MinBane

I write what I like.

Archive for the tag “Bob”

Opinion: A 93 year old, apparently doesn’t need succession!

robert-mugabe3-660x400

The President of Zimbabwe, President Robert Mugabe, the man who is in the psalms, who was written to stay as a leader and even be voted on after death, that is if Grace Mugabe, the first lady gets her wish. The Zanu-PF which was created by him as he mended to parties together when he got rid of a rival; so many forgets the past history of how ZANU became Zanu-PF. The Patriotic Front was sucked into the merger for the political ambition of President Mugabe, as he swallowed and got rid of Joshua Nkomo. Nkomo also lost his party as it became one party Zanu-PF.

Therefore listening to the President and leader of decades upon decades Mugabe had to say this on his 93rd birthday:

“PRESIDENT Mugabe has warned ambitious lieutenants in his party who are angling to succeed him to stop fanning divisions, saying he will not be pressured into appointing his successor” (…) “He slammed succession-driven factional divisions in Zanu-PF, called for unity in the ruling party, and reaffirmed his position that whoever would succeed him was going to be chosen by the people through an election” (Gono, Mukarati & Tshuma, 2017).

The man who will run and continue to be the kingpin, the grand master of Zimbabwe, President Mugabe will not leave the republic and the reign before his last breath. The lasting regime and the will to stay is not only for his benefit, but for his closest allies and elite. The ones who drives flash cars in Harare, who owns the banks and export resources to abroad, also the ones who sells special-made cakes, lays chips and all sort of imported goods. That is who keeps breathing air into the Zanu-PF regime and Mugabe’s continues reign.

The ones who thinks this isn’t eating he system, isn’t costing the republics coffers, the possibility for good governance and accountability are not there with a man who rules and give the rules, without following any common-sense himself. A man has used any trick possible in the book and use all sort force to gain his will.

Are now imposing him and continuing his ill-will reign with the force of his army and sometimes like in the past mercenaries or paid forces from North Korea even. Because Mugabe doesn’t believe in democracy, but in his power to reign by all means!

Also, so his family can benefit and earns wealth on his reign. The Mugabe clan must surely have become rich from all of these years. If not why would he not step down and give way for somebody else? That is because he knows that all that is created around him and his family de facto disappears the day he leaves. However, the Mugabe name will tarnish history of a liberator turned Orwellian master. Nobody foresaw the transformation, but over time he has showed more and more traits of a scrupulous leader who use any means to stay and to forge the power around him. Therefore, the ones near him and the first lady are loyal fellows with no spine. If they had spine they would be beaten by the Police in protest, getting produced in courts or starving, even lacking civil service salaries. That is the means of lacking of governance and institutions as it all is and has been all Mugabe.

So there is no surprise, that the future casket President and the one ruling into death. So why be subtle about it. That is not the need of the Mugabe regime now. They are beating civilians, detaining civilian activists and silencing the opposition. Therefore, they feel invisible to anyone who thinks they can bring down President Mugabe. Peace.

Reference:

Gono, Vincent, Mukarati, Levi & Tshuma Nduduzo – ‘NO PRESSURE ON SUCCESSOR: President speaks on party divisions, bond notes’ (26.02.2017) link: http://www.sundaynews.co.zw/no-pressure-on-successor-president-speaks-on-party-divisions-bond-notes/

Advertisements

Super-President Mugabe will reign in the votes even after his death!

Robert Mugabe

“Even when Mugabe dies, we will vote for his corpse and it will win an election”Grace Mugabe, 17.02.17, 2:06pm” (Patson Dzmara, 17.02.2017).

Well, for me this isn’t surprising, as the Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko and others has claimed that President Robert Mugabe is biblical and has to rule for eternity. That eternity is damn long, its decades upon decade, which makes the Lancaster House agreement of 1980s seems like small fry and the Ian Smith regime like a token of misjudgement. Since President Mugabe will now extend his rule beyond the grave.

The citizens of Zimbabwe will pay their respects with giving him the votes when he has even caught his last breath and eaten his last meal. When his body is so deep into dirt and vanishing inch by inch six feet under, the public will still drop ballots in his honour. The power of Mugabe is so strong that his earthly remains will not stop the Zimbabweans from showing their political will and to stand behind his Zanu-PF banner.

President Mugabe, the former freedom fighter will control his people beyond his grave and with the codes of elections through the same electorate. This is wishes of his beloved wife Grace Mugabe, which the power beholden to Mugabe is now so strong and powerful that it will sway people to vote for him even when the heartbeat of the brother has stopped.

So even if the President Mugabe pump isn’t working, he has no pulse, no breath or even walking; he will still have the ability to get the Zimbabweans to show loyalty and his party. The Zanu-PF must be rudderless and be without a proper head if the man they have as leader will be dead and gone. Mugabe should be a memory and legacy of the Zimbabwean nation. Not a figure, not a man who would extend his reign beyond his life.

Zimbabwe must have one brother or sister who is able to sway voters after the demise and last breath of President Mugabe. There are certainly somebody else who has the ability to gain the popularity and the righteous reign after the Zanu-PF head-honcho of decades upon decades should leave a new leader behind. That is certainly something the First Lady of Zimbabwe doesn’t believe in.

That Zanu-PF leadership, the Zanu-PF Youth League and all the other political leaders must feel left behind, when the corpse and the legacy of the long-serving president Mugabe can win and run elections from his place in graveyard. So politically Grace Mugabe must see the Zanu-PF as a total dead party. With that meaning that nobody else should run than a dead man. That means the internal or primary elections are pointless, as no matter who would run for being flag-bearer is not necessary since the man is already handpicked.

So who need democracy and elections when the dead is still ruling, Grace must fear for herself and her riches, when she depends on the Presidents executive position; that must be most important reason for her will to belief that the citizens still will elect her husband after his demise. Certainly, there should be others who could pick his mantle and continue where he left off?

I feel sorry for the other who are in the party of President Mugabe; they can’t even compete with the biblical and have the ability to roam the nation. The future leaders and the ones coming after must feel passed over. The youth and the ones in Zanu-PF must feel like they are walked over. Certainly, it must hurt that they are double-crossed by a deceased, not a loyalist to Mugabe even. They will not match up to the dead man. Mugabe, even in death surpasses the living in skill, expertise and the vision to give anyone else the possibility to run. So with this in mind, the President and Mugabe will by all means not rest in peace. He will reign in turbulence and let his soul roam the nation, even after his passing. Peace.

Advocacy Brief on Kenya: 15th Session of the Assembly of State Parties (ASP) to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court 16-24 November, 2016 (21.11.2016)

kptj

Background

At the height of the violence that gripped Kenya after the disputed 2007 elections, the Party of the National Unity and the Orange Democratic Movement, who were parties to the conflict, wrote to the International Criminal Court (ICC) seeking its intervention to stop what they called genocide. A local investigatory commission with international participation found that some actions during the post-election violence likely met the threshold of crimes against humanity and recommended the establishment of a Special Tribunal for Kenya, or in the alternative, the handover of the sealed evidence to the Prosecutor at the ICC.

Efforts to establish the Tribunal were defeated by political forces aligned to suspected perpetrators, hence triggering the handover of evidence to the ICC and the subsequent investigation. Six Kenyans were named in connection with seven crimes against humanity charges; the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II confirmed charges against four suspects. Two suspects – Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto were subsequently elected President and Deputy President, respectively, before their trials could begin at the ICC. Thereafter, the Prosecutor withdrew charges against two suspects – Francis Muthaura and Kenyatta – citing witness bribery and intimidation, as well as failure by the Kenya government to cooperate with the court. The remaining case against Ruto and journalist Joshua arap Sang was terminated citing “intolerable levels of witness interference and political meddling”.

Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice (KPTJ) has followed closely the developments around accountability for the crimes committed during the 2007 post-election violence. Since the opening of the investigations in March 2010, we have observed certain shortcomings and challenges on the part of the Government of Kenya, the ICC, the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) and the African Union (AU). This brief seeks to focus on key issues emerging from the situation that the ICC and international justice finds itself in today, while drawing linkages from how the Kenya cases and other ICC cases were managed. KPTJ also makes recommendations on actions that require to be undertaken by the ASP, the ICC and African governments in order to address the emergent challenges.

  1. Engage and Withdraw Simultaneously?

A Contradiction in the Mandate of the AU Open Ended Committee

  1. The 27th ordinary session of the African Union’s assembly in July 2016 issued a decision on the ICC[1] pursuant to a similar one from the previous session[2]. Besides praising the court’s termination of the case against Kenya’s Deputy President William Ruto, the AU outlined a five-point agenda for the Open-Ended Committee of Foreign Ministers on the ICC, which included the following:
  • Engaging with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) before the January 2017 AU Summit and before the 15th Assembly of State Parties in November 2016.
  • Maintaining the earlier decision from January 2016, to develop a comprehensive strategy to inform the actions of AU member states that are party to the Rome Statute; a strategy that includes collective withdrawal from the ICC.
  • Concluding a review of the ICC’s interpretation of Article 93 of the Rome Statute regarding the compulsion of unwilling witnesses to testify, with a view to inform debate at the 15th
  • Conveying the message that AU member states object to the inclusion of language requiring the UNSC to mandate UN peace-keeping missions to enforce arrest warrants in Africa.
  • Utilising the AU Mission in Brussels, Belgium, as the secretariat to the Open-ended Ministerial Committee and provision of institutional support to the African Group in The Hague, Netherlands, to ensure effective coordination of its activities.
  1. The AU has since held a meeting with the UNSC in September 2016 to present pre-formulated terms developed by the Open-ended Ministerial Committee as conditions to keep African States as parties to the Rome Statute. These conditions were as follows[3]:
  • Immunity under the ICC’s Rome Statute for sitting heads of state and government as well as senior officials;
  • Intervention of the ICC in cases involving African states only after those cases have been submitted to the AU or AU judicial institutions; and
  • Reduction in the powers of the ICC Prosecutor.
  1. Recent developments have seen South Africa, Burundi and The Gambia commence processes to withdraw from the ICC; seemingly as part of actualising the intention cited in the agenda of the Open-ended Ministerial Committee. These actions expose the agenda by the AU to be disingenuous and presupposes that the deliberations within the ASP would be futile.. The wave of withdrawals occurs against a counter-wave of support for the Court by countries including Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia and Botswana[4]; an indication that the strategy for mass withdrawal does not enjoy the consensus suggested by the AU decision of July 2016. These countries have suggested that concerns expressed by African states are not insurmountable and can be addressed within the framework of the ASP. Their support for the ICC underscores the fact that the obligations under the Rome Statute are State obligations and not AU obligations; as such, decisions on withdrawal will be based on national interest that cannot be assumed by the AU.
  1. Furthermore, the strategy for AU member states to withdraw undermines the other outlined agenda items of engagement with the ASP, such as the review of the interpretation of Article 93 of the Rome Statute and the enforcement of arrest warrants. Such contradictory actions raise the question of whether the AU is negotiating ICC reforms in good faith.
  1. In light of the foregoing, KPTJ recommends that:
  • African States abandon and disregard calls for mass withdrawal from the Court and instead consolidate the member bloc to advance their concerns within the bounds of the ASP in deliberations based on good faith.
  • African states should continue to publicly reaffirm their support for engaging with the ICC through the ASP and prevail on the AU to adjust its engagement strategy accordingly. We applaud the statements made by Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia and Botswana.
  • An ICC Liaison Office should be established at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa to facilitate more productive and sustained communication between African States and the ICC as part of restoring a relationship that has become plagued by mistrust and misunderstandings.
  1. Absence of Accountability?

Peace, Security and Stability

  1. The characterisation of the ICC as undermining the peace and security of states or threatening their stability has become a recurring theme by those advocating disengagement or withdrawal from the ICC. In its notice of withdrawal, South Africa claims that its aspirations for the peaceful resolution of conflicts were being hindered by its obligations under the Rome Statute[5] to arrest Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir when he attended the June 2015 AU Summit in Johannesburg. Kenyan government officials have also previously described the cases against Kenyatta and Ruto as an existential threat to peace and stability.
  2. A closer scrutiny of this assertion in the face of ongoing conflict situations suggests the contrary. The absence of accountability processes does not necessarily facilitate peaceful resolution of conflicts; the South Sudan and Burundi conflicts instead point to protagonists willing to escalate violence, even in the context of peace negotiations. Burundi and The Gambia have commenced processes to withdraw from the ICC at a time when their respective governments stand accused of acts of repression and mass human rights violations. Rather than advance the cause for peace, the clamour for withdrawal from the ICC is playing into the hands of those wary of the prospects of accountability in the aftermath of conflict. Even more concerning is an apparent trend of rising post-election violence, such as that witnessed in Kenya previously and in Gabon currently, or violence stemming from efforts to instal third-term incumbencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Burundi. Such trends are bound to persist in the absence of mechanisms for accountability, of which the ICC is a critical component.
  3. The assertion that the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (African Court) and its proposed expanded criminal jurisdiction through the Malabo Protocol would fill in any void created by a mass withdrawal from the ICC is erroneous. The African Court is a distant prospect for addressing the impunity gap: it is far from being operational. Since 2013, only five states namely Benin, Kenya, Congo, Guinea Bissau and Mauritania have signed but not ratified the Malabo Protocol, which requires the ratification of 15 states to begin operations. Kenya is the only state thus far that has made a financial pledge of USD 1 million to operationalise the court — a far cry from the resources required for a court of broad jurisdiction consisting of a mandate on human rights as well as international law and interstate disputes. It has previously been estimated that a singular international criminal trial costs USD 20 million to undertake. In addition, the protocol contains contentious provisions that undermine its viability as an alternative platform for international crimes, the most notable being the clause of immunity for sitting heads of state and senior government officials. As a testament to the inability of the African Court to be an immediate replacement of the ICC as desired by some, even South Africa through its Justice Minister has indicated that it will ask for a review of the Malabo Protocol to address contentious issues. Furthermore, limited progress has been made towards establishing national mechanisms that can sufficiently undertake the obligation of accountability for international crimes.
  4. KPTJ recognises the pursuit of justice in conflict and post-conflict settings as an essential pillar of rebuilding democracies and restoring rule of law. These are the pathways to lasting peace, security and stability. Rather than push to void international justice mechanisms after the conflict to facilitate mediation, we recommend that:
  • African states fully implement and consistently apply already established norms on democracy, peace and security as a preventative measure to conflict including: the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights; the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance and; the African Governance Architecture.
  • African states must critically reflect on and address the issues of the African Court’s capacity, accessibility, legal standards outlined for crimes under international law and expunge provisions conferring immunity on sitting Heads of State and senior government officials. This process must not be rushed or predicated on a manufactured crisis precipitated by a strategy of mass withdrawal from the ICC.
  • African states should establish robust and credible national mechanisms to address the accountability question at first instance and in complementarity with regional and international mechanisms. They must also broaden their policy considerations to include comprehensive reparation programmes for victims of international crimes.
  • Disparity between State Obligations and Reality?

A look at State Cooperation

  1. The Kenya and Sudan cases have exposed the frailties within the Rome Statute framework in as far as state cooperation is concerned. These cases have laid waste to the presumption that States will willingly engage with the court in the face of cases seeking to prosecute sitting heads of state, their deputies or powerful elites in close proximity to power. State cooperation has only demonstrably worked in instances where the target for prosecution is a vanquished foe of conflict as seen in the cases of Uganda and Cote d’Ivoire, that are fast advancing a notion of “victor’s justice”. This challenge is further compounded by the fact that the final recourse for addressing the lack of state cooperation rests with the ASP. The ASP being a political organ of the Rome Statute is influenced by political rather than purely legal considerations in making its decisions, which makes the issue of resolving the non-cooperation of states problematic. A final challenge to state cooperation is the failure of the United States, China and Russia to ratify the Rome Statute while also being members of the UNSC with the power of referral of matters to the court. This has created the notion of double standards within the international justice system and emboldened other states to disregard cooperation with the court.
  2. KPTJ calls on the members of the UNSC who have not ratified the Rome Statute to display leadership on State cooperation with the court by first ratifying the Statute and utilising its discretion on referral and deferral in a manner that adheres to the objectives of the Statute. We further wish to reiterate that state cooperation must denote effective cooperation that facilitates the mandates of the respective organs of the court and not feigned cooperation which creates the perception of facilitating the court but in fact consists of using procedural and technical obstacles to undermine the court. We call on the ASP to adopt a consistent and objective legal standard in the assessment of state cooperation.
  3. Are there lessons to be learned?

Taking stock of the experience in the Kenya cases

  1. The Kenya cases and the manner of their termination carry critical lessons for consideration to inform future actions by the court and the content of reforms within the strategic plans of its respective organs. The Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) as well as the bench on various occasions decried the instances of witness tampering and intimidation as well as non-cooperation by the state in responding to the OTP requests for information and a failure to execute ICC warrants of arrest with respect to three Kenyans suspected of witness tampering. This in fact has led to a finding of non-compliance against Kenya and led to its referral to the ASP under article 87(7) of the Rome Statute. In the midst of all this, was an unprecedented and disruptive diplomatic effort that deliberately exerted political pressure on the court with a view to influencing the outcome of the Kenya cases. It is arguable that these diplomacy efforts yielded the concession of excusing President Kenyatta and Deputy President Ruto from continuous presence at their trial and that the current wave of withdrawals from the ICC on the basis of an apparent bias by the court against Africans are a fallout from these diplomatic efforts. The capitulations of the cases have also pointed to significant flaws in the investigative and prosecutorial approaches that informed the development of the cases and must lead to some introspection from the relevant mechanisms. The fact that the Trust Fund for Victims is yet to commence operations in Kenya cannot go without mention.
  2. KPTJ urges all the organs of the court to reflect on these experiences and take due cognisance of the following lessons and recommendations:
  • The ICC, particularly the ASP, should do more to ensure that it does not allow political statements to interfere with the judicial independence of the Court.
  • The ICC should ensure that it takes steps to respond to messages of a political nature and correct inaccurate statements in a timely manner. In addition, it should ensure that such key messages reach the right audiences, including victims and affected communities.
  • The Court should continue to build its relationship with African States that openly support the mandate of the ICC; in addition, the ICC should do more to improve its relationship with, and image at, the AU.
  • The Trust Fund for Victims should commence operations in Kenya, as victims have received little to no assistance from the Kenyan government.
  • The Prosecutor should carefully consider when to request ‘summons to appear’ as opposed to ‘warrants of arrest’ and take into account the individual circumstances of each accused person in doing so, particularly their potential to intimidate witnesses and interfere with evidence.
  • Swift action should be taken by the Prosecutor and the Court in instances of non-cooperation by States Parties. Any instances of non-cooperation should be resolved as speedily as possible, in such a manner that the outcome of proceedings on non-cooperation can be applied to strengthen an ongoing case and not be delayed to the point that the outcome is only of academic significance.
  • The Prosecutor should continue to carry out a review of its investigative strategies and methods in order to improve its chances of success at trial.
  • The Prosecution should ensure that its staff are able to spend as much time as possible on better understanding the context and nuances of a given situation country.
  1. Pursuit of reform without prejudice?

UN Reform vs ICC Reform

  1. The unique role played by UNSC in referral and deferral of cases before the ICC means that the debates on reforming the court and reforming the UN and in particular the UNSC have inevitably intersected. We have witnessed both undertones and overt accusations of imperialism and undue influence directed at the court on account of cases on Africa referred to it by the UNSC (Libya and Sudan). Arguments made to amend the Rome Statute to confer immunity for sitting heads of state and senior government officials are laced with grievance against the UNSC permanent five members possessing a de facto immunity from prosecution under the ICC on account of their veto power. The end result is a misdirected effort to amend the Rome Statute or in the extreme withdraw from the ICC on the basis of perceived excesses that are better addressed by engaging the broader debate of UN reforms.
  1. While KPTJ acknowledges the slanted relationship of the UNSC with the court and supports a robust conversation on its reforms, we call on states not to misdirect the agenda of reforming the UNSC into discussions on improving the functions of the court and occasion amendments to the Rome statute that sacrifice the future of the court as part of a bargaining process on UNSC reforms. We call on African states in particular, to distinguish the broader question of UN reforms as enshrined in the “Ezulwini Consensus” from the question of reforming the Rome Statute and reflecting on the performance of the court. We call upon African member states to the Rome Statute not to sacrifice the promise of justice for victims of atrocity crimes at the altar of grievance against the unequal power relations represented by the UN Security Council.

end/kptj/16.06.2016

——–

About KPTJ:

This brief was prepared by Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice (KPTJ), a coalition of Kenyan citizens and over 30 organisations working in the human rights, governance and legal fields that came together during the crisis over the disputed results of the 2007 presidential election to seek truth and accountability for the elections and the widespread violence that followed; and who continue to work closely with the victims of that period. It is a brief update on the situation in Kenya as pertains to pursuing accountability for the crimes against humanity committed during the 2007-2008 Post-Election Violence as well as its adherence to its obligations under the Rome Statute.

[1] Assembly/AU/Dec.616 (XXVII)

[2] Assembly/AU/Dec.590(XXVI)

[3] Press Release: “UN/African Union: Reject ICC withdrawal”. Available here: http://www.khrc.or.ke/2015-03-04-10-37-01/press-releases/552-un-african-union-reject-icc-withdrawal.html

[4] Article: “Which African states slammed Burundi, South Africa and Gambia’s withdrawal from ICC?” Available here: http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/which-african-states-slammed-burundi-south-africa-gambias-withdrawal-icc-1589711

[5] https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/South-Africa-Instrument-of-Withdrawal-International-Criminal-Court.jpg

Opinion: VP Mphoko has lost the ‘plot’ and Mugabe is in the biblical Psalms!

MPEKEZELA-MPHOKO

As the Zimbabwean economy is in shambles, the ATMs are pushing out South African Rand’s instead of US Dollars, the Zimbabwean state are letting this flag demonstrators go to jail, letting students protesting at a Cricket match go to jail. The Government are busy shedding and putting cyber-crime to the forefront of the agenda, together with escalation of the computer prices. As the Mugabe government are hostile to War Veterans, Lawyers, Pastors and everybody else than the Zanu-PF elite.

It was already earlier in the last month, claimed that Mugabe was biblical. I wrote my piece on it, but the leadership and honourable Vice President of Zimbabwe we’re more direct yesterday, actually saying the bible was directly quoting the proof of the unjust and authoritarian regime under President Mugabe. First take the words of VP Mphoko. Before we look into the bible-verse Mugabe apparently is written into!

VP Mphoko wise words yesterday:

“I hear that there are people who are fasting for 40 days, praying to God for the President to die. What these people don’t know is that President Mugabe was chosen by God before he was appointed by the people” (…) “I’m wondering what kind of churches and what kind of people would kneel down and pray for someone’s death. The President was created by God in your absence but you have the nerve to ask God to destroy that person yet God has a purpose for him. What has gotten into us?” (…) “President Mugabe was born on the 2tst and if you read the psalms 21 it says I’ll give you a crown of leadership and long life. That’s President Mugabe’s prophecy from God. Those who are against the prophecy are wasting their time by fasting and praying for his death” (Vambe, 2016).

niv2_1431552515

Psalms 21:

“1The king rejoices in your strength, Lord.

How great is his joy in the victories you give!

2You have granted him his heart’s desire

and have not withheld the request of his lips.

3You came to greet him with rich blessings

and placed a crown of pure gold on his head.

4He asked you for life, and you gave it to him—

length of days, for ever and ever.

5Through the victories you gave, his glory is great;

you have bestowed on him splendor and majesty.

6Surely you have granted him unending blessings

and made him glad with the joy of your presence.

7For the king trusts in the Lord;

through the unfailing love of the Most High

he will not be shaken.

8Your hand will lay hold on all your enemies;

your right hand will seize your foes.

9When you appear for battle,

you will burn them up as in a blazing furnace.

The Lord will swallow them up in his wrath,

and his fire will consume them.

10You will destroy their descendants from the earth,

their posterity from mankind.

11Though they plot evil against you

and devise wicked schemes, they cannot succeed.

12You will make them turn their backs

when you aim at them with drawn bow.

13Be exalted in your strength, Lord;

we will sing and praise your might” (New International Version, 2011 – https://www.bible.com/no/bible/111/psa.21).

If you can find Mugabe in the Holy Scripture and the prophecy in it, then you are deluded or trying to mend the biblical times with ours. So the celebration for a victory done in King David time, all of a sudden has meaning for the current President Mugabe. Proves that the VP Mphoko have to study his bible and his words. The usage of bible and the Holy Scriptures to defend a tyrant and a dictator isn’t actually that noble or honest. He is part of the Zanu-PF cronies and proves how far he will go defend the master and breadwinner who have a luxurious lifestyle. This is something Mphoko also done with his long stay at luxurious hotel on the billings of Zimbabwean tax-payers.

Pope Jean Paul II Quote

I will quote the late Pope Jean Paul II that wrote this about the same Psalm:

“At the heart of Psalm 21[20], the Liturgy of Vespers has left out the part we have just heard and omitted another section with an imprecatory tone (cf. vv. 9-13). The remaining preserved part speaks in the past and in the present of the favours God has granted the king, while the omitted part speaks of his future victory over his enemies” (…) “The text that is the subject of our meditation (cf. vv. 2-8, 14) belongs to the category of the royal Psalms. It is therefore centred on God’s work for the Hebrew sovereign, perhaps portrayed on the solemn day of his enthronement. At the beginning (cf. v. 2) and at the end (cf. v. 14), the acclamation of the entire gathering almost seems to ring out, whereas the heart of the canticle has the tone of a thanksgiving hymn which the Psalmist addresses to God for the favours he has granted the king: “goodly blessings” (v. 4), “length of days” (v. 5), “glory” (v. 6) and “joy” (v. 7)” (…) “It is easy to perceive that this hymn, as occurred with other royal Psalms in the Psaltery, was given a new interpretation when the monarchy in Israel disappeared. In Judaism it had already become a hymn in honour to the Messiah-king, thus paving the way to the Christological interpretation which is precisely used in the liturgy” (…) “Along these lines, St Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons, commenting on this Psalm, was to apply the theme of life (cf. Ps 21[20]: 5) to Christ’s Resurrection: “Why does the Psalmist say: “Life you have asked for’, since Christ was about to die? In this way, the Psalmist proclaims his Resurrection from the dead and his immortality after rising from th dead. In fact, he entered life in order to rise again, and through the space of time in eternity, so as to be incorruptible” (Esposizione della Predicazione Apostolica, 72, Milan, 1979, p. 519)” (Jean Paul II, 2004).

That isn’t saying a prophecy of the reign of Mugabe as VP Mphoko said recently. When it comes to theological questions I prefer a scholar in this and not a political experienced Zanu-PF man who claims the Mugabe place inside the Holy Scripture.

The only justified words of VP Mphoko are the praying and fasting for the death of Mugabe. Mugabe is a human and at one point stop to reign Zimbabwe. At one point the man will stop breathing like all of the rest of ordinary people. The Christians of Zimbabwe should pray for their leadership and that God should send them honorable men. Also for men of faith to run the country as the bible teaches them to do. As the proverbs and other scriptures says about honesty, truth and managing resources. Though the bible is more about mercy and salvation, but has other scriptures as well. Still, haven’t seen anywhere Mugabe been parts of the prophecy and the future knowledge of any of the prophets. That is just me though. Peace.

Reference:

Vambe, Lex – ‘Mugabe’s Death : VÅ Mphoko shocked and angered by prayer requests’ (08.08.2016) link: http://www.thezimbabwenewslive.com/politics-24052-mugabes-death-vp-mphoko-shocked-angered-prayer-requests.html

Jean Paul II – ‘General Audience’ (17.03.2004) link: http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/audiences/2004/documents/hf_jp-ii_aud_20040317.html

President Mugabe is biblical, who knew?

Mugabe Bible

I don’t know if the Zimbabwean churches have their own version or limited editions of Biblical Scriptures as their Executive or President are apparently written into it. For some reason as a Christian, I have lost the plot and lost the place of H.E. Mugabe there. So here is some of the words said about the man lingering in power.

The original version of New International Version (NIV) of the Bible in Jeremiah 29:11 says this: “11 For I know the plans I have for you,” declares the LORD, “plans to prosper you and not to harm you, plans to give you hope and a future”. While in the Zimbabwean it might says this: “11 For I know Mugabe’s plans have for you, “ declares the LORD, “plans to prosper you and not harm you, Mugabe plans to give you hope and a future”.

I might be wrong, but the Zimbabwean version of the bible like this too, as the President Mugabe could also be in this scripture which is NIV Philippians 4:13 says: “13 I can do all this through him who gives me strength”, but the Zimbabwean might say’s this: “13 I can do all this through Mugabe who gives me strength”.

Enough of the mockery and destruction of the holy Bible, as the President have been in position of the holiness and grandeur place. First of is his wife who have great faith in her man. With this in mind, Grace Mugabe the first lady said this: “You’re irreplaceable” (…) “continue with his leadership even from the National Heroes Acre in event of death.” (News24, 2015).

As he is supposed to still have the power and ability to run Zimbabwe from the dead, he is also greater then Moses, apparently. This been said by Bishop and Church leader Nehemiah Mutendi said this: “You (president) have managed to do what Moses could not achieve because Moses did not go with the people of Israel to Canaan but you were with us at independence and you are still with us” (Mawawa, 2016).

The Zanu-PF leader Kudzai Chipang is a little more on planet earth, though also have faith that he is written in the bible and said this: “Mr Mugabe will die in office. It was written in the Bible that he won’t just rule the country, but would die in office.” (AfricanSpotlight, 2016).

So if you have learned anything by this today and I feel sorry for youth and Christians in Zimbabwe, if this is the common-grounds, as the President is attacking #ThisFlag activist and Pastor Evan Mawarire who certainly not written into the bible, but is still a man of integrity and fight for justice. Something President Mugabe was a few decades ago, but now is recited in the holy scriptures and has the ability to be walking dead; still hunting white colonialists while stealing monies from the state-coffers to his cronies. Maybe that is written in the Zimbabwean edition in the books of Revelations? I think that is enough for now. Peace.

Reference:

AfricanSpotlight – ‘The Bible says Mugabe will rule ‘until he dies’ – Party leader’ (20.07.2016) link: http://africanspotlight.com/2016/07/20/the-bible-says-mugabe-will-rule-until-he-dies-party-leader/

Mawawa, Terrence – ‘Mutendi: Mugabe is greater than the bible’ (04.03.2016) link: http://www.zimeye.net/mutendimugabe-is-greater-than-bible-icon-moses/

News24 – ‘Irreplaceable’ Mugabe will still be leader when he’s dead – Grace’ (26.05.2016) link: http://www.news24.com/Africa/Zimbabwe/irreplaceable-mugabe-will-still-be-leader-when-hes-dead-grace-20160526

Post Navigation

%d bloggers like this: