Parliament.

So when the king is quoted with this: “The Busoga cultural leader [Kyabazinga], William Nadiope Gabula IV, has said he will snap up the opportunity to serve as an Ambassador in spite of protestations by some of his subjects and other Ugandans.” (Ladu & Nakato, 2017). Even he himself wants to have position in Parliament, even in an Ordinary Ministry or becoming Permanent Secretary of Education and Sports, it would still be wrong. The laws that are put in place isn’t justifying hiring this king nor any other in Uganda. This is laws that NRM has sanctioned and put in place. Surely, because they wouldn’t have the same issue as President Obote, who in the end got rid of the kingdoms in Uganda!

The history has taught us a lot and President Museveni have forgotten more and more. As his will of putting himself full-circle for all movement; soon he will offer the Baganda and Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II another token of goodwill, as he cannot burn everybody’s palace down or create havoc there too. The Same with King Oyo of Toro, who has been silent since the fall of Gadafi, but that, is another matter.

That President Museveni says he knows and then counters his own law, shows that he doesn’t respect his own laws or has any plans of doing so. Because he now beliefs that his judgement means more or behest more power than the laws of the nation he reign. President Museveni doesn’t respect the laws he has enacted and sanction. Mzee is careless with the appointment of Kyabazinga Gabula IV. It is a proof of his mismanagement and clear-cut Machiavellian tactics of paying of people for loyalty, if not he burns or make more districts to make more people loyal to him. This is the proof of that and isn’t just mere words, but acts of using will power to control. Busoga kingdom is proven to be a walkover if this is an end-product.

The Busoga King Gabula wills sell-out his role as a king for becoming a little working ant for Museveni. That is the end-game, the result of this appointment with the neglect of the law and the rule of law. As his appointment is alone being breached, if the king was abdicating for serving the President. It would be different, than somebody else could rule as king and he could be a Special Envoy under the wings of the President. Naye, which is not the case!! Peace.

Reference:

Parliament of Uganda – ‘The Institution of Traditional or Cultural Leaders’ Act of 2011

Ladu, Ismail Musa & Nakato, Tausi – ‘I’ll take paid envoy job – Busoga king’ (30.01.2017) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/I-ll-take-paid-envoy-job—-Busoga-king/688334-3792974-4rfdjg/index.html

Dr. Kizza Besigye: Hon. Jimmy Akena will have betrayed his father (Youtube-Clip)

Weird team-up between UPC and NRM; getting crazier by the moment; beating history

There has been talking of a weird marriage in Uganda. Therefore I have to address it. First by the history between these parties, the parties I talk about are the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). There has been rifts between the and that for several reasons. It started decades ago. Decades ago between people who is gone and the still sole-candidate of the NRM then NRA. NRM got help to reach power by collaborating with UPC and their then leader Milton Obote. That is history that has vanished from the surface. If it wasn’t from the okay from Julius Nyerere the leaders wouldn’t have toppled the then dictator Idi Amin. But this story here isn’t about that marriage between them. It’s about the recent events happening in the last two days. Firstly I will address certain history and also pointers from the President Musveni himself. Then secondly see more narrow history and events that shows how strange it is to see UPC goes in talks with NRM. That NRM and President Museveni actually thinking of it, is countering everything for why they went against in 1980s and defiance against them in 1990s.

History – UPC and NRM:

“Museveni’s decision to fight the newly elected government followed that of former Amin soldiers who had already regrouped in the then Zaïre and southern Sudan and were executing a low-intensity insurgency involving sporadic incursions into the West Nile region” (…)”Following his decision, other fighting groups emerged, also seeking to topple the new government. Lack of organisational capacity for some, and for others failure to articulate a broad political agenda beyond simply toppling Obote, prevented them from developing into effective military threats to the government. However, owing in large part to experience gained from its predecessor FRONASA, Museveni’s National Resistance” (…)”Movement evolved into a broad-based movement able to galvanise a wide cross-section of society behind it. Several attempts at forming a broad united front failed (Bwengye 1985)” (Golooba-Mutebi, 2008).

“The 1980 controversial elections, organized on the multiparty basis, failed to produce a clear winner, sparking off another wave of instability and civil strife. Between 1981 and 1986, the country suffered a guerilla war fought by a National Resistance Army (NRA), spearheaded by Yoweri Museveni. The guerilla war partly failed Obote’s second Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) government efforts to return the country to normalcy”(…)” In the 1980’s parties existed but their members were constantly harassed, in many cases accused to be alleged collaborators with the National Resistance Movement (NRA) that fought in the UPC government. Despite these extraordinary constraints, parties remained resilient in Uganda’s politics. This disapproves the claim by Museveni that parties are only good for industrial societies (Museveni 1992)” (Makara, 2010).

“Consequently, the December 1980 elections were held under a tense atmosphere of considerable controversy, mistrust, political violence and threats of civil war. The UPC government which came to power after the elections was therefore faced with a crisis of legitimacy. In February 1981, Yoweri Museveni who had threatened to ‘go to the bush’ and wage war if the elections were rigged, launched a guerrilla war against the UPC government” (Omach).

“The National Resistance Movement (NRM) is a movement to resist UPC or what UPC stands for, i.e. national-democratic liberation. The earliest incidence of this resistance is given to us by none other than the founder of the NRM, Yoweri Museveni” (Adhola)

He recounts:

“We were staunchly anti-Obote. On 22 February 1966, the day he arrested five members of his cabinet, three of us, Martin Mwesigwa, Eriya Kategaya and myself went to see James Kahigiriza, who was the Chief Minister of Ankole, to inquire about the possibility of going into exile to launch an armed struggle. Kahigiriza discouraged us, saying that we should give Obote enough time to fall by his own mistakes. We saw him again a few weeks later and he gave us the example of Nkrumah, who had been overthrown in Ghana by a military coup two days after Obote’s abrogation of the Uganda constitution. Kahigiriza advised us that Nkrumah’s example showed that all dictators were bound to fall in due course. Inwardly we were not convinced. We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes. Later I went to Gayaza High School with Mwesigwa to contact Grace Ibingira’s sister in order to find out whether she knew of any plans afoot to resist Obote’s dictatorship. She, however, did not know of any such plan. We came to the conclusion that the old guard had no conception of defending people’s rights and we resolved to strike on our own (Museveni, Y. 1997:19)” (Adhola).

Some more NRM – UPC:

“The national-democratic forces made great gains in the struggles of the mid-60s. The war the NRM waged has simply served the reactionary forces. Upon coming to power, Museveni immediately moved against his most serious enemy, the Uganda Peoples’ Congress. His aim was to completely obliterate UPC. To this effect, immediately upon coming to power, the NRM decreed, through Legal Notice Number 1/1986, a ban on political parties. This ban was rationalised through a series of assertions that amounted to irrational reasoning” (Adhola).

Recent history:

“The NRA/M used scaremonger tactics to sow seeds of discord and undermine support for Paul Ssemogerere in the southern part of Uganda. Paul Ssemogerere’s alliance with the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) and his statement that he would not oppose return to Uganda of former President Milton Obote, were used by the NRM to scare people from voting for him. Thus instead of using democratic elections to resolve conflicts, the NRM leadership used the elections to entrench the north-south divide and to maintain the southern consensus on which it relies to remain in power. The results of the presidential elections reflected the regional north-south divide. Thus, although Yoweri Museveni won the presidential elections with about 75 per cent, he lost by a wide margin in war ravaged northern Uganda. The same voting pattern was repeated during the 2001 and 2006 elections, which indicated a deepening of the north-south rift” (Omach).

Milton Obote statement in 1990:

“My 1987 Paper is now a “prohibited document” in Uganda and Kagenda Atwoki, the Administrative Secretary of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) is now on trial for being in possession of it. Atwoki had been reported by the BBC as having said that Museveni’s well known wars were wars by the regime against the people. He was arrested and detained but was later charged with “being in possession of a prohibited document” despite the fact that the Paper had never, to date, been gazetted as “prohibited” in accordance with the Uganda law of sedition. Atwoki remains charged illegally but the real reason for his suffering is because he dared to expose Museveni’s massacres” (…)”he ban on political activities applies only to the UPC. The definitive political target of Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) and its armed core the NRA is the “Removal of UPC/Obote’s dictatorship by force of arms”. The document was issued in 1987. Having observed the DP leaders at close quarters throughout 1986 as members of his Cabinet, I have confirmed that the NRM/NRA and the DP had one common target: the destruction of the UPC, not by the ballot but by force. Having found that the DP was, so to speak, a toothless bulldog, Museveni ordered the production of Appendix One in 1987. The destruction of the DP is in Paragraph 3.3 of that document but even that fact has not diminished the attachment of the DP leaders to Museveni’s regime” (…)”After he had overthrown the Okello Junta, Museveni wasted no time in ordering an onslaught onto members of the UPC throughout Uganda especially in the Eastern Region. As an excuse to kill, arrest and beat, terrorize and brutalize UPC members in Busoga, Bukedi, Bugisu, and Sebei, Museveni’s functionaries invented what they called “Force Obote Back Again” (FOBA) Movement. No such movement ever existed but thousands of UPC members were killed, arrested and detained, terrorized and brutalized for allegedly belonging to it. It is a sad commentary that the DP leaders and members not only gleefully welcomed but also assisted the NRA in the persecution of UPC members. Today, the ordeal covers and affects all in the East and North irrespective of Party affiliations; and as their members groan and die together, of course with UPC members, Ssemogerere and other leaders of the DP see nothing untoward with Museveni’s regime. Being a Minister in Museveni’s regime would appear to them to be of greater importance than the groans and deaths of thousands upon thousands of fellow citizens” (Obote, 1990).

Press release from 2001:

“The rampant and wanton intimidation, abduction, killing and deliberate and ferocious, installation of a sense of fear in the minds of the citizens perpetuated by the armed supporters of Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Museveni’s record of killings is recorded in the districts of Luwero triangle where he supervised the murder of most UPC leaders, chiefs and supporters and hid them in mass graves. He later commissioned Capt. Zizinga to exhume their skulls and parade them as victims of the UNLA. He has recently stated his intention to continue displaying the skulls in Luwero perhaps to permanently remind Ugandans and the world of his exploits” (…)”Instead of sorting out the political mess that he has created in Uganda, he has resorted to misinformation. He has again tried to drag UPC and its leader Milton Obote in his problems. On the occasion of opening the Workers House Museveni was at it again. He claimed that UPC took workers money to build Uganda House” (…)”UPC is not a body corporate and does not own Uganda House. In the Consent Judgment signed by Museveni’s government and MOF, the owner of the house is clearly stated to be MOF” (…)”All lawful and peaceful avenues to challenge the illegitimate actions of the monolithic regime as UPC has always advocated have now been closed and all indications are that as a last resort survival strategy the people of Uganda may resort to violent and illegal actions to restore Uganda to constitutional order and to stop further political disintegration. Since UPC is debarred from organising at the grassroot level, it is not in a position to dissuade or deter any persons who may be driven to take the violent or illegal path” (UPC, 2001).

This here has been the historical part between them. I will now bring recent events in the UPC to show the frictions and weakness of it. To prove how volatile it is and wonder what argument the leadership of UPC has to support and make a coalition with NRM, instead of the other opposition parties in the The Democratic Alliance with the likes of JEEMA, UFA; DP, PPP and FDC.

So let’s see something in narrow history that gives the fractions growing in the UPC:

In 2011:

“Yesterday the UPC party president Mr. Olara Otunnu made changes in the National Party Officials and dropped two people namely; the Party Secretary General Mr. John Odit and the Secretary for Policy and National Mobilization, Mr. David Pulkol” (…)”What is more astonishing is that the party president has chosen to sack Odit and Pulkol at a time when they are just returning from a field trip together with other party officials where regional meetings aimed at strengthening our party structures have been successfully held in Busoga, Bugisu, Bukedi, Sebei, Teso, Karamoja, Lango, Acholi and Westnile. Bunyoro, Toro, Ankole and Kigezi meetings cannot be stopped and must take place by 22nd December 2011 as scheduled. Likewise, the Buganda grassroots elections, which Otunnu has severally tried to block in vain, will continue undisturbed till we are sure the job is fully done.”  (…)”Aware that Otunnu has since his election as party president been a man of mixed signals, secrecy and clandestine movements we would also like to use this occasion to disassociate ourselves from his activities for the sake of building, a reliable, dependable, transparent and law abiding party. As people who have worked with Mr. Otunnu we would like to painfully state, especially for the benefit of all party members, that Mr. Otunnu has never liked and does not love UPC. This could possibly explain why he forgot to vote for himself moreover after using 100% of all the available party funds then for his presidential campaigns alone” (UPC, 2011).

In 2015:

“Following the ruling of Hon. Justice Yasin Nyanzi of the High Court of Uganda (civil Division) on an application for Interim order filed by Olara Otunnu and Five others Misc.application No 412/2015 arising out of Civil Suit No 238 of 2015 made on 30th October 2015, in which Amb. Olara Otunnu (Ex-UPC Party President) had sought an injunction against the UPC Leadership of Hon Jimmy Akena from performing his duties and functions, the decision of UPC members across Uganda as affirmed in the UPC District Conferences presidential Elections and the UPC Delegates Conference of 30th May 2015 and 1st July 2015 respectively was reaffirmed by the High Court of Uganda. This therefore clears the confusion created by the Ex-President of UPC Amb Olara Otunnu about the legitimacy of the Leadership Hon Jimmy Akena. The Leadership of Party President Jimmy Akena extends an olive branch to all Party members who had been caught up in this confusion to rally behind the party” (UPC, 2015).

There is as you seen been steady frictions between the parties for several reasons because of the leadership of both parties. This is natural especially when at one set of time the one party was ruling and it actually the party that was ruling in 1960s and later in 1980s before the bush-war put the other party to be the ruling party. The rhetoric from them both is natural, because those both want to power and now the NRM-Regime is clinging to power. There have even been more movement from the NRM towards the UPC then you might expect.

So that Olara Otunnu said this in November last year:

“It is not about a little piece here, a little leg there, you fix this, and you bridge this gap, no. The system as it is now; the status quo is completely without any legitimacy. It is a system which is integrated, married into State House machinery and controlled by Yoweri Museveni at State House. We want to dismantle that and put in its place a new system which can guarantee free and fair elections” (…)”But there are Museveni elements within UPC and have been using UPC colours; using UPC shelter to cause problems within the party and to push Museveni’s agenda within the party” (NewVision, 2014).

On Olara Otunnu leadership and Museveni:

“The UPC members in the northern Kole District have abandoned their party leader, Dr Olara Otunnu, claiming he lacked the capacity and vision to carry the mantle for the people of Uganda” (…)”“We are not going to base our support on partisan politics, we want leaders who can lead the people of Uganda and this time around, we don’t see any one, apart from Mr Museveni. He should rule until he dies,” said Aboke Sub-county official Boniface Odyek” (Oketch, 2014).

So with the fall of Olara Otunnu of the UPC has been a steppingstone for the Jimmy Akena.” Son of the late Dr. Milton Obote and Lira Munipality MP Jimmy Akena has been voted as the new Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) President.  Delegates from 62 districts in Uganda chose to entrust the party leadership with the son of the party founder “ (…)”Akena’s victory implies that the Obote family once again takes charge of Uganda’s oldest political party. Akena replaces Olara Otunnu who failed to unseat President Museveni in the 2011 elections” (Ortega, 2015).

So that the son of Milton Obote is now in talks with Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and his NRM to have a merger/union or marriage between them during this 2016 is a special one. Especially with the history between the parties; NRM has since day one tried to dissolve the UPC. UPC has never had the same interest of NRM, for the simple reason Museveni never wanted the Uganda UPC wanted to have. Because the Uganda UPC wanted to have was a certainty that NRM and Museveni was not the Mzee and the commander in chief.

The rhetoric and history between should alone tell the tale. It’s so significant if the son of UPC founder Milton Obote – Mr. Jimmy Akena takes his father’s party into an agreement with his arch-enemy Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. That is significant!

Milton Obote was even years after defending his party and ways. All of choices in his two short terms wasn’t also that wise; for instance with taking powers away from the kingdoms and their kings. That gave the public and power reach the levels that made the country react to it. That gave an edge to NRA/M. They could promise securities and reinstate the kingdoms.

If we go further into the recent; the way the fall of Olara Otunnu seems like Jimmy Akena has taken it with force and had to get it verified by court. That doesn’t seem like a healthy party structure. Museveni has taken and seen these fractions inside the party.

If that wasn’t enough; Olara Otunnu was working together with the TDA and other oppositions. Even if his maiden party hasn’t had that coming and their Head Chief sees it differently… Jimmy Akena has said this in September: “TDA wants UPC to use its colour orange, instead of our colours. There is no way UPC can do without the red colour” (…)“If we cannot agree on what we are struggling for, it’s going to be hard to unite” (Apunyo, 2015).

Jimmy Akena said this later in September: “I have come to protest UPC’s alleged endorsement of any candidate in the TDA race” (…)”Our party withdrew from TDA long time ago. We didn’t want our name dragged into something we didn’t know” (Kazibwe, 2015).

So that the party went out of the alliance they also lost a lot of goodwill from the other opposition parties. Also they still don’t have a clear mandate for presidency because Jimmy Akena didn’t even put the effort in become a President or filling in the Nomination. So that their have to have an agreement with somebody else to gain traction in 2016. This is all ironic coming how the UPC organization and members has blamed Olara Otunnu for the way the results was after 2011.

Jimmy Akena is not looking solid either if he sells his father’s heritage to becoming the NRM bedfellow. NRM has not the interest of the UPC. UPC is supposed to be a genuine party with its own interest. The same is it with NRM. Also the same with the parties that is a part of the Democratic Alliance which also supposed to have their own agenda and goals in the coming general election that we all know about.

UPC is allowed to go into alliance for their benefit. But they should also think of what their gaining because the NRM is just a vessel of loyalist of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The man who has since the beginning of the 1980s has been totally against the UPC, because himself want sole power and sole-candidacy. Therefore it took years after 1986 before the Movement system was strong enough and the legitimacy was there, then he “released” the parties again. One of them apparently happens to be UPC, which he has had a passion trying to destroy. That was because this party was in his way to power.

So Jimmy Akena must have been greased especially with the moles that Olara Otunnu was talking about November 2014. Akena might be one of them. Still strange from an outsider knowing the history between Mzee and UPC; which the UPC wants to collaborate with NRM. Seems for a ten-years ago something fitting in a sci-fi novel or John Grisham spy-novel.

But now we are here. And if they sign an agreement with NRM; then the UPC has sold it soul to the NRM. NRM has only to get more legitimacy from somebody especially with nearly all the rest of the parties joined hands toward the Presidential candidate of Amama Mbabazi. That must be a torn and also with FDC’s strongman who is getting a vivid following of Dr. Kizza Besigye. That he is talking and negotiating after the Kofi Annan Foundation in London.

NRM must have felt weaken by the TDA. UPC must have felt left alone when they did leave the TDA. NRM had not an invitation to join the TDA. That was because the TDA has one function to get the NRM-Regime away from Power. UPC doesn’t have the same power as the ruling parties and have suction in most areas of the country. That is what UPC is buying. UPC can’t be that weak, except they are being greased or offered something they can’t refuse.

UPC and Akena will never be forgiven if they agree with NRM. Not because all the people’s in NRM is greedy. But many of them are and many are there just to earn the coins. They had proven since 1986 that at one-point they lost the Taxation with Representation. UPC will be like a branch to the Movement System and LDCs instead of their own. Museveni is ruling with Iron Fists. Akena will only gain money and might even position in the coming rigging elections. But the pride of being a strong opposition he is not. That we can also see with the way of handling the TDA and the new coming deal in the NRM. Peace.

Reference:

Adhola, Yoga – ‘UGANDA PEOPLE’S CONGRESS AND NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT’ link: http://www.upcparty.net/memboard/UPC%20and%20NRM.pdf

Apunyo, Hudson – ‘Akena explains why UPC is not in TDA’ (14.09.2015) link: http://www.elections.co.ug/new-vision/election/1000620/akena-explains-upc-tda

Golooba-Mutebi, Frederick – ‘COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA

AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING’ – Working Paper No. 27 – Development as State-making (January 2008) – Crisis States Working Papers Series No 2,  LSE Destin Development Studies Institute

Kazibwe, Kenneth – ‘Akena Storms TDA; Denounces Mbabazi Endorsement’ (25.09.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/akena-storms-tda-denounces-mbabazi-endorsement/

Makara, Sabiti – ‘Deepening Democracy Through Multipartyism:The Bumpy road to Uganda’s 2011 elections’ (11.04.2010)

NewVision – ‘‘Museveni has moles in UPC’ – Otunnu’ (30.11.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/662364–museveni-has-moles-in-upc-otunnu.html

Obote, Milton – ‘NOTES ON CONCEALMENT OF GENOCIDE IN UGANDA’ (April, 1990) link: http://www.upcparty.net/obote/genocide.htm

Oketch, Bill – ‘Uganda party endorses Museveni for life presidency’ (06.11.2014) link: http://www.africareview.com/News/Uganda-party-endorses-Museveni-for-life-presidency/-/979180/2513500/-/ehxho6/-/index.html

Omach, Paul – ‘Democratization and Conflict Resolution in Uganda’ link: http://ifra-nairobi.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/1Omach.pdf

Ortega, Ian – ‘Late Obote’s Son, Akena Declared UPC President’ (02.06.2015) link: http://www.independent.co.ug/news/136-the-news-today/10303-late-obotes-son-akena-declared-upc-president

UPC- ‘Press Statement: MUSEVENI’S RECORD AND LEGACY: DRIVING UGANDA TO CATASTROPHY’ (09.05.2001) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/museveni_record.htm

UPC – Press Statement – (4^th November 2015) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/Press4Nov2015.pdf

UPC – ‘Press Release: Defying Olara Otunnu in defence of UPC’ (13.12.2011) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/13dec11.htm

FDC PARTY’s message to the Parliamentary Committee on Legal.(Exec.summary), 19.05.2015

ELECTORAL REFORMS TO ESTABLISH A CREDIBLE ELECTIONS MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN UGANDA

A.            Preamble

1.            Thank you Chairman and Members of the Committee for inviting the FDC to interface with you with regard to your ongoing work on constitutional reforms. As a Party, FDC is part of the non-partisan coalition – the Free and Fair Elections Campaign – whose goal is to advocate for the establishment of a credible electoral management system in Uganda. It is therefore in this context that we address this Committee today.

B.            Our Messages to the Committee on Legal and Parliamentary Affairs.

2.            As the Forum for Democratic Change, we are obliged to submit the views that are shared across by the citizens of Uganda, organizations and citizens’ formations that subscribe to the Free and Fair Elections Campaign. We are therefore here to deliver three specific messages:

i)             Upon careful review of the Bill, we have resisted every temptation to characterize it as “stupid” like several members of this Committee have aptly characterized it. However, the purported Bill represents the growing arrogance and impunity that has come to characterize the Government under the NRMO regime. Consequently, in considering it during these public hearings and the plenary, your task is not so much to consider a bill that is both empty and devoid of substance but also to have the courage and confidence to cut through this arrogance and impunity.

ii)            Secondly, the Free and Fair Elections Campaign has been mobilizing citizens across this country to demand for comprehensive electoral reforms to ensure that a credible electoral management system is established. We have previously delivered the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections to the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, as well as all the mandated Governmental of Uganda ministries and agencies. All these agencies have chosen to ignore us and present to you a Bill that does not contain any of our views. We are therefore here to, once again, on behalf of thousands of Ugandans who participated in the Free and Fair Elections Campaign process and thousands others that are signing in support of the Compact, to deliver to you our electoral reform proposals.

iii)           Our third message is about the place of the 9th Parliament with regard to the reform process. We recognize that this Parliament is, itself, a result of electoral processes that had fundamental defects, which our proposals seek to address. This Parliament is still a vestige of the “Movement Political System” and the proposed reforms are, in a large part, intended to complete the transition to “Multiparty Political System”. That’s why a “National Dialogue” by citizens, in their most diverse formations, as was attempted in the process that generated the “Uganda Citizens’ Compact on Free and Fair Elections” is a vital and more legitimate source of getting the genuine views of Ugandans on these fundamental political issues.

iv)           Finally, the tenure of the 9th Parliament is coming to an end in less than 10 months. For almost 5 years, the 9th Parliament has either by commission or omission failed to respond to the loud voices of the citizens of Uganda to ensure that the Executive introduces appropriate electoral reforms well in time before the scheduled elections in February 2016. Like the Government has done in 2005 and 2010, electoral reforms are brought late to Parliament and you are stampeded to enact peripheral reforms that do not address the structural problems inherent in our electoral system. We are therefore here to implore you not to be stampeded by the Executive once again and through this Committee, to invite the 9th Parliament to join us in demanding for elections after comprehensive reforms have been put in place.

C.            About the Free and Fair Elections Campaign

3.            The Free and Fair Elections Campaign (FFE Campaign) is a non-partisan effort by Ugandans Citizens in their various formations: political parties, civil society, religious organizations, professional associations, women’s and youth organizations, pro-democracy pressure groups and eminent Ugandans committed to fight for reforms that will result into the establishment of a credible electoral management system to guarantee free and fair elections in our country.

4.            The FFE Campaign is a product of the failure by the Parliament of Uganda to do its fundamental constitutional duty and power to legislate for the good governance of our country as it is commended by article 79 of our Constitution. Like the 7th and the 8th Parliament, the 9th Parliament will go down in the annals of our history as abdicating this duty because of its failure to invest in reforming our electoral laws over its 5 year tenure and then scampering and pleading for time during these last days towards the general elections scheduled for 2016. Mr. Chairman and Members, you very well know that you have been around for 5 years and therefore the apparent stampeding of the reform process is your making and hence unwarranted.

D.            The Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections

5.            As you may be fully aware, the FFE Campaign started three years ago and has been focused on mobilizing citizens to push both the Executive and Parliament to their job and enact appropriate laws to establish a credible electoral management system for our country. The campaign moved with significant momentum in 2014 when numerous public rallies jointly organized by political leaders and civil society were organized across the country.

6.            In the second half of 2014, 14 regional forums on free and fair elections were held in:

i)             Karamoja

ii)            West Nile

iii)           Acholi

iv)           Lango

v)            Teso

vi)           Busoga

vii)          Bukedi

viii)         Bunyoro

ix)           Buganda

x)            Ankole

xi)           Toro

xii)          Kigezi

xiii)         Sebei

xiv)         Bugisu

7.            Each of these forums was attended by 200-400 political, religious, business and civic leaders representing a wide cross section of our society. An estimated 4,700 citizens directly participated in these forums while thousands engaged through popular radio talk shows. The FFE Campaign process culminated into the National Consultation on Free and Fair Elections, which took place on November 24, 2014. Over 1,300 participants representing political parties, professional and civic organizations, religious leaders and eminent Ugandans attended the National Consultation. Although the National Resistance Movement Organization (NRMO) did not send an official delegation, NRMO leaders (at least 17% of all representation from political parties) from across the country attended and participated fully in the deliberations.

8.            The Free and Fair Elections Campaign also took into account fairly comprehensive proposals prepared and submitted by:

i)             The Inter-Party Organizations for Dialogue (IPOD)

ii)            The Citizens Coalition on Electoral Democracy (CCEDU)

iii)           The National Consultative Forum (NCF)

iv)           The Electoral Commission (EC), and

v)            The Cabinet proposals contained in a matrix published in June 2014.

9.            The National Consultation on Free and Fair Elections adopted the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections containing 17 electoral reform proposals and 1 proposals regarding its implementation. We believe that given the nature of the FFE Campaign process, the Citizens Compact reflects a national consensus on the fundamental reforms needed to create a credible electoral management system in the country. Accordingly, we are asking this Committee to recommend to the plenary to enact comprehensive electoral reforms covering the following:

i)             Establishment of a new and independent electoral commission.

ii)            Ensuring the integrity of the voting process.

iii)           Clearly delineating the roles of security agencies in the electoral process and prohibiting the use of Government trained and political party led militia groups.

iv)           Securing the integrity of the campaign process.

v)            Addressing and dismantling the current system of patronage.

vi)           Separating the state from the current ruling party and developing safeguards to ensure that this does not happen in future.

vii)          Prohibiting gerrymandering through the creation of new administrative units and electoral constituencies.

viii)         Restoring and securing the freedoms to organize and assemble that are continuously being eroded through legislative and administrative actions.

ix)           Reforming the system of selecting presiding officers.

x)            Securing the process of processing electoral materials.

xi)           Ensuring the integrity of the tallying process.

xii)          Securing the independence and boosting the integrity of the judiciary as an arbiter for election disputes.

xiii)         Strengthen the internal democracy of political parties.

xiv)         Preserving the mandate of the electorate regarding their elected representatives.

xv)          Reviewing the representation of special interest groups with a view to ending special representation by the UPDF and workers.

xvi)         Establishing a more reliable funding architecture for local governments to enhance their autonomy and capacity to deliver public services.

xvii)        Restoring and entrenching presidential term limits.

10.          Mr. Chairman and Members, on behalf of the thousands of Ugandans who participated in the public rallies, the regional consultation forums and the National Consultation on Free and Fair Elections, and the thousands of Ugandans that continue to sign up in support of the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections, we lay this Compact before you as the legitimate expression of growing national consensus on electoral reforms.

E.            The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2015

11.          As we have already stated, the purported Bill represents the highest degree of arrogance and impunity with which Government under the NRMO regime approaches matters of importance to our country. This Bill is both empty and devoid of substance. It ignores every common-sense electoral reform proposal contained in the numerous submissions by the Electoral Commission (EC), the Inter-Party Organizations for Dialogue (IPOD), the Citizens Coalition of Electoral Democracy (CCEDU), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Free and Fair Elections Campaign (FFE Campaign). Indeed, it is unfortunate that parliament has to spend Ugandan taxpayers money to enable you spend valuable time to conduct public hearings on this empty Bill. That is why we have chosen not to address any specific aspects of this purported Bill because we find it unwarranted.

F.            Our Call to the 9th Parliament

12.          We wish to implore this parliament to do everything possible to resist the current course that the Executive has put you on, to drive our country to yet another cliff. As Members may recall, our country has suffered numerous episodes of violence and conflict in the majority of cases triggered by contested elections. In 1980, the current president took up arms and subjected our country to a protracted military conflict leading to the death of an estimated 500,000 people and the decimation of state and civic institutions and the destruction of our economy. Since the promulgation of the 1995 Constitution, which sought to reset the governance button and return our country to sanity and good governance, the results of the elections held in 1996 and 2011 were highly contested because of disputes over a level playing field, which is rooted in our current electoral system and the absence of an independent electoral commission.

13.          We end by reminding you and ourselves that this Committee and the Parliament of Uganda does not legislate for the Executive that gave you the purported Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2015. Both the Executive and the Parliament legislate for the Citizens of Ugandan. The Bill before you seeks to disenfranchise us, concentrate power in the office of the President and render this Parliament peripheral in the governance of our country. We therefore implore you to reject the purported bill, use your inherent legislative powers to enact and ensure full implementation of electoral reforms before elections are held. You are our representatives. Listen to us and the sense of reason as contained in the Citizens Compact on Free and Fair Elections and other reform proposals submitted by various citizens platforms as already stated above. And when the history of this country is written again, it can be put on record that when that historical moment as to whether to move backward or forward, the 9th Parliament chose going to the future against going to the past.

For God and My Country

May 19, 2015

Kampala-Uganda