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Archive for the tag “Brussels”

Brexit: House of Lords – European Union Commitee letter to David Davis “Asking for access of Information on the on-going process” (10.08.2017)

Houses of the Oireachtas August report explaining the grand-issues remaining between Ireland and NI because of the Brexit!

Taoiseach Enda Kenny, speaking in Brussels on the 2nd of March 2017 said, “the Good Friday Agreement contains the opportunity to put in these negotiations language that has already been agreed in internationally binding agreement, that at some future time were that position to arise, that if the people by consent were to form a united Ireland that that could be a seamless transfer as happened in the case of East Germany and West Germany when the Berlin Wall came down.” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 248, 2017).

There must be times that the ones who voted for Brexit must regret it. Since the challenges and consequences are now unraveling. The House of the Oireachtas has come with an extensive report. That you should read yourself to get the deepness of the issues and the wishes of the Republic of Ireland, who in dept hope that Northern Ireland and Ireland get reunited like Germany did in the 1990s. There are more the things to look into, like the clear deficit between the United Kingdom, the Northern Ireland and Republic.

The are other issues like the border, which will be a genuine issue for both United Kingdom, European Union, the Member State Ireland and the nation within United Kingdom Northern Ireland. That the border, with the movement of trade, people and all other co-operations. Not just immigration with the Irish, who can pass and who has to apply between the borders of Northern Ireland towards Ireland. It will require direct borders on the crossings and also visas. Not only economical pressure because of the Brexit, but all the other grand issues.

Northern Irish Deficit:

The theoretical question of the Northern Ireland contribution to the EU through the UK annual contribution and a subsequent financial benefit from ending those contributions is a moot one. The deficit in Northern Ireland is such that any theoretical contribution is in fact made with money borrowed from central government. The Northern Ireland deficit (confining the spending definition rather generously as identifiable spending under the block DEL grants plus Annual Managed Expenditure) is 15% of GVA versus a UK budget deficit of 3.4% (in 2016). Given the UK Treasury intends to have a surplus in the next parliament, along with the potential for a large final exit bill and the threat to tax revenues, should Brexit cause an economic slowdown any benefit from ending the UK contributions to the EU is likely to be small if at all and for Northern Ireland will be irrelevant. Therefore, for Northern Ireland to be net neutral after Brexit the UK government will have to sponsor all current EU programmes” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 40, 2017).

United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland – Hard Border:

However, a memo from the European parliament’s legal affairs committee, which is helping shape the negotiating position of the European commission and the red lines of the European parliament, rebuffs that suggestion: “The [Good Friday] agreement makes it abundantly clear that the fact that both parts of Ireland and the UK are within the EU is a basis for the agreement. Moreover, the fact that Brexit could result in the reintroduction of border controls and controls on the free movement of persons between Ireland and Northern Ireland means this is a question for the EU, and not only Ireland and the UK.” (…) “Historically, customs controls have operated on both sides of the border from 1923 until their abolition on 1 January 1993, when the EU Single Market came into effect. In addition, security checkpoints operated on both sides of the border during the Troubles, from 1970 to the late 1990s—although the border security regime operated only partially, even at the height of the Troubles, because the Government in London recognised that a ‘hard’ border would inflame tensions in the Nationalist community. Other controls have been instituted on an ad hoc basis. For instance, in 2001 the Republic of Ireland operated systematic controls at the Irish border to curtail the spread of foot and mouth disease” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 69, 2017).

Visa Issues:

The UK’s exit from the EU will remove this basis of entry and residence in the UK. It will therefore directly affect the position of EU citizens and the members of their families who seek to enter or reside in the UK. EU citizens who are Irish citizens are, as previously outlined, subject to a separate regime under the UK’s Ireland Act 1949 and Immigration Act 1971. However, family members of those Irish citizens who are not themselves Irish citizens will not qualify for that status” (…) “The UK’s exit from the EU raises questions concerning the minimal checks on travelers between the Republic and Great Britain and the virtual absence of such checks on travelers between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The Republic of Ireland is not a party to the Schengen arrangements removing border restrictions between EU Member States, but it remains subject to Article 21 of the TFEU and Directive 2004/38. These oblige it to admit EU nationals subject only to the conditions outlined earlier in this paper. If, after its exit from the EU, the UK chooses to limit the access it grants to non-Irish EU nationals, such restrictions will very likely require some sort of checks or inspections on arrivals from the Republic at ports, airports and even border crossings with Northern Ireland. This would amount to a fundamental change in the nature of the CTA” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 82-83, 2017).

Northern Ireland is more in the squeeze by Brexit, than the Republic:

For Ireland, the longer-term effects of Brexit on trade are uncertain and are also predicated on the outcome of negotiations. In the immediate term, the fall in the value of Sterling has meant that Irish exports are less competitive in the UK market. The UK export market accounted for 13.8 per cent of total Irish exports in 2015 (See Figure2). Northern Ireland is a relatively small export market for Ireland, accounting for just 1.6 per cent of total exports in 2015. The UK was the source of 25.7 per cent of Irish imports in 2015. From an overall trade perspective, therefore, the Republic is a much more significant trade market for Northern Ireland, than Northern Ireland is for the Republic, both in terms of export and imports” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 138, 2017).

All of this should worry the Northern Irish, the United Kingdom, that they have these issues to deliver. To fix the problems with the border, with the Schengen and Visa’s that are not valid as a non-member state of the European Union. The Northern Ireland will have both a harder border and with the trade. The deficit and the loss of EU programs that are suspended. So the UK has to fix their budget to make sure the government of Northern Ireland has enough funding after the suspension of programs. The second is to find solutions to the trade between the borders after the grand-issue of trade agreement with a third-party nation of United Kingdom. Since the UK and Northern Ireland has to create another agreement with Ireland to fix the issues, but they are a Member State in the EU, so they have to follow the procedures of Brussels and apply for special provisions.

We can also see that the Republic of Ireland in the is report wants a United Ireland. That is not surprising, that they want the whole island to be united and one. Not be separated, but the colonial and historical unionist wants to separate the Irish, to be able to control the Irish. That is why the London government in the past has created issues on the Island. To say something else, is to forget history. Now, the United Kingdom needs Northern Ireland and they are in bed with Unionists. Therefore, the United dream of Ireland, will not be an effort that the UK and Northern Irish will fight for. Even if the NI leaders will not give away their power in London for being united with Dublin. Clearly, this report shows the struggles of Brexit and their relationship with Ireland. Peace.

Reference:

Houses of the Oireachtas – ‘Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement Brexit and the Future of Ireland – Uniting Ireland & Its People in Peace & Prosperity’ (3 August 2017)

The Tories-DUP Government gotten many new Brexit hurdles to crossover!

This wasn’t supposed to be this hard, never was it supposed to be so tricky and rocky, but Prime Minister Theresa May and her friend in Downing Street are not composing themselves in a simple way. From the outside, there are made to many rookie mistakes and also not enough precautions of the reactions to the United Kingdom Government own activity. Certainly, the alliance with Democratic Unionist Party of Northern Ireland isn’t making it easier. Since the London Government needs the Belfast ally to stay alive and breathing. That Issue has really come alive in the last two weeks, bot the value of the Nations within in the Union itself can be questioned, because the acts of Prime Minister May.

You are reckless and ruthless when your a nation of Wales, Northern Ireland, Scotland and England, plus a bunch of other territories, part of the Commonwealth. The United Kingdom Government, the Her Majesties Government, the Tories-DUP, the London-Belfast Alliance, should work carefully to the pledges and promises of impartiality, that meaning if the Welsh First Minister ask for more funding. It should happen, since the Northern Irish had a massive pay-day. When the Supply-And-Demand Agreement got signed. Also when the First Minister of Scotland needs to strengthen her seal and represent the Scottish Government. That FM should be respected by the Prime Minister. But in our days of loyalty to the Belfast. The PM only respect First Minister of Northern Ireland Arlene Foster and not FM of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon. Even pay her respects to First Minister Carwyn Jones. Just take a look!

Ditches the First Minister of Scotland:

A Tory minister quoted in a newspaper report yesterday signalled the end of the one-to-one meetings between the two party leaders. The “First Minister will no longer get access to the Prime Minister. She should be meeting David Mundell because he is the same level as her,” the source said. Reportedly, the Tories believe May coming to Scotland and making her first meeting as prime minister with Sturgeon, and posing for photographs on the steps of Bute House, made the Scottish leader “look like an international dignitary, rather than the leader of a devolved nation”. The remarks will infuriate not just SNP supporters but many in the Scottish Parliament, incensed that Downing Street believe the position of First Minister is equal to that of Secretary of State for Scotland” (Learmonth, 2017).

So it is not enough issues that the Prime Minister acts as a Royal and disgraces the First Minister of Scotland, because she favors her new friend in First Minister of Northern Ireland, Arlene Foster gave her the needed bump to still stay in Downing Street. That is why she can recklessly put First Minister Nicola Sturgeon in the shadow, but would she do the same to First Minister Carwyn Jones of Wales? Because of all of them are wearing their seals of their nations, which is part of the United Kingdom, a Union itself. It is not like London and England can rule over the territories without any checks- or balances. That is how it seems, since now the FM of Scotland has to be connected with Scottish State Secretary David Mundell before getting time with PM Theresa May. Wonder if FM Jones has to meet the Wales State Secretary before talking to the PM. We all know that FM Foster can walk straight into the Downing Street and demand respect because their agreement. It shows the political value of Northern Ireland and DUP, compared to the rest. While the DUP are not supposed to create an impartiality problem within the PM May government compared to the devolution and Stormont. Still, it seems so now, since Foster has elevated, while the Scottish are put into the shadow. That is why the Irish questions by the Brexit, makes it even further tumultuous in the negotiations with the EU. Since the Republic of Ireland want it to just and fair border. Something the House of Lords looked into in 2016. Take a look at what the Lords said and what the Taiseach said this week!

House of Lords Report No. 76:

Retaining customs-free trade between the UK and Ireland will be essential if the current soft border arrangements are to be maintained. The experience at other EU borders shows that, where a customs border exists, while the burden and visibility of customs checks can be minimised, they cannot be eliminated entirely. Nor, while electronic solutions and cross-border cooperation are helpful as far as they go, is the technology currently available to maintain an accurate record of cross-border movement of goods without physical checks at the border” (…) “The only way to retain the current open border in its entirety would be either for the UK to remain in the customs union, or for EU partners to agree to a bilateral UK-Irish agreement on trade and customs. Yet given the EU’s exclusive competence to negotiate trade agreements with third countries, the latter option is not currently available” (HL Paper 76, 12.12.2016).

Taiseach Leo Varadkar statement on the border:

Varadkar said: “What we’re not going to do is to design a border for the Brexiteers because they’re the ones who want a border. It’s up to them to say what it is, say how it would work and first of all convince their own people, their own voters that this is actually a good idea. As far as this government is concerned there shouldn’t be an economic border. We don’t want one.” The Department of Foreign Affairs in Dublin has said avoiding a hard border after Brexit will require “flexible and imaginative solutions”. The foreign affairs minister, Simon Coveney, told the Irish national broadcaster, RTE: “There is no proposal that is suggesting that there be a border in the Irish Sea.” (The Guardian, 2017).

When the UK-Irish agreement will be put on hold and made sure of a reasonable border, the United Kingdom will have another type agreement with the EU. Since they are not a direct member, but their whole arrangement will be concerning, which sort of trade agreement the UK will have with the EU. Since Ireland is part of the EU, the basic deal that UK will have with EU, will involve directly the manner of how the border will look. The open border will not be to Northern Ireland, if they become a third nation towards the EU, they will have to follow the measures that entails. It is not just customs, but migration in general.

So the Taiseach says the United Kingdom has to make a border that is fair since the voted for it. This shouldn’t hurt the Irish, because it was UK election who decided to have this and control their borders. That means, they also wants secure the borders towards Ireland and between Northern Ireland. Not only towards the rest of Europe and Calais, it must be broader and more systematic. Certainly, the Tories and the Brexiteers didn’t think this would be an issue, but they have to by all means work with a reasonable border, compared to how it is today. The UK has to respect their will to divorce themselves and the possible trade-agreement will affect their relationship with Ireland. Also, the effects between the joint peace agreement in Northern Ireland and how the border agreements there was written in.

This will be rocky road and nothing is certain, even the seals of the Scottish isn’t respected, only the Northern Irish FM Foster has that, wonder what sort of relationship the FM of Wales has with the PM. Especially, since the FM of Wales, also wants a payout to his Nation, since the Northern Irish got a massive pay-day after the snap-election. This Brexit will make the internal Union ugly, not only throwing trash at the Brussels, they have to clear-up show in Cardiff, Edinburgh and Belfast, as of their standing within the Union of United Kingdom. Peace.

Reference:

Learmonth, Andrew – ‘First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon told that Theresa May is too important to meet with her’ (22.07.2017) link: http://www.thenational.scot/news/15427709.First_Minister_of_Scotland_Nicola_Sturgeon_told_that_Theresa_May_is_too_important_to_meet_with_her/

The Guardian – ‘Ireland ‘will not design a border for the Brexiteers’, says taoiseach’ (28.07.2017) link: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/28/taoiseach-leo-varadkar-ireland-not-design-border-brexiteers?CMP=share_btn_tw

House of Lords recommend flexible approach to migration because of Brexit!

The United Kingdom and their tales of glory, the former Empire and giant industrial hub of Europe, clearly have forgotten their place and trying to distance themselves from Europe. It will not be as easy as the Brexiteers and the Conservative Party. The Tories has to find their way while the negotiations are continuing with the European Union (EU). The leaving will cause grand-issues with migrations and also how the borders will close or be have different visa procedures. Therefore, the labour market and businesses will be hurt by this. Not only the direct trading between the UK and EU, but who get ability to be hired and who cannot come and work in low-educated jobs and low payed jobs. This is what the House of Lords looked into, and it is important to look into the matter. Because the matter isn’t straight forward. The answer is more flexible than what the UKIP and Brexit supporters inside the Conservative Party. Just take a look!

Labour and Immigration:

EU nationals make up 7 per cent of the total workforce. The Labour Force Survey provides estimates of the number of EU nationals working in particular sectors and the proportion they make up of the overall total. For example, the concentration of EU nationals is significantly higher in some sectors, reaching 14.2 per cent in accommodation and food services” (House of Lords, P: 19, 2017).

We strongly recommend that the Government develop a new immigration policy for implementation once the UK has left the European Union. It should consult on the needs of business and on a

time frame for implementing the new policy. Any new immigration system should not make an arbitrary distinction between higher skilled and lower-skilled work on the basis of whether a job requires an undergraduate degree. British businesses must have access to expertise and skills in areas such as agriculture and construction that would at present be categorised as lower-skilled occupations” (House of Lords, P: 24, 2017).

Lack of Migration workers – higher cost for consumers:

As some of our witnesses highlighted, pay is not the only consideration but there are now a large number of migrant workers in some sectors who will not easily be replaced by domestic workers. Competitive labour markets will see some price adjustment in response to labour shortages, with an associated increase in local labour supply. However, in some sectors, business models may have to change. As noted in the example of agriculture, this is likely to lead to higher prices for consumers” (House of Lords, P: 26, 2017).

We warned in our 2008 report on immigration that employment of migrant workers could lead to businesses neglecting skills and training for British workers. As the example of nursing highlights, these fears appear to have been realised. Training for the domestic workforce needs urgently to be given a higher priority” (House of Lords, P: 28, 2017).

The Government must also acknowledge that in order to achieve some of its other policy objectives, such as building 225,000–275,000 new homes each year, lower-skilled immigration may be required in the medium term to provide the necessary labour” (House of Lords, P: 31, 2017).

The objective of having migration at sustainable levels is unlikely to be best achieved by the strict use of an annual numerical target for net migration. Instead, such a target runs the risk of causing considerable disruption by failing to allow the UK to respond flexibly to labour market needs and economic conditions, as the Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union has suggested is necessary. The objective of reducing migration to sustainable levels should be implemented flexibly and be able to take account of labour market needs, in particular during the implementation period” (House of Lords, P: 37, 2017).

You can easily see and envision the lack of agricultural short-term workers for heavy and low-paying jobs. This has to be hired by others and if they are UK citizens and such, they will not work for slice, but wont the whole pizza. That is why the end-game will be more cost for the consumer for what they in the past paid less for. Since the salaries of the UK citizens over the migrant worker are vastly different. Also, the possible problems of getting enough nursers and other educated to take the low-paying civil servants positions needed in the National Health Service. The House of Lords report can really show the implications of the migration and labour market the Brexit will have. Unless, the UK are planning such a soft border and open for EU nationals, than the changes will not be like night and day, but more like a similar day and just a little bit later on the same day.

Then the whole anti-Europe parades and campaigning lost. Since the Brexit became a shell of what it was supposed to be. It will be good for Europe and a pain for the Right in the UK. Certainly, the Farage’s of the world will hate this sort of report. Since the needed flexibility flexes against the will of the UKIP and Brexiteers amongst the Tories. They will be attacking this sort of report. Even if the Lords are impartial and uses accurate data. This shows the estimated effects of Brexit and the words of the Lords wasn’t dim! It can bring hope to Europe, but if the government will follow the recommendations and advise from the Lords; is something that time only can tell. Since the Tories would be showing weaker will to implement the idea behind the Brexit election, if they follow the advice of the Lords. That is not a easy bargain, but who said it would be? Peace.

Reference:

House of Lords – HL 11 – ‘Brexit and the Labour Market’ (21.07.2017)

Brexit: Request for a meeting and Comments to the UK Proposal 26 June (11.07.2017)

The Stormont talks stalled as DUP and Sinn Fein cannot find common-grounds for their Power-Sharing!

Today the Stormont talks in Northern Ireland was stopped after the negotiations wasn’t bearing fruit, the differences between Sinn Fein and Democratic Unionist Party we’re to big. Their approach to the devolution and previous agreements was apparently different. That is why the stalemate in Northern Ireland continues. This because the DUP are now in a ‘Confidence and Supply’ agreement with the Conservative Party.

It is ironic and sad that the DUP of Northern Ireland has to ask for the Taoiseach and Prime Minister of United Kingdom to participate in the talks. As the parties cannot find solutions or just actions to the problems ahead. Especially since the Prime Minister are already loyal to her partners in the DUP and not the Northern Ireland as a whole. She needs the DUP to have majority support in the House of Commons. They are a needed party to suffice her powers in London. That there are devolution problems and grand impartiality problems involved seems to come to the forefront.

That the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) seems to dwindle away, together with the 3 strands. There are little movement and any significant proof that Prime Minister Theresa May will salvage this now. She has already gotten invested with the DUP and that will over-power the Republicans of the Northern Ireland.

That Downing Street says James Brokenshire will engaged in the talks between the parties this coming week, isn’t giving me much ease. He is a crony of the London mob and the Conservative Party. It is not like he can deliver anything else than the memo’s and assigned mission of London. Not that the Sinn Fein or other parties of Northern Ireland will be respected. The Impartiality of London and United Kingdom is clearly a balance they cannot find now. That is why the talks are stalling and the deadline for devolution has passed.

It doesn’t matter what was said in the direct agreement between the DUP and Conservative Party, neither the Queens Speech. That is knickknacks of it all, but should not surprise anyone of the seriousness of the stalled approach to the GFA and devolution from London. As Sinn Fein came with this statement today:

Commenting after talks at Stormont today Sinn Féin MLA Gerry Kelly said:

Talks in Stormont broke up tonight without any agreement” (…) “The Sinn Fein negotiating team will be back at Stormont Castle tomorrow” (…) “After weeks of negotiations there is still no agreement by the DUP on the issues, of Acht na Gaeilge, the Bill of Rights, marriage equality, anti-sectarian measures, integrity and legacy, which collapsed the Assembly in January.” (Gerry Kelly, 30.06.2017).

That the other parties want to end the stalemate and give a new try for a power-sharing agreement between the DUP and Sinn Fein is clear. As they want the government running and make sure policies which is good for Northern Ireland appears again. Even if that means the misspending DUP and their Energy development needs to handled. Before the DUP uses their powers into new shady deals, even if they now have the support and the possible hand in the cookie jar in London. That can be seen by the massive tax-money spending in Northern Ireland. This because of the coalition between the DUP and Tories.

We can just see if the DUP and Tories will break the GFA totally, if they will stall the power-sharing or really create a non-government in Northern Ireland. So the devolution from Ireland and United Kingdom will not proceed in Belfast. Peace.

Tories-DUP Deal: UK Government Financial Support for Northern Ireland (26.06.2017)

Tories-DUP Deal: “Agreement between the Conservative and Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party on Support for the Government in Parliament” (26.06.2017)

A New Report finds that the Tories and EU are “in deep water” concerning the implementing the Brexit and at the same time honoring the Good Friday Agreement!

There are enough troubles over the seas and between the British Islands. It isn’t enough that a Northern Irish political party is forming a coalition with the Conservative Party. The Tories and Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) that is enough for breaking the impartiality in the devolution and following the Good Friday Agreement alone. But there are other parts of the Belfast Agreement or Good Friday Agreement that get touched in the possible break-up between the European Union and United Kingdom, which has the Northern Ireland as part of it. Therefore, the released report from House of the Oireachtas is important. What the reports point at is all the aspects that will affect the Northern Ireland and their citizens. As well, as the promised possibilities of movement of people and goods between Northern Ireland and Ireland. The Republic of Ireland and United Kingdom is jointly part of the Good Friday, they both have responsibilities towards the peace process and the devolution in Northern Ireland.

But to not put word in the mouth of the report. The issues it address, it does well on it is own!

For Strand 1 (Assembly and Executive), the question arises of whether powers held now at EU level will be devolved unchanged to the Assembly if the UK passes a ‘Great Repeal Bill’ intended to repatriate powers from the EU to the UK. Should it be decided to first change and then devolve these powers (e.g. in relation to employment rights or environmental standards), it is possible that there would be implications for the rights guaranteed by the Good Friday Agreement” (…) “For Strand 2 (North-South cooperation) it has been noted that the limited scope of the North South Ministerial Council (NSMC) and North-South implementation bodies means that much of their focus at present centres on EU-related work, for example management of EU funding and coordination on compliance with EU regulations. If Brexit means there is no longer an EU focus to Strand 2 the question arises as to how to ensure this Strand remains meaningful. It has been suggested that Strand 2 might provide a mechanism for enhanced North-South cooperation in the event of Brexit” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 11, 2017).

In total, since its inception 21 years ago the PEACE programme has provided over €2.2bn for important reconciliation work in Northern Ireland and the Irish border region, and INTERREG, since its inception 25 years ago, has provided over €1.1bn to encourage cross border cooperation in job creation and infrastructure development in Ireland, Northern Ireland and Western Scotland” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 23, 2017). “One of the main concerns expressed by many witnesses is the future of PEACE and INTERREG when the current programmes finish in 2020. The Committee notes and welcomes the UK Government’s commitment to guarantee EU funding until the end of 2020 but the uncertainty after that period is deeply worrying” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 24, 2017).

Now, more than ever before in the face of such political and economic uncertainty and instability in Northern Ireland, the importance of programmes that address issues such as intercommunity conflict, reconciliation, cross border cooperation and relationships, the development of infrastructure and jobs, needs to be recognised and these programmes protected. The Committee urges the Government to ensure the matter of EU funding for Northern Ireland and the border region remains high on the agenda and an expeditious solution is found for successor programmes after 2020” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 26, 2017).

The statements of the UK Government and the European Union acknowledging the importance of not returning to a hard border are welcome. Yet the uncertainty around what arrangements will be put in place and how these might affect trade flows, businesses with branches on both sides, movement of people living on one side and working in another is already taking a heavy toll. Brexit has also sharpened the focus on the immense gains of an invisible border, gains that for many had been heretofore taken for granted and underestimated but that are now keenly appreciated as their existence becomes threatened. These include economic gains (see the unemployment statistics below), as well as social, cultural and most importantly psychological gains” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 27, 2017).


“This weakness is likely to be compounded by Brexit with an expected reduction in cross border trade and economic cooperation, loss of FDI and loss of EU economic development funding. Northern Ireland’s anticipated 12.5% corporation tax rate was expected to boost inward investment however this was largely predicated on continued EU membership and access to the single market. The Committee further heard that the Brexit vote had already brought a considerable degree of uncertainty which is negatively impacting businesses and SMEs and is likely to remain for years. Businesses are less likely to invest in an unstable climate and Brexit is already creating barriers to the efficient conduct of business. Smaller businesses (SMEs) dependent on exports to Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK are being particularly badly hit” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 28, 2017).

The Common Travel Area predates Irish and British EU membership. It allows for free movement of Irish and British citizens between the islands of Ireland and Great Britain and guarantees the rights of Irish and British citizens to live and work in each other’s jurisdictions. However, there is no precedent for its operation with one State inside the EU and the other outside it” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 30, 2017).

The Committee acknowledges that much progress has been made but there remains a long way to go in addressing many outstanding legacy issues, dealing with ongoing justice and security matters and breaking down barriers and divisions between communities, both at a psycho-social level and in terms of access to services. Northern Ireland still faces enduring challenges of building and restoring inter-community harmony and addressing the legacy of its troubled history. It should be noted that the issue of sectarianism remains a significant problem in Northern Ireland. According to Cooperation Ireland, 95% of social housing in Northern Ireland is segregated; just 5% of children go to integrated schools. There were 18 so-called “peace walls” before the Good Friday Agreement, but there were 88 of them in 2008 – an incredible 70 additional walls erected since the Good Friday Agreement” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 34, 2017).

The Good Friday Agreement, in effect, provided equal identity to all. Many have availed of their right to hold an Irish passport. This gives rise to the unprecedented situation in which several hundred thousand Irish citizens, resident in Northern Ireland, will, overnight, and in most cases against their will, find themselves outside the European Union. As noted by Cooperation Ireland, “leaving the EU could raise issues of identity in ways that none of us can yet see.” (…) “Dr Morrow further cautioned that “unilateralism in the context of the Good Friday Agreement and uncertainty are both really serious and significant issues, all of which have potentially very major knock-on effects in a context of fragility.” (Houses of the Oireachtas, P: 35, 2017).

Brexit must not be a distraction from the important work of reconciliation, the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, addressing legacy issues and building cooperation. Northern Ireland’s concerns for stability and a continuing and seamless expression of Irish citizenship and identity require a unique answer and focus. We cannot see restrictions on movement of people again. Brexit is already having a psychological impact. It is absolutely essential to ensure there is no diminution or unravelling of the still fragile peace process. Dialogue must be encouraged at all times, between all parties and stakeholders within Northern Ireland, and on an all island basis” (House of the Oireachtas, P: 36, 2017).

Clearly, the Brexit implicates the Northern Irish very much not only the impartiality of the Tories government with a DUP infused powered cabinet. The Tories have to make sure the Good Friday Agreement are respected as part of the negotiations in the Brexit agreements. Therefore, the movement of Northern Irish together with a soft border between the Republic and the Northern Ireland is important. As both states United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland has stakes in Northern Ireland. The citizenship and devolution has to work together with becoming independent from the European Union. That is a hard bargain. The dialogue between the parties in Northern Ireland and the Tories government.

We can just see how the much all parties will respect the Good Friday Agreement, if the United Kingdom or the European Union together with their Member State Republic of Ireland want’s to honor the Northern Irish constituents. Certainly, the negotiations are just starting as the Brexit time table is only beginning for the Tories and their team. However, the Good Friday Agreement and the implications should be well-known for the United Kingdom and European Union. Therefore, to respect the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, should be very important, so that the state of affairs and the peaceful progress of the Belfast Agreement can implemented and also create a sustainable peace. There are enough stirring waters already, doesn’t need questionable behavior from London to make it worse. But that is only what time would tell. Clearly, the Tories government has to either sink or swim, but no matter what their feet will get wet. Peace.

Reference:

Houses of the Oireachtas – ‘Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement – The Implications of Brexit for the Good Friday Agreement: Key Findings’ (June 2017).

Tories-DUP: Not able to seal the DUP deal before the Queens Speech, PM May is wobbling into the future!

Theresa May is still struggling to have a majority government, as he the Queens Speech are happening within hours. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is playing hard with them and showing them how to negotiate. As they know they have most of the leverage and what Prime Minister Theresa May needs after a flawed and botched election campaign.

The Conservative Party under PM May looks like chaos and talks like chaos. Brexit Minister David Davis had to give way and accept the terms of the European Union, since the Cabinet and Parliament isn’t put into play yet, as the Queen hasn’t blessed the hallow halls in London. Certainly, the minority power of Northern Ireland is now playing with her.

Theresa May are clearly between rocks and no soft spaces. She is stuck between either a worse place or axing. Even as the disarray and uncertainty is not the stable government she pledged during the election, neither the reason for the election in the first place. The Tories isn’t building bridges or structures worth trust. More making sure they stay in office, than actually having plans and things in order. Just like it was revealed after the Brexit Referendum election, the Brexiteers who was running the campaign like Nigel Farage and Boris Johnson really had white paper on how to leave the Union. Instead, that has come in the months after the campaign and it has been very light reading.

The Tories, PM May are hanging by the thread since the 10 MPs that gives majority to Conservative Government is clearly not an easy buy-out for power. Since Arlene Foster now officially can control the Tories and their agenda for the next term. That is why the Queen has to be in the sorry state, where the Prime Minister and the Cabinet cannot inform her on the policy changes or more constructive legislation to speak-off. Since we don’t know if they are going to have orange marches in Oxford and London now. As a part of the agreement between Tories and DUP. They could even offer the most amazing infrastructure plan for Northern Ireland and lax border-control between Ireland and Northern Ireland. But who knows what sort of way the Tories has go to please the DUP?

Certainly, DUP can push their policies and what they need to deliver to their constituencies. The same can be said by the Tories, but the Tories are the partner who needs DUP. Not the other way around. The DUP and Tories if they are going together has lose key causes. That is the normal for any sort of agreement between two political parties forming a government or a coalition. If it wasn’t giving and taking, it would be one-party majority who did as they pleased. Something the Tories did until the election, which is ironic.

Arlene Foster can bushwhack London government and with full velocity, something they have clearly already done. The sources to Sky News and BBC News hasn’t been hopeful today, and seemingly, the chaos that May promised the voters if they voted for either SNP, Lib-Dems or Labour, has happen to her. It has hit the Tories like a wrecking-ball, we can just wait now for the back-stabbing and the ugly internal notes leaking to the press. This will describe the in-fighting and centralized control under May.

It isn’t only that DUP have control of the coalition, but the problems it can create in the negotiations after the peace-agreements in Northern Ireland and the National Assembly of Stormont. The outspoken Sinn Fein and others has their rights to be skeptic about the whole arrangement. The impartiality is out of the window with the clear gateway into Cabinet policy in London. The Belfast and Northern Ireland Peace Agreements are torn when the ink on the paper between DUP and Tories are official. That historical document will seal the definition of London Accord of forgetting the Good Friday Agreement.

Certainly, we will then officially know what is the most important for the Tories, not the United Kingdom, neither stability for the British Isle’s, only keeping themselves in power, and that by any means. Since they haven’t had good and thorough plans for Brexit, neither for the coalition, therefore the Tories are stumbling from one crisis into another. With all of this they might start eating “a whole other kettle of fish”. But as long as May stay in power the Tories thinks they are fine. But the Brexit negotiations might be hard and troubling as 7000 deals with the European Union (EU) has to be finalized during the next two years. At the same time they now has to consider more often the implications of the peace agreements in Northern Ireland and also kiss the ring of Arlene Foster.

Certainly, this will not be a walk in the park. This will be hurdle after hurdle. Wonder when it going to end and how this story is ending in certain peace. Since the Tories, PM May and Foster are clearly playing with high-stakes and not considering the implications of their actions. Since they just reacts and trying to save face by any means! Peace.

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